The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1933, Page 4

RK, THURSDAY, J. Daily, Yorker Party USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Address and mail checks to the Daily W Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at & E. Algonquin 4-7956. Cable “ orker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. By wail everywhere: excepting Boroorh of Manhsttan and Bronx ¥ vCenada: One year, $9; 6 months, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $8; six months, $3.50 $ months, $2; 1 month, We Foreign and 33 New York City. $5; 3 months, Smash Hunger Plan of the Auto Bosses Support the 8000 Briggs Work wage-cuts! Hail the strike victories of the Briggs, Waterloo and Motor | Products workers! (Statement of the District Comm —District . . IHE auto workers, after suffe fighting back. Over 500 1 ers who are striking against nittee of the Communist Party No. 7) . ring numerous wage-cuts are 3riggs-Waterloo workers and 1600 Motor Products workers have won their fights against wage-cuts t Briggs High! ‘Hayes Body ke ac Aver SC he Commu It fully endorses the A leading strike struggles. election of mass strike and the organization of the lead in organizing all workers ruggles. Our strikers and are among the Stand in the forefro: working class brothe The attack of the up tremendous cash re creased its 1 reserves from $127,35: The Ford Co. especial 5 been att workers—low w —intense inhuman @ day and the relief system is part o! * * the tr mad attempt to MWHE bosses in t using Frank X. Martel and leade of Machir s to smash the un: trying to spl e skilled w leaders of the I. W. W., and supported by tt Party th e making every effort to ers fighting under ERS UNION Wor! Drive out th Maintain your solid fightin itant Auto Workers Uni HE splendid exa the growing unity of workers supported the stri Ployed Councils, many unempio: Unemployed sent to the plants by Ma © splitters fron le of solidarity e employed Under the leadership of thei tior 3000 workers from the now trike. The wave of strikes is > attack of the bosses. of the workers. ct methods of~ expressed in the gotiations committees mist Party took as it leads in ctive among the Union, They eeds of their fe) Ple on s can g rue re on I Auto Work r the ever: ACE while the companies are piling neral Motors Corp., which in- 1929 to $209,098,832 in 1932. a standards of the speed-up—establishment of a $1.00 f this attack stem rising tide of struggle are rs of the International Association worke: ‘These betrayers are skilled Together with the rship of the Social unity of the strik- » AUTO WORK- un re smash t under the leadership of the mil- xpress and unemployed the cd by the unemployed showed The unemployed leadership of the Unem- were on the picket lines. rphy's scabbing welfare de- partment and employment agencies refused cab. The support of the Struggles of the unemployed for relief and unemployment insurance the employed workers is the best means of cementing the unity neces- sary for victory in our common struggles. t has beg Let’s follow the example given by Wage-cutting drive of the bosses and gles of the unemployed will win relief panies which laid us off, and Federal government. Support the Briggs’ Workers Strike! ur , and smash the their government. The mass strug- for the auto workers from the com- Unemployment Insurance from the Organize Anti-Wage-Cut Committees in Your Department! Smash the Wage-Cutting Offensive of the Bosses by Spreading the Strike! The Time Has Come to Fight Back! Join the Auto Workers Union—Your Union! Join the Communist Party—the Leader of the Struggles of the Work- ing Class! Daily Worker - - Instrument of Class Struggle By BILL GEBERT. \ (Organizer of Chicago District, Communist Party., “PHE role of the revolutionary press is grossly underestimated as an important instrument in struggle against the offensive of the bosses We do not sufficiently look toward our press in the light of Lenin's teachings, that is, as organizer. leader and collective propagandist among the masses. That is why our papers as yet are not the mass or- gans of the workers. If we would connect the Daily Worker with the everyday strug- gles of the masses, such as strikes, unemployed struggles, work inside the shops, inside of the A. F. of L., building our unions, Unemployed Councils and the Party, the Daily Worker would easily double its cir- culation in a short period. The Daily Worker must be made part and parcel of the struggles of the masses, and it also must reflect the struggles of