The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 3, 1933, Page 4

Sere cored — ‘ee RRR HS SRE ARS ETAT SI EE )Y WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1933 Yorker D i ] Contra Porty US.A Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co duily except Sunday, at 68 E. 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 EK. 13th St., New York, N. ¥, , Ine SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By moll everywhere: One yea:, 36; six months, §: excepting Borouxh of Manhattan and Bron Canada: One year, £9, § months, $2 ww York City. 6 months, $5; 1 month, Te Foreign and 3 months, 33 Mass Struggles Only Bring Victory IHE move initiated early this week by the Prudential Life Insurance Company to suspend foreclosure activities on farm mortgages now embraces practically all leading insur- ance concerns This is of gr gnificance and victory of considerable proportions for the + the moment is to drive home the fact that this partial yictory did not come because of those blow-hards of the “farm bloc” in cohgress who use all. sorts of deceptive talk to keep the farmers tied to the capitalist par- ties. Ie came because masses of farmers no longer take the advice of these misleaders who capitalize their misery and are in ever larger num- bers taking matters into their own hands and by organizing united action on a large scale, they made it impossible to collect on these mortgages. certainly a partial Most important for These insurance din, ome r cent of the total farm mortgages of iggest Wall Street Magnates Hence ii the suspension of fore- Clogures is directed from reet ated by the fear of being | faced with a nation-wide fa reve ing with the new rise of Struggles of the centers against hunger and w unemployed and part cuts. ime workers in the industrial More alarming for Wall Street is | the growing unity of worker Pennsylvania where this unity. But this will not stop tr dollars in mortgages held by mortgages in the country. Thi intensifying the mass struggle and farmer: recently there as manifested in Iowa and 2 been organized expressions of farm revolt. There are still billions of per cent of the total farm must be set aside by continuing and against forced sales and evictions, from slowing up the owing revolt of the farming masses, this F partial victory will spur the farmers on to more determined struggles. Not only must there be established the right to stay on the land, but the capitalist bandits and their government must be compelled to grant the demands of the farmers put forth in the program of the Communist Party which calls for immediate emergency relief for the impoverished farmers without restrictions by government or banks. Such a struggle must embrace vast sections of the farming population and unite against the common enemy, the revolt of the farmers in the wheat and corn regions of the Middle West and the upsurge of the Negro and white sharecroppers and tenant farmers in the cotton belt of the South IS development in the farm struggle, and the whole series of partial | victories of workers figh g O., Briggs Body, Detroit, etc.) e cuts (steel workers of Warren, nd the struggles of the unemployed workers, which ve wrested concessions from the capitalists and their local and state governments, give the lie to those Socialist Party, Musteite and A. F. of L. leaders 10 traduce and betray the toiling masses by saying they will not fight and if they do fight, cannot win, in periods of economic crises. These reactionary leaders try to blame the masses for their own policy of servile crawling before their capitalist masters. The action of the workers in the cities and towns and the farmers on the land proves that the toiling masses of the United States are with greater energy carrying on the defensive struggle that, in the course of its development, must be turned into a counter-offensive against capitalism. Another Seamy Chapter in Labor Bank History 'ILEVELAND, Ohio, — The last chapter in the unsavory history of “labor banking” has yet to be written. The Standard Trust Bank, last of the Brotherhood of Loco- motive Engineers’ ventures into the banking field, failed in December, 1931. But only now are some of the facts behind the failure be- ginning to leak out. They reveal what the Cleveland press describes as “the looting of the Standard Trust Bank by insiders.” These “insiders” are alittle clique of Brotherhood officials, lawyers, bankers, open shop em- ployers and leading politicians of the Democratic and Republican Parties. Some 37,000 small depositors lo about. $13,000,000 in the bank er: ‘They are mostly Brotherhood mem-~- bers and workers belonging to Cleveland trade unions who were induced to leave their money in a “labor bank’ “INSIDERS” TAKEN CARE OF. While these workers have not re- ceived a cent of their savings since the Standard Trust closed, and have littl: chance of ever receiv- ing more than a few cents on the dollar, the “insiders” have been well looked after. The little group of capitalists and labor officials who controlled the bank borrowed millions of dollars from it on questionable security while they had the chance. And now they have been permitted