The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 31, 1933, Page 4

Pablished by the Comprodaily Publi 3th St., New York City, N. Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4 Ad@ress snd mail checks to the Daily Worker, 59 © daily exeept Sunday, at 58 E. Cable “DAIWORK.” New York, N. ¥. hing Co., Ine SUBSCRIPTION BATES By mail everywhere: One yest, $6; six months, § excepting Borengh of Manhattan and Bronx Canada: One year 6 months, Support German Toilers Against Hitler Rule! N the face of the tremendously sharpening class antagon- * isms in Germany, which has passed into a revolutionary upsurge, the bourgeoisie, in its desperation to stem the tide that threatens to engulf it, has set up an open fascist Hitler scabinet. The atmosphere is lightning. The maturing with such fury that it even for a few hours. charged with revolutionary acceleration of the revolutionary crisis is is difficult to predict events The Communist Party of ary struggles si > 191 of revolution- gauge Germany, steeled in a series able correctly to possible cise moment for the widest mobilization of the toiling masses to challenge the capitalist class and it r upon the “bayonets of the Reichswehr and the Hitler murder bands.” Its reply is a ringing ca action, a call for workers in the Party and the ill answer this call 2 to put into effect embracing rank and file @ general political strike, German trade Christian trade unions. and join the open f Democratic union federation, Millions of toiling ma st the bor geois the bloody fascist ci volution. In such situation there are possibilities of the t going over into the revolutionary armed struggle. government the treacherous lead- striv aid the capitalist revolutionary ma: Hitler’s of the policies consistently At the time of the presi- Ss, these social demo- of the bourgeoisie, sup- effort to stem the move- leadership. Through open f f the VEN as Hitler is called to head the ership of the German social-democr class and defeat the mighty advan open fascist government is 1-demo traitors e the mair he “lesser nasses tow apitalism’s ported Hindenburg as Jhent of the toiling “every stage of German in ar Commur dvance Hitler brand, these social democ i 1 imilar deceptions. Thi i the Hindenburg-Bri then the Von Papen then the Schieic government. When Schleicher took ov : of government demo- eratic daily newspaper in Volksfreund,” hed @ lead- editor, Seubert, which declared chie ing article from-the pen of its “Let Schleicher go to work. We are not interested in the over- throw of the Schleicher government. Schleicher has gotten in touch with the great socialist labor front, and we should not hinder him in “making this experiment, especially since this is the only road leading anywhere at this time.” Where the Schleicher road was ‘democratic leaders and the Hitlerit goal of the Schleicher government. B democratic workers re i plunged into the m against their standards of 1 and in defense | of "the working class or- ganizations which Schleich with his emergency decrees, spurring on the police and fascist bands, tried to smash. ITERDAY’s news dispatches was called into conference y ding is seen today. The social- were unanimous in approving the hundreds thousands of social- ameless treachery and ainst the attacks reported, at the- very moment Hitler h Hindenbu that the “socialists, who have been relegated to the opposition benches, are actually keen for a Hitler regime.” Such is the most recent political appraisal of these $windlers and traitors who helped Hindenburg in the last election un- der the pretext that they were fighting Hitler and fascism. At that time the Communist Party pointed out the deception of the “lesser evil” and correctly foretold the drive for a Hindenburg-Hitler govern- ment of unrestrained terror against the toiling masses. With their decreasing influence among the masses, these social de- mocratic leaders become more and more fascist. their influence ‘over the masses wanes, they will become still more fascist until in the filmal struggle they will be found openly fighting on the counter-revo- utionary side of the barricades, just did their bloody associates of 1918-18—Scheidemann, Ebert and Noske In the light of the thunderous advance of the forces of revolution ih Germany, the toiling masses of the world can see more plainly than ever how exact is the Communist characterization of the socialist lead- ers as social-fascists and as the main social support of the capitalist @ass. ‘The actions of the social democratic leaders of Germany in paving the way for fascism, show to the workers of this country the road that is being travelled by the socialist leaders—Thomas, Hillquit & Co.