The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 7, 1933, Page 4

By SAM DON. SCHNOCRACY emphasized dra~ matically for us the danger of Social-demagogy. We must rec! nize that we fe Neglected to de- velop wide-spread propaganda ex- Plaining to the masses the cause of’ the present crisis. We are not sufficiently establishing before ther: the program of the Communist 1 ternational. The growing ele tary dissatisfaction of the ma ig not deepened sufficiently through propaganda. On the bas of developing uggles for t im Tediate needs of the ma also necessary to bring mor tical consciousness into the ifig. struggles of the worker The pamphlet of Comrades and Browder on “Technoc: Marxism” must be considered 2 propa Foster and important weapon in our ganda literature. We need n ike space here to re-emphas she importance of this pamphlet. It must, however, be stated the districts have not been tive to the importance of it. A few facts: First. as to the Chi- cago district. ‘The Daily Worker of February Ist carried a stat of'the Chicago District on tec cracy. The statem f the trict analyzed the rea: ad pi pose of technocracy. After analysis the statement asks must we do?” And the first is: “Combat ideologically ai pose the entire mesh of anti th ‘What tan theories developed by the tech- nocrats and social fascists.” What did the District actually do? If we are to judge from its orders for the pamphlet “Technocracy and Marxism”, the conclusion would be that nothing is being done to com bat technocracy ideologic: ‘The statement also winds up with the following paragraph: “Popula: the achievements of the Soviet Union, the advance of science and technology, and how it raised the standard of living of the Soviet worker.” The same pamphlet on “Technocracy and Marxism” also contains a speech of Comrade Molo- toy on the Technical Intelligentsia and Socialist Construction”. The Pamphlet therefore meets some of the needs which the Chicago Dis- trict placed before itself in its cam- paign against technocracy. So far the Chicago District has not or- dered a single copy of the pamph- let. Here we see a disparity be- tween words and deeds. We hope that this will be immediately cor- rected. T= following districts also have not ordered any copies: District 4, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16 and 17. Some leading districts like District 9 « dered only 350 copies. Districts 1 and 18, much smaller, have or- dered 400 and 309 respective! those districts which take seriously the question of our propaganda against bourgeois ideology, where the district leadership takes a per- Sonal interest in the question, greater orders have been placed. What better weapon is there in our hands in refuting the bour- geois theories on the present cri through . propaganda, than thi Popularization of Marxism? This. hhawever, is not realized sufficier by the Party. Jn our Ba Ne cat agi 6 fagcism which must in the first place be based on the policy of the yRited front, it is also necessary to state our programatic position on the basic principle questions of our fight ageinst capitalism and our atruggle for power. In connection with the 50th Ar tilversary of the death of Karl Marx, a special edition of the Com- @nunist Manifesto (5c) and the eachings of Karl Marx by Lenin #10c) have been gotten out. Tesponse of the districts, however, ‘to these special editions is neglig- ible.” Districts 1, 4, 5, 8(1), 10, 11, 12; 13, 15, 16, 19, have not ordered a@ single copy of the two mentioned pamphlets. Philadelphia did not order any copies either. ‘These defects on the circulation of the Technocracy and Marxism pamphlet, the special edition of the Communist Manifesto and the Is Our Propaganda Against Boss Ideology Effective? Poblich 8th St, New by the Comprodaily Publishing Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York, Deachi of Karl M now that the distr ider the question o: connect an in | sale of literature 4 few literature directo: | shops without the proper political | and organizational ps on the part | of the district 1 hip Urns leaflets published by T leafiets which | emphasize the fact that not enough care is taken } in combinin presentation with t content of our agi- tation anda. the Chicago Dis- Memorial meet- how not to write t discuss every flet. This Lenin Chicago District was written without stness in speak- s and explaining 0 position io them. The very fi ence of the leaflet begins with ocracy. We believe that in et this should not rting point of the di | } cussion of what Leninism stands | for in our struggle in the United } States. Then the leaflet lumps nd social fe united front mpoverished ide the social technocrats ‘The and and leaders whose main objective is to defeat fascist ” It is certainly technocracy as a s of deceiving the workers, our struggle against social- m is far more basic and in winning the worker away from capitalism, than an exposure 5 leaflet fur- ninism means the rmination of op- the working cl: correct ght of ] peoples, the Negro, the | Philippino and all.