the masses in its | columns. This task is not the task | | of the editorial staff alone. It is the task of the Party and revolu- tionary workers in general. MUST REACH ALL DRGANIZATIONS The present financial drive and the assignment of $4,000 to be raised in the Chicago District is a task behind which the masses of workers must be mobilized. We can not approach this question any Jonger on the basis of coming only to our close organizations and asking them to donate and collect @ certain amount of money. We must put into motion all the work ing class organizations on the basi of mass coilections for the Daily | Worker. We must get pennies, nickles, dimes and dollars from | ‘tens of thousands of workers as the we Of keeping the Daily ‘e Any other approach iM that in the Chicago District will be unable to raise the | - amount set. i R | Daily Worker plays an tm- portant role in the struggles of pworking class in the Chicago ct. It was the Daily Worker helped mobilize masses of sin the struggles of the un- in Chicago. It is the m against the 10 per cent age cut in the Calumet steel re- lon must be made an organizer of that struggle. In the it is the Daily Worker gives guidance to the of the miners. The Daily gives leadership in the “unemployment insurance pense of the bosses and men’, in the struggle for 16 righté, against Jim Crowism gregation, in the tight e ruling class. © Daily Worker as a daily work, Thrt is ' E 5 Fi ¥ t Daily Wo have must not look upon the er as just something we o keep, but as something that pensable to us in our daily In short, without the Daily Worker there can be no de- velopment of the mass movement of the workers. The Communist Party cannot be built without hav- ing a daily organ in the English language. HE Chicago working class on many occasions demonstrated its ability to meet every situation. It must meet the present situation, Not only should our District be the first to raise its quota of $4,000, but above all, we must increase the number of subscribers and the mass sale of the Daily Worker to the Negro and white workers in our District. Forward with the Daily Worker in the shops, trade unions, mass or- ganizations, among the Negro mas- ses, unemployed workers, the min- ers, steel workers, railroad and packinghouse workers ! SPECIAL EDITION OF NEW LENIN VOLUMES SPECIAL popular edition of Toward the Seizure of Power, by V. I. Lenin, in two volumes sell- ing a very low price to permit workers to buy it, has just been issued by International Pub- sher: ‘These »st Lenin volumes con- tain all of Lenin’s writings during the four months preceding the suc- cessful pi rian Noy. 7, 1917. They include Lenin's letters to the Central Committee and other important revolutionary bodies on the eve of the uprising, as well as his classic, State and Revolution. In the appendices there are the minutes of the Cen- tral Committee weeks preceding the well as ensive biogr explanatory notes deal in the understanding of the revolution and Lenin’s role in it, more volution, as ‘The two volumes of Toward the | Seizure of Power sell regularly at | $2.50 each. The new special edi- tion, bound in durable red cloth and printed on sturdy stock, sells at $1.50 a book and brings the price down by $2 for the two books, ‘The complete special popular set of the Collected Works, including | the latest two books (8 books alto- gether), may be obtained at $11.75, half the price of the regular edi- tion The books may be obtained from the workers’ book shops or direct from Tnternational Publishers, 381 Fourth Ave., New York. When or- dering the two new books by mail | add 20 cents for postage. The com- plete set is sent postage prepaid. revolution on | during the two | graphical and | which help a | | ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- || manent Contacts With the Workers. “The successful accomplishment of this task (winning the major- ity of the working class) requires that every Communist Party shall establish, extend and strengthen permanent and intimate contacts with the majority of the work- ers, wherever workers may be found.”