— right here in the U. S. ‘American workers! Support the struggle of the German masses led thy the Communist Party! Under the blows of the crisis and the revo- lutionary upsurge, the capitalist world is being shaken to its very found- ations. In this situation the workers of all countries must strengthen the fighting front against capitalism, must beat back the attacks of reaction and further advance the world sodas upsurge. N. A. A.C. P. and Harlem Hospital Investigation ‘VER the heads o f the jim-crowing city administration, over the heads of the misleaders of the N.A.A.C.P., the people of Harlem, led by the League of Struggle for Negro Righis and the International Labor Defense, are undertaking an investigation into the shameful conditions of Harlem Hospital. For years Harlem Hospital has been under fire. Jim-Crowism is ' rampant there. Although 80 percent of the patients are Negro, 80 percent of the personnel of the hospital are whites. Capable Negro doctors are denied promotion and opportunities; incapable and inexperienced white doctors, nurses and internes are permitted to get their training at the expense of the Negro patients. Negro nurses are jim-crowed into separate Nying quarters and dining rooms. The food and general treatment given Negro patients are miserable In a brazen attempt to whitewash Misleaders have appointed a secret investig four of the 18 are Negroes. Of these, only one is a practicing physician. Nat one Negro doctor of Harlem is included. There are no Negro women no nurses. There ate no Negro patients. There is no representative any Negro medical association, national or local. ¢ conditions, the N.A.AC.P. ting committee of 18. Only _ But the secret committee of the N.A.A.C.P. does include doctors hhopplials and medical colleges which rigidly bar Negro students and “ The investigation, according to the boast of the NAACP. is pean by Greeff, Commissioner of hospitals, who has already denied there is segregation and discrimination in the hospital system. _ ’ ‘And at the same time that the N. A. A. C. P. appoints this “investi- ” committee, it publishes in its official organ, the Crisis, an editorial pletely exonerating Harlem Hospital of all charges against it! * x * ips these misleaders and traitors, the »we who are cut up in Harlem people of Harlem demand: “Are Hospital, we who suffer from its over- » Crowding and its vicious discrimination—are we patients to have no pabout Harlem Hospital? Are the Negro doctors, who have fought the and discrimination on the part of the inexperienced white in the hospital—are they to have no say? ‘The Negro nurses, segregated and abused in the hospital—are they to have no And because the N.A.A.C.P. misleaders attempt to stifle the protests the patients, the Negro doctors, the Negro nurses—from any of most closely concerned—-the people of Harlem denounce the treach- rand duplicity of the misleaders of that organization. They are calling the rank and file workers, enrolled in the N.AA.C.P., upon the Negro and white ‘professionals ‘in’ tlrat’ organization, to denounce “ treachery of the misleadership and to join with the masses of Havlem * an investigation made by the people. people of Harlem are the victims of the tal. ‘They and they alone should have the say. They and they should investigate and report the conditions. First steps for such p by tke people of Harlem, into the Harlem Hospital, have been taken. We call upon all Harlem workers, all sincere Harlem Reonle, to back thie peoples’ investigat ty situation in Harlem ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers. | “The successful accomplishment of this task (winning the major- | ity of the working class) requires that every Communist Party shall establish, extend and strengthen permanent and intimate contacts with the majority of the work- ers, wherever workers may be found.”—From the 12th Plenum Resolution, E, C. C. 1. | NEED PERSPECTIV ‘EIN 'T is clear that the report on the steel concentration plant (just published) was based on a close knowledge of the conditions in the plant, of the working conditions, the general conditions in the plant. Moreover, the report reflects close, intimate contact with the workers in the plant. First, I would say the report suf- tered from a certain lack of per- spective, that is, narrown( In the valuable experiences and tac- tics carried: out in making con- | tacts, drawing in workers, etc., in other words, developing a solid personal contact which, it seems to me, was the keynote of the report. It was not pointed out that this is only a means to an end and not an end in itself. It is mecessary that we, as quickly as possible, pass over to developing struggles on the basis of the issues we sense, the is- | Sues we unearth among the work- | ers, and not only department is- | sues, and fit them into a perspec- | | tive for the entire plant. | MUST KNOW DIRECTION The Communist leadership and Communist nuclei must know where they are going in regard to the plant and not work on the basis of making three of four contacts here and there. streams of revolutionary discontent and class-consciousness must be merged into a broad stream rected against the outstanding three or four grievances from which the workers in that plant suffer gener~ | ally—lay-offs, a demand for no more wage-cuts, against