(!)” (Our em- phasis). In the first place the slo- gan for the Phil not self-determina! the leaflet say “and all’ do we have in mind when we say and all? More care must be taken as to how we present our ideas to the workers, and not in the care- less manner as it is done in this leaflet. few remarks on the question of simplicity. We certainly must | make the greatest effort to speak | simply. But do we mean by simp- licity merely the use of simple Not at all. The question ty is to present the is- id our slogans to the work- ers in such a language which cor- responds to their needs, which ex- press their conditions. Simple words without regard to ideas ex- , without regard to the con- nt, is a vulgarization of simplic- | We believe that this | respects the case with the Chicago | Lenin leaflet. | | In preparation for war the bour- geoisie is increasing its campaign of chauvinism. This is clearly seen in connection with the question of the collection of debts. In the } preparation for war against the Soviet Union we have a steady campaign of lies on the achieve- ments of the Five-Year Plan. Par- ticularly in our propaganda against war must we be sensitive to answer every phase of war propaganda, we must expose the bourgeois pacifist lies and chauvinist propaganda. Our kest phase in propaganda in the issuing of leaflets is our anti- war propaganda. This is seen in the number of leaflets issued in the districts on the war question, in the circulation of anti-war litera- ture, etc. Few of the dis- tricts have ordered the recent ma- nifesto cf the Central Committee against war which was published in leaflet form. The Pai must take up in earnest the question of our pro- paganda against bourgeois and so- cial fascist ideology. The facts dis- cussed here on the sale of litera- ture and leaflets emphasize it. Daluable, Basie ‘Articles Published in February Issue of “The Communist” RIICLES which give urgent problems of the day are Communist, just off th - ‘These articles tnclude “A New Victory of the P “The Revolutionary Ups by I. Amter. ~~ “On the End of Capitalist Wicks. “The Revistonism of & press u Sta Book Reviews. fundamental, nd the 3 y Hook “Prologue to the Liberation of the Negro People,” “Technocracy—A Reactionary Utopla,” theoretical answers to certain found in the February issue of The ul Pc the U.SS.R..’—Editorial les of the Unemployed bili the U. &. M Browder. by James 6 by V. J. Jerome Browder's article is 2 reply t o a statement by Sidney Hook, sub- mitted to The Communist as an answer to Comrade Jerome’s article, “Unmasking An American Revisionist of Marxism,” ‘the January issue of the magazine. ‘The price of The Communist @ year, $1 for six months. Send which appeared in is twenty cents. Subscription rates orders to The Communist, P. O. 148, Station D., New York City. Issue Demands i OR, Wis, Feb. 6—The Communist Party has put up Rud- N. teen secretary of the Uni- eS League, as its candidate panies et this city and has id an intensive campaign for spring elections. In connection with this, the Paty has formulated the following demands as a basis for its election platform: (1) Adequate unemployment and roma insurance at the expense of the government and the employers; (2) 98 « week immediate relief and additional for each dependent; (3) No forced labor for groceries or sortp, and all work to be paid for dn cart, at premailing trade, ninion SPHERE N Nees Elections n wage rates; (4) Tax, debt and rent relief for small taxpayers, renters and homeowners, no forced sales, | tax sales or evictions; (5) Decen- tralization of relief station; (6) Free hot lunches and school sup- plies for the children of unem- ployed and part-time workers; (7) Salaries of mayor and other city officials to be cut to $1,800 a year, the amount thus saved to be used for unemployment relief. ‘The Party asks workers to discuss these demands and to write their suz- | gestions to the Communist Party | | Election Campaign Committee, Box 75, Superior, or to leave a note. at) “$203 N. Fifth, St, $ Yne., daily except Sumdsy, et 56 E x Dail ‘Plenty to Brag About in This Soviet City’ L. MARTIN By HARKOV.