—From the 12th Plenum Resolution, E. C. ©, 1 UP CONTACTS IN SHOP Bim JOWEVER, it goes back to the same old point—the lack of per= sonal contact inside of the mill, the inability of our comrades to weld contact with other workers, made the shop paper something that was just gotten out, the grievances raised in the bulletin were not de- veloped, no action could be devel- oped since our comrades did not form an integral part inside the mill to take up these grievances, However, comrades, there have been some highlights and these highlights can be regained through the correct methods. At one time | We had 150 workers to a meeting. We have had 90 initiated members | in the union. The high spots in the union membership. generally developed when our union reacted to the attacks against the wage cuts, etc., or for instance, just re- cently, when we immediately popu- larized the Warren strike. Another weakness which expres- sed itself in not our organizations and is in retaining a ¢onstant form of organization. We have gone from very general meetings of all the members of the union over to department meetings and then shifting back, with the result that the workers themselves felt there und no stability in the union even so far as the organization form was concerned They and left the union felt that their grievances iequately taken up with shifting forms of organiza- tional structure. But this has al- ready been overcome, ao. oi. 8 Oz fraction of the Party and the Y. C. L, isn’t a shock brigade fraction in the union. Naturaliy with the Party nucleus in this con- dition, we also didn’t have Ameri- can workers. The union did not | develop any new forces and most oustanding of all our trade union center is so weak, that it was nob able to e the proper leadership. There was not sufficient discussion on what is happening in Warren, what is occurring in Gery and other mills—no exchange of experiences on important questions. We must have a different ap- proach to concentration. the Party leading committees and and serious attention to shop work, unless there is organized a most intensive study of our experiences in shop work, we will not be able to take the proper steps. If there is going to be concentration, let | there be concentration and not just talk about concentration. How are wé beginning to move | out of this rut? Our system down there now ! the mills is the old reliable grape vine system—that is like they have in jails—contact with one man, seeking out the trus- ted or best man as a means of | propaganda and developing organi- zational contact all along the line. We have some real good examples in this connection. : We are establishing a rigid check-up on the work inside the mill. At every unit meeting and | union meeting, comrades get up | and report on their week’s activi- ties, report on their assignments, what they have done during the | week, whom they have handled, what contacts they have secured, etc. Already, although this has taken place now within the last month and a half, we are begin- | ning to see tremendous results | and possibilities that will come out | of this method of check-up. cars ‘AKE, for instance, Comrade H., who has four friends. He is a Negro worker who came to our dance and was quite impressed in seeing so many Negro and white workers together. It was an LL.D. dance. Our section organizer set the example to the unit and went over and started talking to differ- ent workers who were in the hall | and he picked out this Comrade H., | who proved to be very interested. He stated that he worked in the mill and the section organizer went to his house and talked with him and made friends with his wife and children. Then Comrade H. took the section organizer to four other workers. From 8 o'clock to 12 o'clock they went to visit these workers. In this way, a group is being formed around Comrade H. This is just what we want. ee ee he ‘AKE, for example, Comrade B., who came in through a Russian organization. We have been check~ ing up on this comrade constantly. For weeks he failed to make any report. Finally, by putting pressure on Comrade B., we got him to make an appointment with three American workers whom he knows. I went with Comrade B. up to these | three American workers’ homes. | There we began to talk about | farming, etc., and pretty soon it; de- | veloped in a roundabout way into | a@ discussion on organization. | It happens that Comrade B. knows that one of these American workers likes playing checkers, Now, comrades, do you know what | happened? Probably this does not | apply to every situation. But it did work here. Comrade B. knew a comrade in Baltimore who was a champion checker player. He said, I am going to bring this com- rade here. This interested many workers. Kight of them came down. In other words, eleven con- tacts were realized as a result of this. (TO BE CONTINUED; | DEVELOPING, FOLLOWING Unless | functionaries give more constant ! ALL QUIET ON THE ILLINOIS FRO! $2L2INOIS