speed-up, etc. | ‘THINK the report did not suffi- ciently stress this, also it did not sufficiently bring out the role of the Communist Party nucleus in politicalizing the work in the shop, in connecting up these brought out, with the larger issues which we must bring forward in order to raise the political level of the workers and level of our strug- gle. While there has been no funda- mental change in the work, there has been an improyement ih the work, the composition of the unit has been improved. New members have been brought in, the sphere Of contacts broadened out. But the report did not clearly enough bring out the fact that we do not have any union organiza- tion in the plant. While it is true the shop nucleus has strengthened itself, the union as such has not been strengthened. The union groups simply grow willy-nilly; we simply make more contacts or add. their names, but we do not func- tion as the leaders in the various departments. The union members do not pay dues, have no union conferences, do not take up prob- Jems as union members. This is a very serious weakness. Paar at Ws comrade reporting also did not tell us why 150 workers can be brought down—from one de- partment (in fact the entire de- partment) to a “Red hall,” a hall which everybody knows is a Com- munist hall. These workers are boiling with indignation, and then what happens? They slip through our fingers. Why? Evidently some serious mistakes were made. Also the comrade says three wage-cuts took place and there is not even a word on how we re- acted. What were the reactions of the Party and union to these wage-cuts? Evidently we were passive or confined ourselves to weak agitation. The loss of mem~- bers, the firing of many, was not touched upon. * i hate development of small issues on the basis of daily constant, definite interests of the workers— that is the thing to stress. | The idea that only | daily struggle will result in building of the organization should have been more deeply Interwoven in the report. We can go ahead and make contacts, whether di- rectly in the shop or through the unemployed councils, but these contacts will disappear unless they constant, are welded together by the con~ stant pulse of s1 a More than that, the sectarian approach flows from not having contact with the masses. Not only do we often not know conditions in the shop, but we do not know the mood of the masses. There is more firing and there is increased fear of espionage, but, on the other luand, who would dare to say or to compare the militancy of the work- ers today with the militancy and discontent of the workers two or three years ago? It is much easier today to recruit a member for the Party from the shop, and this also goes for the union. The comrade who last reported referred to the fact that I went | out with a Comrade H. and when I went into these Negro workers’ homes, I was a little bit reserved in speaking to them. I thought | the worker would get scared. I was very much surprised when he said, “I know what you want. You | want to get a union. Our backs | are up against the wall, anyhow. | We are not afraid.” And everyone | of the four contacts that I visited. | was quite outspoken, detérmined | that some action must be taken, _ } that their status.is getting to be eae penne WORK IN THE SHOPS DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JANUARY 31, 1933 OFFICIALLY pi onsiaia Socauist All these small | di- | various | small issues which were very weil | the | ~By Burck Some Experiences in the Briggs Auto Strike in Detroit Il. By JOHN SCHMIES. its yesterday's “Daily” we gave Some of the lessons and experi- ences during the course of our ac- tivities, but there are also other experiences we gained. First and foremost, we saw sharply how we were lagging behind, and the strong tendency which existed of lack of confidence in the perspective for | successful strike struggles. ‘This was the reason for our isolation and our failure to root the Party and the union in the shops. Our leading fraction in the strike was not fully prepared for a short and successful strike. It failed to see many difficulties and obstac- les. As a result of this, leading members of the fraction catered to some of the illusions among the workers and failed to see clearly the role of the Socialist Party and the I. W. W. in the strike which was one of trying to confuse the workers and bring about demorali- zation of the strike. Prior to the strike, during the course of the strike, and generally in our agitatiofi, we did not suffi- ciently differentiate between the social-fascist leaders and the work- ers under es influence, and in this manner break the workers away from them. Thus members of the Socialist Party who worked in the plant fought against the idea of developing the strike; especi- ally was this the case with one member of the S. P., who consci- ously tried to maneuver, as late as the day before the strike, to dis- rupt the strike preparations and prevent united action on the part of