—We are still in the | Soviet Union, but we are in } another country. For the Ukrain- | ian viet Socialist Republic, of which Kharkov is the. chief city, is an independent- workers’ state, running its own .affairs, using its own. language and with a culture all own. The Bolshevik slogan has become a reality here. A LOOK AT KHARKOY A couple of Ukrainian comrades drive us around in a rattly old car. ‘They are so proud of erything they show us that—I was almost going to write “you'd think they owned ‘the town.” ‘That's what you'd say’ in America. But the very. reason Soviet workers are so proud of the cities, factories or whatever else they show you, is that they do own them. And there's plenty to brag about in. Kharkov. Just look at the buildings. In Moscow and Lenin- grad there are still more old build- ings than new. But here the old city is completely overshadowed by the brave new Socialist city that has grown up over and around it. In every direction you look are big modern buildings—a striking new post office, completely machinized, fine new workers’ apartment houses without number, new factories, new schools and clubs, new public build- ings of every kind. And there afe almost as many again in course of construction. E drive oui to what were once dumping grounds on the out- skirts of the city. Here has arisen the biggest building in the Soviet Union—and it must be one of the biggest in the world. It is really a half-dozen or so buildings, all joined together with bridges and arches. Jt houses administrative offices for Ukrainian industry, and other publjc buildings and work- ers’ apartment houses have sprung up all around. The finest square in Kharkov is being laid out on this former dumping ground. IN DYNAMO PARK Then on to the Dynamo Park. Here everything is bright and new. On what was wilderness a few years back there are today a big new stadium for athletic events, open- air theatres, a moving picture house, bandstands, restaurants and facilities for all kinds of games and sports. All these are spread around among trees, gardens and lawns—with many quiet walks ona lovely evening like this when thou- sands are out enjoying the park. Nothing here of the hectic, money-grabbing rush of Coney Island or other such American re- sorts. These throngs of workers all have jobs and don’t need to worry about losing them. Their working hours are shorter, their rest days more frequent—and above all they. feel their future is se- cure. They take their pleasures in more leisurely and carefree fashion than any American crowd. ° enjoy the crowd, the gardens and the open-air music so much that we look in at another park, the “Profsad,” on our way back. Here we find similar amuse~ ments and thousands of more workers enjoying themselves in much the same fashion as at the Dynamo. And, before we go to bed, we visit still another garden—the little park of the foreign workers and special- ists, of whom there are 500 in Kharkov, -numbering. with their families about 900 persons. They have clubrooms, orchestra, resiau- tant and amusements of different kinds. Here we find American, English, German, Czech and other workers strolling about under the trees or sitting to listen to the music. | KHARKOV A. BOOM CITY Some of the Americans we speak to have all the enthusiasm of pio- neers. Kharkov is a regular boom city, they tell us, but building at a | pace that makes even Americans | | dizzy. It has all the shortages of a | | boom city, too: It’s as hard as the devil to get a haircut. Nobody wants to barber when there's so much interesting and better paid work to do. And about the only waiters to be had are men too old for anything else. There is such & shortage of skilled labor that al- most everyone is training to be- come 2 mechanic or an engineer— and men of organizing ability are taking on two and three jobs at the same time. next dey we drive several miles out of Kharkov, along a smooth new highway. We pass a huge electric appliance factory on our way. And then suddenly, right in the midst of desolate prairie land, rises Tractorstroy. The Soviet Union must have tractors by the thousands for its new collective farms. It must have them in a hurry—to satisfy the ris- ing living standards of 160,000,000 people and to bujld up its Socialist economy before the capitalist pow- ers attack. So Tractorstroy was started almost overnight. Today, 40,000 workers are em- ployed in @ brand new tractor plant, where in 1930 there was only desolation. Nearby apartment houses for them are being flonked down side by side on the prairie, | faster than seems humanly possible. | Alretdy 42 apartment houses have been built, with stores, restaurants, clubrooms, children’s schools and nurseries—and 110 more are to fol- low. (CONCLDDED. TOMORROW) of self-determination for all peoples | CHOOSING THE CABINET orker’ Porty US.A yi How to Decide Who Will Lead Miners’ Mass Struggles in 1933 By F. BORICH (National Secretary of the National Miners Union) INCE the beginning of the crisis the coal fields have been the main battle fields of the working class against starvation in the United States, primarily the fight of the miners has been against wage cuts. No other section of the Ameri- can working class has as yet put up such a stubborn, determined, militant mass struggle against wage cuts. Especially the last two years saw tremendous, bloody mass strike tles in the coal industry. 