to offset their deposits against their indebtedness. IMPARE the case of Joseph Ko- rich, union carpenter who put his life savings of $6,500 in the Standard Trust, with that of Judge Newcomb, legal adviser of the B. of L. E. Grand Officers, and the rest of his firm Kodrich put all his money in the bank because “the union men afl said the bank was alright.” Since it closed, he has not re- ceived a cent. With his wife and three children he is facing ac- tyal destitution. Short of food amd coal he has several times applied to the Charities but has been refused relief. \The firm of Newcomb, Newcomb and Nord, on the other hand, has already been given a credit of 100 cents on the dollar for its depo- sits, by virtue of a settlement which wipes off its indebtedness, pays in full for “legal services” and re- lieves it of stockholders’ liabilities. ‘The settlement was made last Oc- tober, but has only just been made lic. OnE DIRT IS OUT : Judge A. G. Newcomb of this firm was the alleged financial “‘sa- vior” of the B. of L. E. at the 1927 convention. After the “high fi- nance: of ‘Warren: Stone, Prenter, Daugherty and the rest had almost smashed the Brotherhood, Judge Newcomb was made an honorary membér of the B; of L! E: for help- ing the present grand officers to get started on their career of “low finance”... He was. chiet adviser ip th: maneuvers whereby only Pren- ‘er and three other officers were ‘rown out (Stone was already joadl) (white the rest of theh~ offietat ‘amily were retained under the eadership of Alvanley Johnston to ‘arry on the same game in a more inderhand manner. Recently tra Welborn, an inves- tigator for the Cleveland Press, has been looking over the records of the closed bank. The facts which he has brought out about the “loans” passed among the “insid- ers” have led a lawyer who lost money in the bank to bring suit against the directors of the Stan- dard Trust. He charges that they “fraudulently conspired to grant more than $2,500,000 in unsecured and inadequately secured loans to each other, to their relatives, and to companies in which they were interested”. The suit states fur- ther that “depositors will receive not more than 15 percent to 25 per- cent, even in the event that the full stockholders’ ‘double liability’ should be fully enforced and paid. T'S see who the “insiders” of the Standard Trust are. After the 1927 convention of the B. of L. E. the name of its Cleveland bank was changed and a number of promi- nent businessmen were made di- rectors to lend it an aura of capi- talist respectability. The directors included employers such as W. E. Telling, formerly head of the big Telling Belle Vernon milk company, who smashed the Cleveland milk strike of some years ago and in- sisted on operating non-union. These open-shop employers were able to “get together” very happily with the remaining Brotherhood of- ficials on the board. They were able to show even the labor fakers a thing or two about handling the money of union members. When the Standard Trust closed its doors, Governor White ap- pointed Maurice Bernon as liqui- dator, at the request of Grand Chief Johnston of the B. of L. E. and other bank directors. Bernon is one of the leading bosses of the local Democratic Party machine. He and his brother had benefited by a $26,000 loan from the bank, according to the records Alex Bernstein, Republican Par boss, also fi in the recor two relatiy of his getting unse- cured loans, according to the Press. Pearson borrowed as much as 109,957.63 in three loans, putting up collateral worth at most $23,369. Many other relatives of Pres. Smith also figure largely. Altogether his relatives got loans totalling $300,000 in return for security of little value. Smith, incidentally, was also made an honorary member of the B. of E.—a distinction accorded to a handful in the Brotherhood’s history. RROTHERHOOD leaders who “got theirs” from the bank include Grand Chief Johnston, who bor- rowed $26,610 the is also down for @ $15,610 mortgage on property as~ sessed at $17,000); T. J, Bissett, First ‘Assistant Grand Chief, who borrowed $41,865 less than 90 days before the bank closed; Secretary- Treasurer J. H. Cassell, who took out a cash loan of $6,750 on col- lateral which is estimated to be worth $400; and W. E. Dunigan, Assistant T vho got three loans totalling $11,865. These figures are probably incomplete. The open-shop employer, W. B. Telling, dnd his Close relatives got $167,700 in loans. His business as- sociate, J. H. Schindler, got loans totalling $166,401 ‘Thus another chapter revealed in the great “labor” bank swindle. ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers. “The successful accomplishment of this task (winning the major- ity of the working class) requires that every Communist Party shall establish, extend and strengthen permanent ang intimate contacts with the majority of the work- ers, wherever workers may be found.”