the workers. In this he did not succeed, ‘The I. W. W. followed the same policy. Some of them work in the Briggs Vernor Highway Plant. Our eagerness in getting a general strike committee immediately elected without making any attempt to study some of these elements, made it possible for two members of the I. W. W. to be elected on the strike committee and one of them to be- come chairman of the Negotiations Committee. This paved the way for these two to bring in their leadership from the outside. In fact, @ leader was called in from Cleve- land and they began very skill- fully to place’ him in the forefront. He succeeded in making two speeches to the strikers, and in the second speech, he took advan- tage of the shortcomings of the strike committee and particularly operied fire against its leadership the Auto Workers Union. He talked about intelligent ac- tion—no violence—no outside forces on the picket lines, only workers with Briggs badges—and made it plain that he was definitely at- tempting to take over leadership in the strike. But this action con- vinced our fraction of how serious the situation was; that the situ- ation developed as a result of the failure of our fraction to carry out the decisions previously «decided upon (which called for a simple and practical plan of picketing, the getting out of signs and posters and to increase the seriousness among the strikers, convincing so bad that it doesn’t make much difference whether they are fired or whether they go on the relief lines. But they do not want to be fired. What they want is to be convinced by us that we know how to fight for these practical issues as well as for highly political issues and in a practical manner. In discussing these matters with the workers we try to make them the practical organizers and from this we saw the great value of the prin- ciple of personal contact. ‘'The workers themselves bring up these issues. o. Rimince E is a skeptical atitude to- ward conferences of this kind. The comrades say, “Oh, it is the same old thing. What's the use?” I think we should expose this idea as wrong. The comrades below say that the change must come from above, that if we can't get our di- rections from the steel union, from the center or district, then what the hell ean we do? It is up to the comrades here from the vari~ ous shops, the unit and section or- ganizers to actually make the turn, naturally, with the asistance from the center them what are their actual tasks in leading and conducting a strike). The chairman of the Strike Com- mittee, together with another mem- ber of the committee negotiated with the company over the heads of the strike committee and the negotiations committee. Our frac- tion did not sufficiently pave the way for the placing at the head of the important committees workers who were not at the moment domi- nated. by social-fascist ideology. NOTHER outstanding lesson of the role of the I. W. W. was at the end of the strike. Their posi- tion was that we should not accept the withdrawal of the wage-cut but should continue until we suc- ceed in winning an increase in wages. This was clearly expressed by one of the ikers—an LW.W. member—who indicated that within the next week or two we might all be out on the streets—and why not force the company to give us a raise in order to get more out of it? Of course, he had no plan as to the demands of the workers that they reveive compensation when they are laid off. He indi- cated very plainly his role of spreading disunity among the strik- ers which started in the speech of this imported I. W. W. leader. In this strike, the Socialist Party and the I. W. W. clearly showed through their actions their social- fascist role. In the strike, were Association of Machinists ated to the A. F. L.) and their at- y-——no confidence in the worke! stating that the members in their local offices did not feel it of any importance, and that there was no chance of winning the strike; and the reason for such a statement was that they felt that the Auto Workers Union al- ready had the leadership of the strike, and that they had better lay low and not expose themselves at this time. SOME WRONG * ‘TENDENCIES IN THE STRIKE. An example of some of the ten- dencies of the leading comrades in the union to cater to legalistic illusions among the strikers was the acceptance of the viewpoint that we could not end the strike unless we had a written agreement from the company. It was stated that if we had no written agreement on the withdrawal of the wage-cut also members of the International | (affili- Coming Soon in the ‘Daily’ IN TOMORROW’S ISSUE: ESSE CRAWFORD’s own story of how the attempt to extradite him from Lan- sing, Mich. to Georgia chain gang was thwarted by the International Labor Defense, which mobilized mass pyo- test which saved him. Writ- ten in a vivid, simple style, it is a thrilling narrative of the experiences of thousands of young Negro and’ white workers, and a sharp expose of chain gang conditions in the South. 