1931 A YEAR OF MINERS’ STRUGGLE The year of 1931 began with a strike of 5,000 Kentucky miners, fol- lowed by 25,000 Glen Alden miners, 10,000 in the lower Anthracite and & renewed strike of the same 25,- 000 Glen Alden miners in the East- ern Pennsylvania fields. The peak of the strike struggles was reached in the historic strike of 45,000 Penn-Ohio-W. Va. miners, organ- ized and led by the National Min- ers Union. The same year was characterized by several scores of smaller strikes, involving tens of thousands of miners in every coal field. At the same time tremendous Io- cal, county, state and national un- | employed movements took place, accompanied by a series of strikes on state and public works 1932 OPENED WITH MASS BATTLES ‘The year of 1932 opened the strike of 10,000 Kentucky miners, fol- lowed by 45,000 in Illinois, 15,000 in Indiana, 20,000 in Ohio and lit- erally hundreds of smaller scat- tered strikes involving more than 100,000 miners. No coal field in the United States but saw these local strikes. Some of these strikes, especially in Ilinois and Indiana, marked new pages in the history of the American working class. Mean- while the struggle for immediate relief and unemployment and so- cial insurance took on much great- er proportions than in 1931. PRINCIPAL OBSTACLES TO VICTORY Due to the strikebreaking role of the United Mine Workers officials, the shameful, treacherous role of the Musteites, particularly In Tili- nois and the Anthracite; the bru- tal fascist terror of the govern- Ment; due to the weaknesses of the N.M.U. and its underestima- tlon of the strike struggles, most of these militant strikes ended with & wage cut, worsening of the work- ing and living conditions, mass blacklisting and greater starvation. The last two years saw. oyer 300,000 miners engaged in bitter Dloody strike struggles against wage cuts. The number~participate ing In the struggle for immediate relief, unemployment and social insurgnce, and im other local strug- gles was far greater. 1933 SEES STRIKE SENTIMENT GAINING At the beginning of 1933 the fighting spirit and determination of the miners, employed and unem- ployed, is growing with unprece- dented speed, penetrating every coal camp. The sentiment fer strike in the early Spring is gaining tre- mendous impetus. It can be said without any hesi- tation that the year of 1933, be- cause of new waze crits, actual will find more miners engeged in strike straggles then the previous that the un- 't, combined with ‘uggles, will attain greater proportions and reach higher levels; that the miners will be once more in the front trenches of the class battles in the United States. WHAT LEADERSHIP? If this perspective is correc| and unquestionably it is—the que, tion arises: Who will lead these mass battles? Will the miners struggle under the wage cutting and strike-breaking leadership of the U.M.W.A.: or the treacherous leadership of Musteites; or will they struggle under the revolu- tionary leadership of the National Miners Union, leadership based on ® broad united front, dl | the Jones and Laughlin Steel Cor- | in a war campaign: 1) Every con- | towards a victory? WAVE OF NEW WAGE CUTS The situation in the mining | fields is getting very tense. A wave | of general wage cuts swept the Eastern coal fields on January 1. | H. C. Frick Coal Co., subsidiary of | the U. S. Steel, cut wages 15 per cent. Vesta Coal’ Co., subsidiary of poration, 15 per cent; Hillman Coal Co., 15 per cent; Pittsburgh Ter- minal Coal Co., 10 per cent, etc. These wage cuts affected over 50,- 000 miners. THE CAMPAIGN BY THE COMPANIES Feeling the strike mood of the miners, yet determined to force through this wage cut, the coal operators, through their various in- struments, are desperately engaged ceivable attempt is being made to prevent the strike; 2) If the strike take place definite vreparations are being made to take over the lead- ership, demoralize the miners and | force them into submission. INTIM™ATION AND | DEMAGOGY | ‘The first phase of this campaign | is expressed in the increased’mass | terror, intimidation and mass | blacklisting; in making the miners debtors to the company and the state, on one hand, and on the other hand, in the demagogic cam- paign led by Governor Pinchot, supported by the U.M.W.A. offi- cialdom, jo the effect that the State Assembly, now in session, will stop the worsening of working and living conditions of the miners. THE MORE DANGEROUS ATTEMPTS The second phase of the cam- paign is much more dangerous. ‘This phase of the campaign is ex- pressed in the enormously in- | creased activity of the United Mine Workers, Progressive Miners As$o- ciation and the West Virginia Min- ers Union, supported by the Social- ist Party. ‘The high salaried U.M.W.A. offi- cials are engaged in a big organ- izational drive to the extent of canvassing miners houses. “ORGANIZATIONAL” WORK The former local officials of the U.M.W.A., who still maintain their | connections with the higher offi- cials, and who are the main link between the masses of miners and the top officials, are spending enormous sums of money in an extensive campaign in the mines, booze joints, pool rooms, etc. True, this campaign is. not