—From the 12th Plenum Resolution, EF, C. C. I. SOME EXPERIEN ES IN A RAILROAD CENTER By G. R. (Conclusion) NOTHER example. We made contact with a worker, an en- gineer, who was.interested in our Paper and movement. Now after four months, when I am @ personal | friend of his, he tells me, “you know how I came into this move- ment. I thought it was pretty I wrote-to a friend of mine in Chicago. He told me he thought | | | good | | it was O. K, so I came in”. Be- | fore he came into the movement | he wanted to find out-who we were | and he never came to us but wrote | to a friend of his to find out. This fellow was “against the reds, and Foster in particular.” But after doing a little bit of work there he j came and told me that one of the | fellows he had lined up as a Red, who reads the Daily Worker. He | had subscribed to the Daily Worker for one or two years. I went to see him a few weeks ago and found that there were three railroad workers reading the “Daily”. One of these fellows, I think, still be- longs to the Knights of Columbus. He likes the “Daily” and I think if we do real work, we could get them into the Party. This fellow who is “against the Reds” has changed since he is working among | them. ‘HE next question is, after you have the groups, what do you do with them? When the workers start work with us, they are very | soon found out by the company— let's not fool ourselves—if we really do work, they are going to find out very soon. If we permit these work- ers to become isolated, they are picked out, fired, terrorized and the group breaks up. ‘This brings me to the problem of leading the work in the shops | in such a way that the small groups we have are merged in actions and are not picked out by the boss. If we do this we can build strong and solid organization everywhere. And I don’t mean we need 30 or 40 workers before we can start. When I speak of struggle, I don’t mean only strikes; even if a leaflet wins a demand for a worker, that is a form of struggle. I want to illust- rate with a concrete experience. We got connected with a certain worker who has a lot of influence in his shop. After a talk with him, he felt that the question of the speed-up was a burning question, and we felt that if we got a large group around this issue, we would not need a strong union organiza- tion. This worker began to ap- proach the workers to discuss ways and means of stopping the speed- up two mohths ago. We got seven workers together and we used to meet right after work on the street corner around midnight—we had no other place to meet in, no hall, etc., because of the late hour. These fellows began to spread the word that we have to stop the speed- up and slow up a little. This be- gan to take effect, to an extent. | All the workers began to slow up. ‘The company soon became aware of this slowing up, and they also knew we had an organization. For @ period of a month and a half they were able to stop the speed- up and the foremen were pretty much stumped and couldn't get very far, because we had a solid bloc. Well, we still have seven or eight workers who meet at midnight, out- Side the place, but because we were able to develop 2 movement which didn’t involve only a small group, ‘we were able to win the sympathy of these workers and show them that we can get somewhere. ART EXHIBITION AT THE 1 JOHN REED CLUB | NEW YORK.—When Ralph Pearson, lecturer, artist and critic, the first | Speaker at the John Reed Club Revo- | lutionary Art Exhibit, which opened Jan. 26, said, ‘This is one of the best | and most significant art exhibits I | have ever seen,” a burst of applause | from. the 500 listeners showed that | they fully agreed with him. This exhibit, which marks a defi-| | nite departure from the usual ‘art | for art’s sake” show, is a collection of prints, drawings, pictures and sculture which depicts the class cone scious artist’s reaction to the con- temporary social scene. More and more, artists are coming to feel that, social art speaks a language, that so- cial art is the most important art, and this exhibit shows this change in thought which is daily growing greater, Jacob Burck, cartoonist for the Daily Worker, spoke on the future f revlutinary art. He said, “This art is only in an embryonic state. It will become more living, then it will be- come really great. Then will come a new, a true renaissance in art. There can come no such rennaisance as long as art is based on a moneyed class which supports it.” DON’T JOIN UNIONS SAYS RELIEF BU?( NEW YORK, N. Y.—I went to the emergency work buro with a letter from a social worker. I thought in this way I would be able to gei spe- cial attention. My kids were hungry and I was determined to get work by hook. or crook. I got a surprise at the desk. She told me I couldn’t get any special at- tention and that the unions were getting all the jobs. She said the! cd “WELL, HERE WE ARE!” = la wi By P. L. T= general crisis of capitalism and the deepening of inter- imperialist rivalries, which increase | tremendously the oppression and | exploitation of colonial and semi- colonial peoples, are becoming sharper each day in the Negro Re- public of the Caribbean, Haiti. The intervention of the United States through the armed force of American Marines (June 14, 1915), | and the rapid penetration of Yankee commercial enterprises and of the National City Bank, bear witness to the increasing exploit- ation of the masses; to the growth of the plantation