9 IN LATER ISSUES: “A Job That Only McAdoo Could Do,” an_ incisively written review of W. G. Mc- Adoo’s book, Crowded Years, by Bill Dunne. “The War Cabinet of the Wilson regime is being re- constituted by the Roosevelt administration *» meet the new imperialist world war situation,” writes Dunne. “The personalities may not correspond, name for name, but one thing is certain — William Gibbs MeAdoo will be a member — officially or y! unofficially.” it would not mean anything and it would look to the workers as if the Auto Workers Union sold | out the strike. Of course, we are not opposed to written agreement However, what the comrades di not see is that the establishment of shop organization—the workers knowing that they have won their demands—creates the best guaran- tee for enforcing the conditions gained. During the discussion of this point, it became clear to some comrades leading the strike that | they did not take the negotiations seriously and that they failed to | keep a definite perspective during the strike, which was that this should be a short strike and that it be brought to a successful con- clusion so that it would serve as an incentive for further struggles in the auto industry. ‘HERE were other cases of cater- ing to the legalistic illusions of these workers within our fraction. Here the need of being right on the spot,. being in contact with every little move, listening to all | rumors and whispering campaigns, keep sufficiently in touch with the general feeling and atmosphere, was of ‘decisive importance. The importance of all these things were considerably underestimated by the fraction and the union leader- ship. These are some of the im- | lessons and experiences | portant gained in the strike. It is the task of the Party and the union immediately to consoli- | date the organizational gains (250 workers have already joined the union at this writing) and to utilize this victory to intensify this work in preparations for struggle among the workers in Ford’s and in other plants, as well as to demonstrate in practical action the growing unity of employed and unemployed workers in the struggle against wage-cuts and for relief and Un- employment Insurance. The conduct of this strike de- manded a considerable change in many ways, in how to work and to orientate activities of the Party in- to shop work. It raised sharply the responsibility of the leadership as well as of individual leading com- redes for shop work and strike ac- tivities, and the consciousness that it must be the Party that builds the union and that leads the work- ers in building a united fighting movement. MUST BUILD PARTY AND UNION. ‘The strike shows clearly that in the course of building this united front movement, we must strengthen the Party; we must build shop nuclei. We must pro- mote leading rank and file mem- bers into leading positions and in- crease the iron discipline of the members of the district leadership in responsible bodies. It further demands from us the further build- ing of the union leadership and to give a business-like tone to all ac- tivilies of the union, It remains with us to show the workers how to organize—how to fight—and lead them in these activities, and how to create initiative from be~- low. It 1s urgent that the union, without delay, issue its official or- gan, “The Auto Workers News” regularly, conduct organizational work in a systematic fashion, is- sue membership books with the proper dues system, and present a militant fighting front so that the auto workers can look to the union and its leadership as their own. The line of the Central Commit- tee of our Party, if correctly ap- plied, is correct, as was Gemonstrat~- ed in this strike. We must/go forth. We must definitely root the Party and the Auto Workers Union in the shops and among the unem- ployed. easel 'HIS is of decisive importance in view of the seething situation in the auto industry which contains all elements for new struggles in- volving greater masses of auto workers and leading towards a gen- eral struggle of the auto workers in the struggle against the wage cut. That our perspective 1s correct is seen in the fact that as this is written, over 1,600 Motor Products workers are now out on strike since Priday, January 20th, to force the company to take back the wage cut which was put over on Janu- ary 1, | Rights for a vigorous m: | life itself teaches, The Revolutionary Press and the Scottsboro Case HE Scottsboro case presents one of the most dramatic proofs of the absolute indispensability of the Daily Worker in the developing struggles of the ng Negro and white masses against the mi and hopelessness of the capitalist system and its increasingly mur- derous terror. It was the Daily Worker that sounded the alarm when in Marc! 1931, the landlord court at Scctts boro, Alabama, attempted to rush eight of the nine innocent Scotts- boro Negro lads to the electric chair, at the same time paving the way fora living death of life im- prisonment for the ninth boy, 