NEWS ITEM: Norman Thomas spoke in praise —By Burck os Gov, HORNER : hy with a determined effort to restore tranquility in the mine area. of Governor Horner for initiating his administration IAF alsifier of Marxism Who Has Blessings of Our Enemies ‘Calverton Ably Exposed in Article in } By SAM DON E are not living in a vacuum ‘The capitalist class is continu- ally pressing its poisonous ideology upon the minds of the workers. An indispensable phase of the mobili- zation for imperialist war is the mobilization of “public opinion.” ‘The cultivation of chauvinist ideo- logy is at the same time increas- ing. The seventeen million unemploy- ed in the country are a crying, liv- ing indictment of the system which creates unemployment and breeds wars. The material base for the ideological influence of the bourg- eoisie amongst the workers has shrunk considerably. In spreading chauvinist propaganda in the prep- arations for war, we see the increase of fascist ideology, in its various forms, for the open dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. In diverting to safer channels the growing ques- tioning of the system of capitalism, the ruling class increases in a more subtle and covered form its agita- tion ang propaganda in the ranks of the working class. The bour- geois propaganda in the press, in the movies, and in the magazines, | has its basis and roots in the vari- ous “impartial” philosophical, theo- retical writings of the open and | hidden apologists of capitalism. Our struggle, therefore, on the theo- retical, philosophical front is not just hair-splitting, but is a struggle against bourgeois ideology in the ranks of the working class. It is part of the struggle for winning the majority of the working class, eo 8 ‘HE January issue of the New Masses contains a very valuable article in unmasking and exposing a “Marxist” who has the official approval and blessing of the capi- talist press, the Lovestoneites and Trotskyites. We refer to the article | “On the Marxism of V. F. Calver- ton,” by David Ramsey and Alan Calmer. We know that the Amer- ican ruling class is very desirous of building up the American Social- ist Party as its main social support amongst the working class. It, therefore, also builds up such “Marxists” who will cover up the open bourgeois philosophy and ideas with thin and thick layers of “left” or Marxist phrases. Cal- verton plays this role in this special service for the ruling class, The article begins with a present- ation of Calverton’s background, which is well summed up in the statement, “It must be manifest by now that Calverton is a type that reflects that attitude and ethics of | take issue with this, but actually a decadent, racketeering capitalist civilization.” ‘The “literary habits” of Calverton and development is one of unscrupulous plagiarism and endless somersaults. ‘The article does not merely make the charge that he is a plagiarist, does not content itself with one or two generalizations on his back- ground, but substantiates these charges with numerous facts which are irrefutable. But one may ask—how is it to bé explained that such a shady indi- vidual like Calverton whose main activity at one time was to lecture on “sex as the greatest force in civilization,” a man with such “lit- erary habits” has become a “rec- ognized Marxist” not only by the bourgeoisie and renegades, but even by some honest intellectuals who’ are drifting toward the left and who may even be anxious to ab- sorb the teachings of Marxism- Leninism? Many of the intellectuals on the road toward the left find it very difficult to break with their past, to break with bourgeois ideo- logy. Calverton’s “Marxism,” and his philosophies, therefore, give to some of these intellectuals the feeling that they have broken with the | past and at the same time retain the comfori adopted @ revolutionary philosophy. Therefore, all those who reconcile bourgeois philosophy with Marx- ism-Leninism play the role of in- tervepting and diverting the grow. t Jan. ‘New Masses’, his intellectual | of the past and | I || The imperialist outlook | \also penetrates the working | | | wall between it (the work \class. There is no Chinese | | ing class) and other classes. | —LENIN. | | | | | | } i | | | | ing trend of the intellectuals to the left, and of keeping them chained to their bourgeois past, ‘The real value of the New Masses cle is that it examines the vari- ous philosophical ideas of Calver- ton and traces them to their na- tural source—bourgeois philoso- phical theories