system and the theft of the soil from the poor and middle farmers by imperialist en- terprises. Agriculture in Haiti— mainstay of the colony’s economy —has dropped very much since 1929. SEVERE EFFECTS OF CRISIS The sharp drop in the price of coffee, cotton and other principal products of the country, has re- sulted in deficit after deficit in the budget. An exceptionally sudden decline” in customs receipts has brought the total national income, from all sources, to a figure con- siderably below the corresponding figure of 1930-31. IMPERIALIST REPRISALS In April, 1932, there was an enormous drop in exports, which was the chief factor in the drop in income, directly traceable to the fact that France, Italy and Eng- land have ceased buying from Haiti as an act of reprisal against the policy of American imperial- ism, which raised the Haitian tariff sky-high in order to maintain it- self as complete master of the do- mestic market. YANKEE PLUNDER Besides the $1,559,745 paid to the | National City Bank during the first | seven months of 1931 as amortiza- | tion and interest on a $15,000,000 loan forced on the Haitian gov- ernment with the connivance of ex-president Borno, Haiti pays monthly the sum of 84,702.38 gourdes (a gourde is equivalent to 20 cents in American currency) for the upkeep of the General Finan- cial Receiver, an American, ‘and also pays numerous Yankee offi- cials. YANKEE TAX LOOT In order to assure the principal and interest on loans by the Na- tional City Bank, the Yankee im- Pperialists, using as a mouthpiece their Financial Adviser and Gen- eral Customs Receiver of Haiti, Sidney D. Larue, continue to raise taxes, thus putting greater burdens on the masses. This policy of banditry by Yankee imperialism, which throws all the weight of the crisis on the ex- ploited masses, is not only sup- ported but carried out by the bourgeois-landiord government of Stenio Vincent, who has served as President of Haiti since November 18, 1930. Vincent rose to power in Haiti with the direct help of Yankee imperialism acting through. the Forbes Senatorial Commission and the reformist leaders who, headed by Morton, visited Haiti. This Morton Commission was supported by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the League for Industrial Demo- cracy and other organizations of a similar character. MARINES AND NATIONAL CITY BANK. In view of the fact that the treaty signed between Haiti and the United States in 1915 was to expire in 1936, the imperialists presented to the Vincent govern- ment another agreement known as the “New Treaty.” In it, Wash- ington promised to withdraw its marines in December 1934 on con- dition that peace be maintained and that regular payments be made to the National City Bank. But another article of the New Treaty provides, despite the promised re- tirement of the U. S. Marines, that they may be reshipped to Haiti at any time up to 1952 if the stipula- workers were using mass pressure and forcing them to give jobs, TI | sald maybe I ought to join the union and then she said for me not to and she would try to help me. I saw through her though and I know that the only way to get anything is by joining a workers’ unemployed coun- U.S. Imperialism Seeks to Stifle Organization of Hait tions of the treaty are not fulfilled. The exploitation of the masses, in its extremest and most bar- barous form, has been systematic and uninterrupted throughout the history of Haiti; but Yankee Im- perialism has brought it to the limit of human endurance. For example, the workers in the only sugar central of any importance, the property of the Yankee Haiti- American Sugar Co. (HASCO), Slave under horrible conditions. This enterprise employs close to 3,000 workers, of whom 500 are in- dustrial workers and the others agricultural. A skilled machinist works 18 hours consecutively, earn- ing 13.4 cents an hour. Other workers also toiling 18 hours a day, getting 7 or 8 cents Workers in the refining plant start at six in the evening, and work till six the next morn- ing. During this period they are not permitted recess nor time off to eat. For this long, hard day’s work, they get 60 cents a day. Agricultural workers are even more miserably paid. A cane cut- ter working 11 hours a day col- lects 16 cents for her. entire day’s work. The job of building ast loading cane on carts is done by women who earn a total of twelve cents for twelve hours work. ‘The other Haitian toilers suffer from similar or even worse conditions, STRUGGLES OF THE WORKERS AND PEASANTS The determination of the masses to struggle against this barbarous exploitation has grown, and has lo@ to the first steps in organizing themselves into fighting trade ‘unions, For the first time in the history of Haiti, the unemployed workers haye held demonstrations, begin- ning with that of July 2, 1932, in Port-Au-Prince, On Dec. 30, 1930, the longshoremen of Cabo Haiti- ano, a city only second to Port- Au-Prince, declared a strike against & proposed wage-cut. After three days of the strike, the masses poured into the streets spontane- ously, against the advice and ob- struction by the reformist leaders. The Yankee Chief of Police of the ‘city sent the