14-year-old Roy Wright. It was the Daily Worker that smashed through the conspiracy of silence of the capitalist press and the Negro reformist leaders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. It was the Daily Worker that rallied the white and Negro masses behind the Interna- and for tional Labor League of Defense truggle the Negro defense of the nine child-victims of capi- talist justice, framed up on a lying charge of “rape.” The mass fight has won several tremendous partial victories. The Negro and white workers, in joint struggle- have four times forced back the outstretched murderous claws of the Alabama ruling class, have four times forced the lynch couris of the United States to set back the date of execution, The mass fight forced the U.S. Supreme Court to reverse the lynch verdicts last November and to order new trials for the boys. These great par- tial victories could not have been achieved without the daily -leader- ship, agitation and constant vigi- Jance of the Daily Worker, ex- pressing in its news articles and ed- itorials the clear line of the Com- munist Party in the fight to free the Scottsboro boys, in the fight against ruling class terror, against national oppression of the Negro People and against all attempts to split and divide the working class and disrupt the mass fight which, alone can free the Scottsboro lads and other Ne- gro and white victims of capitalist class justice. The Scottsboro boys are still in danger. The U.S. Supreme Court verdict returned them for new trials to the Scottsboro court which originally rendered the lynch verdicts, The mass fight must be intensified and broad- cred out to draw in new sections of the working class, new sections of intellcctuals and all elements opposed to the brutal persecution By CYRIL BRIGGS and oppression of the Negro Peo- ple. In this fight and other de- fense campaigns the Daily Work- er is absolutely indispensable, os ea JRECISELY because the Scotts boro Case is an expression of the horrible national oppression of the Negro masses, any real fight for the Scottsboro boys must necessarily take the character of a struggle against the whole brutal system of landlord robbery and imperialist national oppression of the Negro people. The struggle for the Scotts- boro boys and for Negro national liberation is thus a direct menace to U. 8S, imperialism, directed against its weakest link: the ex- istence of a brutally oppressed and resuntful nationality, at the very heart of American imperialism. This explains the viciousness of the attacks on the Scottsboro de- fense, the police attacks on white and Negro workers demonstrating for the freedom of the Scottsboro boys, the deportation of militant foreign-born workers (Yokinen, etc.) who rallied to the defense of the Negro people. This explains the frantic mob- ilization by the. imperialists of all their corrupt agents in the ranks | of the working class and the Negro people: the Norman Thomases and Heywood Brouns, the Walter Whites and William Pickens. This explains the attempts of the U. S. State Department to disrupt the European tour of the Scottsboro Mother, Mrs. Ada Wright, and the late J. Louis Engdahl—their ar- rest by “socialist” and capitalist police chiefs in many European cities, their deportation from Bel- gium, Czechoslovakia and other countries. This explains the vicious attacks by the authorities of the State of Georgia and the bosses and their agents throughout the country on the growing unity of the white and Negro workers, which is being forged under the leadership of the Communist Party in the Scotts- boro struggle, as well as in the mounting resistance of the toiling masses to the bosses’ program of hunger, fascist terror and imperial- ist war. The Daily Worker is the weapon. of the whole working class and of the Negro people in the fight against the rapidly worsening con- ditions of the toiling masses, in the fight against starvation and na- tional oppression. Rally to the sup- port of the Daily Worker! The Daily Worker must be saved from suspersion! Rush funds at once! Mobilize your organizations, your clubs, etc., for immediate aid to the Daily Worker! Revolutionary Propaganda-- Popular and Concrete By ROBERT FRANKLIN. OMRADE Gusey in his article in the Communist International No, 19 and the January issue of the Communist: lays before com- rades of the American Party four tasks that must be fulfilled before we can as a Party become the re- quisite force to cope with the cap- talist system in this period “At the end of the stabilization of capi- talism.” 1.