and ideas. CALVERTON’S VALUE TO CAPITALISM The reason for the recognition of Calverton as a Marxist by the bour- geois world, and the renegades, is aptly stated by the article: “By now it must be manifest that the reason the bourgeoisie regard Cal- yerton as an authority on ‘Marx- ism’ is because he is ideologically | ‘safe’ and because his theories give a distorted and misleading account of Marxism-Leninism as a body of | knowledge.” * IHE class source of all attempts | to reconcile Marxian philosophy with bourgeois philosophy, of re- vising Marxism on the American. scene must inevitably be traced to John Dewey. Calverton said: “The materialism of Marx was as prag- matic as modern mstrumentalism.” In 1929 Calverton, his associate, Schmaulhausen, and Harry Elmer Barnes, in an editorial note to their section of a symposium called “Sex and Civilization,” spoke of “.. . the psychosocialogical methods of an- alysis and synthesis which illustrates the newer, more fertile approach to human nature, in which Dewey and Veblen are great pioneers.” Dewey and Veblen, the original father of technocracy, the great pioneers of Marxism! “OUR PRAGMATIC | | | | | | | GOVERNMENT” The article in the New Masses exposes the bourgeois character of pragmatism and instrumentalism. Incidentally, the New York Times of Jan, 22 carries a leading edi- torial on “Pragmatic Government,” | which comments on an article by a certain Mr. Walter Millis, who makes pragmatism the historical philosophy of the American gov- emmenst. The “Times” claims to it gives us quite a good explana- tion of the meaning of pragmatism in its dynamic political sense. It says: “This might appear as an endorsement of the theory that the | secret of success in community life | is for everybody to feel that we are on the way, though we do not know where we are going.” Indeed. @ very useful and safe philosophy for the ruling class to propagate amongst the workers at the present time! Those who are dissatisfied with capitalism, those who are be- ginning to question the capitalist system, let them at best adopt a | philosophy which says, yes, we are on the way to a new society, but we do not know how to get there, we do not know exactly what path or road to choose. Be skeptical; | look for new ways, but do not allow your skepticism to turn into strug- gle for revolutionary changes, for the only way out—through the dictatorship of the proletariat to a | classless socialist society. BROTHERS-IN-ARMS Calverton does not ‘stand alone in his acceptance of pragmatism and instrumentalism as Marxism, A more “dignified scholar’ who is not guilty of the “literary habits” of Calverton, but is also guilty of revising Marxism in a more “‘schol- , arly” manner, is one with Calver- "| ton on this fundamental point. Let us compare what Calverton agi above regarding pragmatism, | only reiterates his revisionism, but | contact between the two. | Hook. The article in the New Mas- , Calverton’s statement that objec- | ciety to have objective knowledge.” | And in the following statement we With this statement of Sidney Hook: “Dialectic materialism must take its cues from the scientific pragmatism of Dewey.” Hook com- plains bitterly that Comrade Jer- ome in his article in the January | Communist has misinterpreted, misquoted and misunderstood his writings. In a recent statement | where Hook takes issue with Com- rade Jerome, by no means inciden- tally, in a scholarly manner, he not enlarges on it. Just to take one fundamental statement. Hook tells | us in that statement that, “I have just sketched a theory of percep- tion which was indicated by Marx in his critical gloss on Feurbach (first glossary on Feurbach). John Dewey on independent psycho- logical grounds developed this theory into a complete doctrine” (my emphasis—S.D.). Once again we are told by Hook that Dewey, independently of Marx, arrived at Marxism and, even in a more com- plete form. So we have it from Hook himself that Dewey was a more mature and complete Marx- ist than Marx himself! On read- ing the article on Calverton in the | New Masses the defenders of | Hook's “Marxism” must not be “shocked” to see such points of Calver- ton takes issue with the theory of knowledge as developed by Lenin in his Empirio-Criticism. So does ses quotes from Hook’s review of Empirio-Criticism and shows how Caiverton plagiarized Hook. Of course, it is not merely a case of plagiarism; it is rather a case where Calverton is being inspired — by Hook, Fy . . is not accidental that those who revise Marx deny the