police and the army: against the demonstrators, resulting in the death of one striker and the wounding of many others. Other strikes have been carried on lately, such as that of the chauf- feurs. in Port-Au-Prince, and of the printers in Damien. This shows the increasing radicalization and the spirit of struggle of the Haitian workers. , The struggle of the peasants has also grown; in the north of an hour. ~By Burek weicome, to Dixie! ian Toilers Haiti bands of farmers have fought against the seizure of their lands; and in the south. (in Marchaterra | and in Jeremie) the farmers who have their little stills to make alco- | hol have succeeded in keeping | away the revenue officers and in | some cases have beaten back at- tacks of the army. Until now these struggles have been spon- taneous and have lacked organiza- tion. EARLY ORGANIZATIONS Toward the end of 1981 the first revolutionary organizations of the working class made their appear- ance, growing out of the widening struggle of the masses. In Decem- ber of that year, the General Work- ers’ League of Haiti was organized. Shortly thereafter, other organiza- tions were established, including the League for Defense and Popu- Jar Culture. Recently, the General Workers’ League of Haiti took the first steps for organizing the workers of the Haiti-American Sugar Company, wich is linked with the National City Bank, LAUNCH TERROR AGAINST WORKERS The government of Stenio Vin- cent and R. P. Williams, Yankee head of the Garde d Haiti (Haitian Guard), immediately unloosed a wave of ruthless terror against the leaders of the militant workers’ or- ganizations. Whole families have been im- prisoned and during the past thirty days they have been held incom- municado and with no other food | than corn meal. Among the prisoners are three women workers and three children (2, 4and 5 yearsold). Other work- ers are being held for deportation | to Santo Domingo, where they were born, facing death at the hands of the assassin government of Tru- jillo, another lackey of Yankee im- Pperialism. DEMAND THEIR LIBERATION! The working class of the United States, particularly the revolution- ary organizations, musi demand the immediate liberation of the Haitian and Dominican workers imprisoned for defending the in- terests of their class against the native exploiters and imperialists. Help secure the freedom of these workers. Come to the protest meeting, this Friday night, Feb. 3, at 8 p.m., at St. Luke's Hall, 125 W. 130th St., New York City. Rob- ert W. Dunn of the Anti-Imperial- ist League, James W. Ford and John Ballam will speak. E. Glass- ford is chairman. There will also ie speakers in French and Span- Letters from Our Readers PRAISE DUNNE ARTICLES ON TECHNOCRACY. Los Angeles, Cal, Editor ot Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: It is with great interest that 1 tead comrade Dunne’s article on technocracy. Primarily because I had expected a cold and logical refutation of something which is not only sheer nonsense but runs against the interests of the work- ing masses. That such a logical refutation is essential there ean be no doubt. The strongest points against technocracy cam probably be ob- tained by quoting the “technocrats” themselves, as comrade Dunne has done. Permit me to quote just one ex- Ponent of this brillant scheme. John A. Gray is speaking. “A large proportion of the capi- talist class would accept the new system if they were assured that its superimposition upon all wealth and energy would give them plenty with security and plenty in perpetuity.” Now the cat. is out of the bag. ‘Technocracy is presumed to be some sort of planned economy, yet by no means does it stand for the elimination of parasitic classes, age old prejudices, exploitation and wage slavery. On the con- trary, it 1s supposed to preserve the “sanctity” of our capitalistic institutions and even entrench them more securely against any Possible onslaught of the prole- tariat. Wishing you the best success in your campaign for funds, I am en- closing my contribution. Comradely yours, —Jack Ginsberg. ‘Contents of the February Issue of “The Communist” A New Victory of the Peaceful Policy of the U. S. S, R.—Editorial, The Revolutionary Upsurge and —By I. Amter. the Struggles of the Unemployed. On the End of Capitalist Stabilization in the U.S. A.—By H. M. Wicks. ‘The Revisionism of Sigaey Hook—By Earl Browder. Prologue to the Liberation of the Negro People.—By James S, Allen. ‘Technocracy—A Reactionary Utopla—By V. J. Jerome Book Reviews The Place of the Revolutionary Movement By MAX Mutual Help and the scene PON ROA DSTORE SUES ORME the I.W.O. in BEDACHT, Role of International Workers Orders in the U. S. 4 it. 