—~(Page 49) 'o direct the basic strategic blows against social- democracy, to win the masses away from it, to isolate it from the masse: ‘To show the correctness of Com~ rade Gusev’s analysis of the under- estimation of the danger of social- democracy, we can cite our weak blows against the Socialist Party in New York City, the weakness of the Party to arise to the situation in the last part of the Election Campaign. The New York District has printed pamphlets by Comrade Amter and the National Office, pamphlets by Comrade Olgin—ex- posing the Socialist Party. The re- sponse of the membership was very weak. So far, in a period of over two months, there has been ap- proximately 15,000 distributed. The wide distribution of these one-cent pamphlets exposing the anti-work- ing class role of the Socialist Party among workers» wherever contrac- ted, the factory, the shop or the block—would certainly go a long way to undermine the influence of the S. P. among these workers. The comrades in the New York district felt it seems that “the election cam- paign is over, we do not hear the Socialist Party on street corners any more, therefore we shall wait till next year when there is a new election. Then we will come with our broadside against the So- clalist Party.” 4 E HAVE at hand at present the knowledge of where the social~ ists got their strongest vote in the city. It would be no mean blow against social-fascism if the Party in those sections would systemati- cally organize a house-to-house campaign with these pamphlets ex- osing the Socialist Party and try to win those workers away from the Socialist Party influence. In these unions controlled by the So- cialist Party, our comrades workigg there can approach these individ- ual workers with socialist leanings or sympathies, talk to them, be- come friendly with them, not as- suming a deadly air of enmity; get these workers on the basis of your talk, to read these pamphlets and the results obtained will soon be apparent SECOND MAJOR TASK The second task that Comrade Gusev points out—“To win over the majority of the proletariat eud poor farmers, to train them in a series of fights and to convert them into ou rpolitical army.” The ful- filling of this task presupposes an Intimate Contact with — workers But, to quote Comrade Lenin, “Without — reyolutionary — theory, there can be no revolutionary prac~ Use.” There must be a tying up with a constant systematic distri- bution of our literature. To make this systematic distribution of our | out literature a fact, the consciousnes of our individual Party members must be so awakened that there will be no time that they will not carry with them the necessary pam- phlets, not only relating to the im- mediate struggles at hand but those which will bring the workers to see their: struggles on a higher level than just their immediate demands. eww ‘HIS can only be done when we will wipe out the petty-bourgeois ideology so prevalent among our comrades—“Oh, I’m a poor sales- man, I cannot sell literature,” or, “I don’t see why we should force literature down the workers’ throats.” They must realize that we are not just selling literature, that the energy that they put into seeing that a pamphlet reaches the hands of a worker is just as im- portant as the energy they put into walking on picket lines, partaking in strikes or any other physical action against the capitalist sys- tem. We must realize that in this period of the upsurge of the reyo- lutionary spirit among the work- ers and even among some of the petty-bougreoisie, there is no place for a feeling that literature is forced down the workers throats, but that the workers, when approached and when explained the contents and value of the given pamphlet, will gladly take it. And to organize these workers into our political army, we must give them the ne- cessary literature that will explain to them the political side of their struggles. 3—*To organize our Party into a mass Party on the basis of Bolshe~ vik inner-Party democracy based on iron discipline, inte a reyolution- ary staff of this political army.” This task can be greatly facilitated when our comrades have thorough- ly digested the decisions and reso- lutions of our Party, have under- steod the political importance of these resolutions, have made the Marxist-Leninist teachings of our Party iy rant of aca not just as a cloak or figure of speech and phraseology, but as a guide from which every one of their actions spring. And this can only be done by the constant reading and study- ing of our theoretical literature. This goes hand in hand with our last point--“To enlarge, strengthen and renew young, virulent workers into leadership. And leadership does not only mean the activity of these comrades in their various fields of work but in the political correctness with which they lead the workers in their struggles. And this again necessitates the study and the further study of our litera- ture, and not merely a dependence on the experience gained in thelr fights against the bosses, a COURSE, it ‘s not to be cone strued that only by the above will the four tasks as laid down by Comrade Gusev be obtained. But, by combining the proper dis- tribution of our literature with our worl in the shops, in the unions, und in the block, by using the llt- erature as & means of closer con- tact with the workers, this; will make for a Pry approach | va the fulfillment of the four Jai gpa ba Cae ae ervemeene oe