objectivity | and the scientific nature of Marx- ism-Leninism. To deny the scien- tifio nature of Marxism-Leninism is to open wide the doors for bour- geois interpretations of Marxism- Leninism. Here, too, we have a complete point of contact between tivity is impossible in the social sciences and Hook's that “the new Philosophy will triumph, not be- cause it presents objective truth, but because it fills the needs of human beings, and the social con- ditions which generate these needs,” Comrades Ramsey and Calmer, in refuting this revisionism, correctly point out the objective scientific nature of Marxism-Leninism. They | | Correctly state: “It is to the inter- est of the proletariat, the only revolutionary class of capitalist so- have a ‘refutation of pragmatism und its denial of the objective na- ture of Marxism-Leninism: . “In | Marxism-Leninism the Proletariat has forged in action a science of revolution and society which en- abled it to predict the last im- pertalist war, to carry through a successful revolution in the Soviet | Union, to engage in building of a socialist society there, and to pre- pare for the new epoch of imperial- ist wars and proletarian revolu- tions. If Marxism-Leninism were but a frame of mind, or a subjec- tive interpretation of events, in what way would it differ from re- , ligion, which also claims to give a | picture of reality?” ! In treating various philosophers and revisionists of Marxism, we must show their common clas source. The root of ail revision- ism is the same, however different its branches and leaves may ap- pear, We must state, however, that a weakness of the otherwise good articie on Calverton is the faci that it does not relaie Cal- verton sufficiently to his brothers- in-arms, Space does not permit us to com- ment here on the exposure con- tained in the article of Calverton’s | fascist ideology, his denial of the | leading role of the proletariat in the revolution and his. assigning “ | and carry oui this threat, 'Factories,” Te closing speech by Comrade Earl HE OL N enersnenneeeewnenreenens HSL LENIN’S LETTER CONTINUED It is argued that it is not expedient to confess membership of the Party, of a specific organization, that it is better to limit oneself to the state- am a Social-Democrat ion.” It seems to me that organizational relationships should not be mentioned in the speech, i, e, to say: “for obvious reasons, I shall not speak about my organ- izational relationships, but I am a Social-Democrat and I shall speak about our Party.” Such an att tude would have two advantages: it will be precisely and definite stated that it is forbidden to speak about organizational relationships (ie., whether I am a member of an organization, what organization, etc.), and at.the same time refer- ence will be made to OUR Party. This is necessary in order that the Social~-Democratic speeches in court shall be Party speeches and dec- larations, so that the propaganda shall serve the purpose of the Party. In other words: formally I will not discuss my organizational relationships, I shall remain silent about them; formally, I shail not Speak in the name of any organ- ization whatsover, but as a Social- Democrat, I shall speak to you about Our Party and ask you to accept my declaration as an at- tempt to expound precisely the Social-Democratic opinions that have been expressed in the whole of our Scoial-Democratic litera- ture, in such and such pamphlets, leaflets and newspapers. '(ONCERNING the lawyer, must keep a tight hold on Put him in a “state of siege, cause these intellectual often play dirty tricks. should be warned in advance: you son of a bilch, you play any dirty trick or commit any political OPPORTUNISM, if you speak about the immaturity, or about the incorrectness of Socialism, about being carried a with enthu- siasm, about Social-Democrats re- pudiating violence, about the peace- ful character of their teachings and of their movement, or that, then, I, the acc mediately interrupt you publicly, call you a scamp, and announ that I reject such a defense, ete. you him, Only a competent lawyer should be engaged; others are no use. They must be told in advance to confine themselves exclusively to Dramatic Incidents in the Strugglé i Against Russian Tsarism. | ! ‘ : SH T EVIKS$ RIAL TCHERNOMORDIK sceeeemeenioenme! | criticizing and tripping up the wite nesses and the prosecutor on ques tions regarding the facts and the wording of the indictment, exclu- sively to concern themselves with discrediting the weak points of the court. Even