'HE International Workers Order serves the workers as a proleta- rian mutual benefit society. It serves them as a mutual insurance organization. Since social help is with-held from the American work- er, we ask him to help himself through collective efforts. The 1.W.0. is our contribution to such a collective effort. It represents our effort to solve, by means of mutual insurance, the problems for the American worker by the non-exist~ ence of social insurance. That is really in itself a service to the whole working class, not only to the individual members of the Or- der. But it is not enough of a ser- vice. While we organize the work- ers within the I.W.O, to insure each other we still emphasize the right of the workers for social insurance. That is why the International Workers Order not only pays ben- efits to its members but jt also or- ganizes them, and, as far as pos- sible, the workers as a whole, to fight for social insurance. This struggle for social insurance is di- rectly connected with the purposes of the International Workers Order as a mutual insurance society. The struggle for social insurance there- fore, is not an extraneous issue for the members of the Order. We do not deceive the workers when we tell them that mutual insurance is the purpose of the Order. By lead- ing our members info the struggle for social insurance we merely ex- tend our members’ conception of mutual help to the individual work- er, to a conception of help to the whole working class. Too often, our comrades in the non-party mass organizations are complaining of the hesitancy with which non-class conscious members in these organizations approach participation in the struggles of the workers. Much of this hesitancy is of our own making. It is caused by our not making any efforts to connect up the struggles into which we desire to lead the workers with the purposes for which these work- ers joined our organization. We de- sire to win the masses for member- ship in the International Workers Order because such membership supplies a measure of economic security which is not supplied by society itself. In all activities, there- fore, the Order must prove that this (to supply some measure of cco- nomic security to its members) and in the main, this only, is its con- cern. The Order must therefore lead its members into such strug- gles that develop directly out of the reasons that made the workers join the Order. The further devel- opment of such political activities beyond the scope of the Order must be the result of good leader- ship. For instance, when members of the Order because of well di- rected struggles for social insur- ance become Communists, it would be wrong for the Order itself to take on the functions of the Com- munist Party; such revolutionized members of the Order will then join the Communist Party. Or if mem- bers of the Order, because of well- led struggles for social insurance become convinced of the necessity of economic struggles, the I.W.O. surely cannot take on the func- tions of a militant labor union for the sake of such members; these members. will be directed to join the revolutionary union. The International Workers Order remains what it set out to be, an active proletarian Mutual Benefit Society. The development of its Members into militant trade union- ists or into Communists thus be- comes a natural result of a correct functioning of the I.W.O, as an ac- tive workers’ mutual benefit so- ciety. It is necessary, for example, to show the members of the Order how working conditions and wages are determining factors in their health, in their continuous ability or disability to work and to earn a living, are factors in the soundness and efficiency of their proletarian mutual aid society. From this, revo- lutionary leadership can easily de- velop in these members an under- standing of the need of improving wages and working condiiions. From this it is easy to lead these workers 40 an understanding of the need of militant unions as instru- ments of struggle to achieve such improvements. SOCIALISTS FIGHT FOR CAPITALISM Many comrades have the idea— and through their consequent tac- tics have created in the masses the belief—that the Communists differ from the Socialists in that the Communists are primarily con- cerned with creating the revolu- tion and consider unimportant the immediate improvement of the workers’ conditions, while the So- clalists are primarily concerned with the immediate improvement of the workers’ conditions and con~ sider unimportant the revolution. This idea is false in theory and fatal in practice. . Without a struggle for immediate improvements of the workers’ con- jitions there can be no revolution- ary struggle for power. The work- ers learn the necessity of struggle because of their immediate needs; and they learn the necessity and methods of revolutionary struggle in the struggles for their imme- diate needs. His immediate needs teach the worker the need of fight; the need of fight teaches him the need of organization; the use of the state power against the work- ers’ organizations in their strug- gles for bread, for wages, for de- cent working conditions, teaches the workers the need of political struggles; the experiences of these political struggles teach the work- ers that, after all, the problem is not how to keep the state power out of these struggles, but who controls the state power and on which side is that power used in the class struggle. 