directed against the present wage cuts, for they ‘support these wage cuts, but this campaign is laying the basis for an attempt to take over the leadership of the fnture strikes, This is a central part of the cam- paign of the coal operators against the miners. The leadership of the P.M.A, | while signing agreements based on | huge wage cuts, carries on agitation | for “a rational movement”, telling | the miners that wage cuts cannot be stopped without such a move- ment. STRIKE DEMAGOGY In the center of this entire cam-~ paign the question of strike is raised, not against the present wace cuts, but in some remote fu- | ture. This alarming campaim causes some of our comrades to etrike into. cons ant fi rs The chief immediate purpose of this Pinchot-U.M.W.A.-P.M.A, cam- paign is to sidetrack the issue of present wage cuts and to help the coal operators to put the wage cuts through. N.M.U. PREPARING FOR MASS BATTLES The National Miners Union ts taking cognizance of every phase of this campaign and is making atiempis to expese it. In exposing this campaign it is trying to lay the organizational basis for a real mass strike, The N.M.U. is reorganizing its entire machinery, trying to adapt this machinery to the requirements of the present eituation, It is call- ing District Conventions, me front, and marek | in new forogi acktyging whole | This can be done only, membership and preparing for a Mass United Front Conference on March 19 to prepare a strike at the earliest possible date. As a part of the general cam- paign it is sending a delegation to Harrisburg to intensify the expo- sufe of the Pinchot demagogy. It actively participates in the prepa- rations for the State Hunger March. All of these steps are in- tended to develop immediate local struggles, strengthen the Union and thus lay the basis for a mass strike, MORE EFFORT NEEDED However, all of these steps are far from being sufficient and cf- fective to meet the acute situation, if the serious weaknesses of our Union and the activity and strength of our enemy is taken into consideration. The N.M.U., espe- cially, now, is experiencing some tremendous difficulties which can be overcome only by most deter- mined struggle and real revolu- tionary self sacrifice on the pari of the entire membership. OME of the weaknesses that must be overcome immediately are: 1—Tendency on pare of some comrades to give the miners fight- ing perspective by setting strike dates at the leading committee meetings and, entirely underesti- mating, neglecting, in fact deny- ing the necessity of preparing the strike through immediate locai struggles and the building of the N.M.U. and other strike organs. Withont such preparations there can be no strike under the leader- ship of the N.M.U. 2-——Concealed and open opposi- tion to the organizational line of the Union and serious efforts to hinder its application. Connected with this is the effort to push in the background all new forces by trying to discourage them and convince them that they are in- capable of fulfilling the posts as- signed them by the Union. 3—Almost complete absence of agitational and propaganda appa- ratus: no systematic mass meet- ings, no leaflets reacting to the new developments and above all no of- ficial organ of the Union. 4—As a result of tremendous fi- nancial difficulty considerable de- moralization of some leading forces to the extent that some of the leacing organizers are asking leave of absence to put themselves in shape and others are staying home without being able to move. 5—And most important, the Union is isolated from the masse3 of employed miners. In 1931, prior to the strike, the Union had stronger connections with the em- ployed than it hag now. HOW THESE WEAKN' WILL BE OVERCOME These are some of the chief weaknesses that must be overcome immediately if the National Min- ers Union is to lead the struggles of the miners this year. With a revolutionary self-sacrifice and de- termination, with a ruthless strug- gle against all wrong tendencies the Union can overcome these ‘weaknesses. First of all the Union as a whole must plunge int# the struggle to break down its isolation from the masses of the employed. This can- not be done by setting strike dates. and once ing personal more, only by ¢: contzets with the min ir most burning problew deveioping immedi- ate straggie around these problems, by developing unity between em- ployed and unemployed, and by building the N.M.U., the commit- tees of action etc., in the course of these struggles. HOW TO DECIDE STRIKE DATE This is what will still further de- velop strike sentiment; this is what Will set a broad strike perspective; this is what will disillusion the miners In the reformist unions; this is what will strengthen their confidence in the N.M.U.; and this is what will make it possible to set a real strike date. Tf the National Miners’ Union immediately plunges into these. struggles this is what will solve the (unbearable fipancial aityation, 4 ~{ easily submit to | from SUBSCRIPTION arm: One yeat, $6; vix kh of Manhal mnths, $3.50; 8 months, month. ronx, New York City. Woreigs and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, 93 The Daily Worker in the Cells of San Quentin Frank Spector was one of the eight Imperial Valley _ prisoners, sentenced in 1930 to from three to 42 years for organizing the agricul- tural slayes of Imperial Valley, Cal. Mass. protesis foreed Spec- tor's release afier ine id served a year, He is now assisiant na- tional secretary of the Interna- tional Labor Defense. HE bosses flunkies—the jail rats —who are the keepers ‘of the hundred-odd long-term _ political prisoners and hundreds of short- term class war victims in the United State: the Daily Work- er as a militant fighter and leader of the workers’ strug- gues, Hence, their efforts to bar the “Daily” entering the _ hell-holes where our mili- tanis are doing time. ‘Are they suc- cessful? Not always! The Daily Worker means too much for the political prisoner. He does so not its suppression, The _ politicai prisoner will sooner go for Gi on bread and water than go without the “Daily.” Be- hind the stone- walls of his pen, in the drab, grey, daily routine, “Daily” takes on a meaning to the for political prisoner that is hard those outside to ¢ In the class battles, before went to prison, he saw in the Dail, Worker the organizer, the leader of the starving masses. In jail, he added new values to the “Daily’— a powerful tie with the class strug- gle outside, a news conveyor whose every line seems to level the prison walls. PRISONER'S wits grow keen and cunning in the daily, cease- less opposition to savage prison tyranny that aims to maim and kill the ‘prisoner's mind and body. For several weeks after the Im- perial Valley prisoners arrived in San Quentin, the “Daily” slipped by the turnkey’s eyes, blinded as they were with ignorance. This old turnkey typified the jail- rats, void of elementary human in- telligence, destroyed in them by the murderous prison-machine in which they are but life-long cogs. His “fame” was prison-wide for his notorious, unchanging answer to the convicts’ mail inquiries—“for- get the bull—you are doin’ time.” For a period the Daily Worker was to him just one more of those pesky news-sheets that clog the prison’s mail bags. With startling suddenness he soon learned that thru his fingers slipped, for weeks, a dangerous enemy—a newspaper every line of which breathed rebellion. LL the guards and cons — the crew in the turnkey’s office— stood gazing into the bulldog-face | of Mr. Charles L. Neumiller, chair- man of the Board of Prison Direc- tors, owner of the Caterpillar ‘Tractor Works and California's Re- publican boss. He angrily shook his fat, stubby | finger in the old turnkey’s face. In his left hand he held up a thin, two-sheet newspaper. “Read, read, this,” he shouted bringing the paper up to the old man’s very nose. “You goddam old jackass, this is the boolsheviki paper from New York! If this paper passes by your nose for an- other month, we will have a bloody riot here.” He gasped for breath, “If I catch this son-of-a-bitch of a paper in any San Quentin con’s hands from now on, I'll fire the whole crew here. “And if I catch you, monkeys, with it,” he turned to the gazing cons, “you will lose your good time, and what's more, some of you will have as much chance for parole as a paper-shirt in hell.” His 350 pounds of flabby flesh shook with “anger, his face arew paurple-red till the cons hoped he would die of a stroke VERY paper, every magazine with the slightest hint of “boolshe- viki stuff” was ruthlessly barred by the terrified turnkey. Even the Saturday Evening Post was closely serniinized. The political prison- ers’ mail was being closely watched by a specially assigned squad of “experts” made up of guards and finks. Two weeks passed. The Daily Worker re-anpeared on the “line” again! On its pe the repert of Neumiller's ae- eeription ot. the ranny, against Tom Mooney, J. B. By FRANK SPECTO! are fully aware of FRANK SPECTOR | the | McNamara, the Imperial Valley prisoners. The item ended with a passionate appeal of the Interna- tional Labor Defense to all worke ers to wire protests with demands for immediaie restoration of the sights of the San Quentin political prisoners, and demands for uncon- ditional release of Tom Mooney-and the Imperial Valley prisoners: Shortly” after; while waiting: for the mess-time whistle, hundreds of cons crowded agéinst one” another, in front of the yard’s. bulletin board. I pushed myself through the crowd. In the center of the black board, under glass, sure rounded by sentence and. parole notices stood out. the, bold-type masthead: DAILY WORKER Central Organ of the Commanis$ Party, U. S. A. Directly below,’ a headed: “Smash San Quentin Terror!” “Release Mooney and Imperial Valley Prisoners!” HIS shows what the © Daily. Worker means to the