4 , in the main, is the road of revolutionary development | which the working class must travel. However, if does not travel this road mechanically and’ spon- taneously. It must be led this road. The task to lead them along this road is the task of the Communist Party. Revolutionary leadership does not begin at the end of this road, exercised only oyer the revolutionary workers, it begins at the start of this road, exercised upon the broadest pos- sible working masses, irrespective of their degree of vevolutionary development. The strength of the revolutionary movement, therefore, depends on the success the Come munists have in organking and leading mass struggles of tte work. ers for concrete immediate issues, and on the ability of the Com- munists to transform the experi- ences of these struggles into greater class consciousness of the workers. It is. clear from this that the question is not at all who prefers revolution to immediate achieve- ments of the workers. The Com- munists, rather, develop and lead struggles for immediate ‘achieye- ments because they are concerned with creating a revolution. The Socialists, on the other hand, want to save capitalism-from a :proleta~ rian revolution and therefore try with all their might to prevent workers’ struggles for immediate improvements. Communist theory and practice are workers’ struggles; Socialist theory and practice are workers’ paralysis. The Communists stimu- late the action of the masses; the Socialists prevent where they can or paralyze where they cannot prevent, the action of the masses. The Communists start from the premise that the emancipation of the working class can only be achieved by the struggles of the workers themselves, the socialists, on the other hand, teach that the emancipation of the workers will be achieved by parliamentary repre- sentatives. The Communjsts or- ganize mass economic strikes: by the workers themselves, mass pick- eting by the workers themselves, mass demonstrations by the work- ers themselves, mass defense by litical strikes by the workers them- the workers themselves, mass po- selves, mass political action by the workers themselves; the Socialists preach action of the parliamenta- rians in the name of the workers and condemn workers’ mass ac- tion as interfering with the plans of the parliamentarians; they preach negotiations with bosses by bureaucrats and condemn workers’ mass action as interfering with the skillful manoeuvers of the bureau- crats; they appeal to capitalist courts for “just” action toward workers persecuted by capitalist justice and condemn workers’ mass action on behalf of their perse- cuted class brothers. The Com- munists at all times call for work- ers’ action against the capitalists to counteract and defeat the con- tinuous action of the capitalists against the workers; the Socialists call for inaction of the workers against the capitalists, to secure the victory of the continuous ac- tions of the capitalists against the workers. From this we can conclude, that the more serious the Communists take the immediate struggles of the workers, the more successful will be their revolutionary leadership, the more effective will be the Com- munist challenge of the of social democracy over the work- ers. x et eee We ‘HE immediate issue on which the IW.O. is being built is the eco- noniic insecurity of the workers. ‘To meet this issue the I-W.O. or- ganizes mutual insurance and fights for social insurance. In the course of struggle for social ingur- ance to replace the, at best in- adequate, mutual insurance, effec- tive revolutionary leadership can teach the members of the Inter- national Workers Order the poli- tical character of their problems. Tt can teach them the need of political struggle. It can show them the need and the meaning and the functions of a revolution- ary party as the organizer and Jeader of the masses in their po- litical struggle for emancipation. Within these boundary lines, the International Workers Order, al- though really only a mutual benefit society, can develop tremendous class struggle activities with a re- volutionizing effect on its member- ship. There is practically no limit to the degree of class conscioys- ness which the I-W.O. can develop among its membership without, even for a@ moment, abandoning the premise that its members join- ed only for the purpose of securing ald in case of sickness, disability or death, and the premise that the membership can be aetivized only around this purpose. it Such activities will not estrange the backward workers from ‘the Order. On the contrary, learn to understand that the individyal problem of help in case of: the individual problem that made them join the Order to secure be- nefits, is really a class problem and requires political action for a final solution. They become cone scious. worl velop into advanced wor! chain of militant workers’ zations in America. It has a right to demand from all Communists energetic efforts to build it into broad mass organization. Its very immediate purpose makes it pos- sible to bring to it even the most backward workers. It is an orga- nization that allows Communist jeadership to drive its roots inte the uncharted depths of the Ame erican working. masses, where class consciousness has not yet pene= trated. The building of the LW, O. is therefore, oné of thé most important tasks of the “work of the Communist Party,