class war | prisoners and how it fights for | their release. ‘Today, witlr ‘the Scotisboro boys in the shadow of the electric chair, with Angelo Herndon facing 18 to 20 years on the chain gang, with Tom Mooney in his 17th year in jail, with capi- talist terror increasing on every | side, we need the “Daily” more’than ever. All workers, all friends of the working class, all those who want | to help smash the prison bars that hold our best class fighters, should rally to the aid of the Daily Worker in its present acute financial crisis. clipping, . ANALYZING THE NEW ANTHRACITE CONTRACT TAYLOR, Pa—Many miners heve | signed. the slave contract, according |to the statement of the agent, of |the bosses and direct ambassador lfrom Mr. God, the Rev. Meisen- heimer, who is one of the worst | enemies of the miners. This hypocrite \is misleading the miners to the | slaughter house. | But in spite of all the ‘misleaders, | many miners refused to sign and are | building opposition groups in the U. M. W. A. So sgoner or later the other miners who signed will realize that they will starve the same way as the unemployed miners, but they will starve while working and making more profits for the bosses. And besides, the Taylor, Pine and Archibold colleries might not start at all, because thé present colleries in operation can produce erough coal to fill the markets as fast as the orders can come. But the main reason for such @ maneuvesa is‘ to use these miners against those miners that still haye a union, in order to break it up and cut the wages left and right. The U. M. W. A. is a crooked outfit, but_ at least the bosses give a little notice | before they start cutting the wageiy | so the corrupt U. M. W. A. officials jcan hide their faces. It was shown | time after time that the officials of | this fake outfit misled and sold ous | the workers in every way they. could. And again here in Taylor the mine ers can see how well the John Boyjan and Lewis Company serve: their masters. Not one word was sajd by \tnese fakers against the slave agree- ment. Yes, these fakers are well paid by the bosses to’mislead the miners. | The miners here in Taylor are unemployed over 2 years and are only living on the bosses charity slop, | which is lousy soup and stale: bread, and some old flour which tastes like sawdust. Struggle against the bosses is led and thought only by the revolutian- ary workers who are building oppo- sition grous against the whole rote society of the bosses. —S. M FOOD WORKER CALLS I. R. T. MEN TO ACT NEW YORK.—Coming home from the hospital, I noticed in the subway news that is pasted on the windows. in the trains, that the workers of the LR.T. have donated to the Gib- sen committee “voluntarily.” As a worker, though not in the same industry, I know what this giv- ing means. Tam in the food industry, where the workers who are still em- | ployed slave about 12 to 16 hours @° | day for starvation wages and under | miserable conditions. Workers of the | Foltis Fisher, Automat and other chain restaurants were forced to give to these fake relief agencies and our | bouses could then advertize how libe eral they are with our money. | On this same subway notice, tt | states that ‘Our Men Kno#: Their Jobs.” It seems to me the LRT. workers know their jobs to work for their bosses but {t 1s time they knew how to work for themselves, that-is. stop their own miserable conditions... to stop the 30 per cent pay cut. aad speed-up, The brotherhood company officials wil Inot do it for them and they should organize their rank and file committees. I would like to sug=. fit that the article on the J R. ‘1 me" 5 issue of the Daily Worker be: ited. on for pusting ‘side’ with this company paper, and Iso around. the 1. R. %. shops. —LF, of for the tninets, in sp misery, can and wili finance the | mass work of the Union. This has been proven in every case where the Union took the correct ap- proach. The solution of this burn- ing issue will eliminate one of the great difficulties of our forces. It will make it possible to draw into the leading positions more forces, to issue the official organ of the Union, “The Mine Worker,” sue leaflets, pamphiets, ete MORE NEW FORCES ‘To throw the whole energy ot the Union into this work it js necessary first of all to end the opposition to the organizational Ape of the Union» by convincing: to is- | - — the entire inembership of the care rectness of this line. It is also agccasary to destroy any and every tendency that tends to discourage new forces by ss- signing more and more new forces to the leading, responsible positions . of the Union, by giving inspire- tion, courage, guidance and ase sistance to these new forces, Accomplishment or failure in this will answer the question; Who will lead the mass struggles of the. ininess in 1933? Our Union most | not fell to give the leadership te | the masses of miners! It by Jead them from one victory to | another in the struggle "