the clever liberal law- yer is very much inclined to say or to hint at the peaceful nature of the Social-Democratic move ment, at the recognition of its cule tural role even by men like Attore ney Wagner, etc, All such inclina- tions should be scotched at their roots. As, Bebel I believe, said, lawyers are the most reactionary people. Every man in his place, Be only a lawyer, ridicule the wite nesses for the prosecution and the prosecutor. The most you may do is to compare the trial with a trial by jury in a free country, but don’t touch on the convictions of the ac- cused, don't dare say a word about what you think about these con- victions; because you liberals, so far fail to understand those con- victions, that even when you praise them, you cannot refrain from ut- tering banalities, Of course, this can be explained to the lawyers politely, mildly, compliantly, flex- ibly and cautiously. But the best thing is to fear the lawyers and not to trust them, especially when they say that they are Social-Demo- crats\and members of the party (according to our Paragraph 1,)* Sea aah Te question of teking part in a court investigation is determined, it scems to me, by the questions of the lawyer. Having a lawyer means | to take part in the court investiga- j | tion. Why not take part for the | purpose of tripping up the witness and for agitation against the court?. Of course, one must be very care- ful, that need hardly be said. Té would be best of all to announce at | once, before the court investigation starts, in reply to the first ques- tion put by the President: “I am a | Social-Democrat and in my speech | IT shali tell you what this means... .” | *At the time Lenin wrote, this paragraph | 1 of the Party Rules permitted membership | to the Party to all those who declared their | agreement with the Party program and {an Party dues. The rule did not insist on the member performing active Party | work. ‘The Bolsheviks, led by Lenin, tought ainst this rile on’ the ground that id | opened the door of the Party to all sorts of opportunist elements. A few months after this letter was written the Bolshevike secured @ majority and altered paragraph 1 in such @ way as to restrict membership of the Party only to those who took an active part in its worl Dy quae -” “Smash Sectarianism--Penetrate the rowder Aritcle Saturday Browder at the Chicago Shop Conference held on Jan. 1, 1933, will be published in full under the title, “Smash Sectarianism—Penetrate the Factories” in this Saturday’s issue of the Daily Worker, In examining our shop work, Comrade Browder writes: “.. When. Wwe examine the improvement of the work in connection with the ~« shop, one thing stands out clearly in almost every report: that the increased activities of the worker; spontaneous, ship.” ‘The article discusses the 's in the shops is to a great extent not the result of our organized stimulation and leader- present state of our shop work and the methods of improving our work in the shops and the deyelop- ment of these struggles. SeEeS6aRkT0T OSES this role to the petty-bourgeo Nor can we comment here on cer- tain inexact and incorrect formula- tions in the article. for instance, “They (petty bourgeoisie) both revolutionary and reactionary.” Ww said al the outsel that par- ticularly these w Marx y the be for social-fascist, theories. It is certainly not acci- dental that the Lovestone renegades of the Workers’ Age spoke of Cal- verton’s recent pamphlet ‘For Revolution” as “A Marxian defense that roots itself in the American language and _ traditions.” The counter - revolutionary Trotskyite “Militant” carries a letter from Trotsky to Calverton inviting him to join the Trotskyites in the United States and giving him some friendly advice on his Marxism. Neither is it accidental that Muste, in speaking of Hook's writings, ex- claims, “and if his (Hook's) inter- pretation of Marx is not the cor- rect one, then it should be. We do not need a cut and dried bible.” PARTY HEGEMONY ON THEORETICAL FIELD The Party is fighting those sec- tarian tendencies which underes- vimate the drift of the intellectuals to the left. The Party favors and initiates the broadest united front. with intelleeiuals on various issues. ‘Those 0° the intellectuals who re- fuse to break decidedly with their past become the carriers of petty bourgeois ideoiagy in the ranks of the working class, Those of the in- tellectuals who come closer to the Party, but who prefer to remain a little superior caste, living in their own little world, finding it diffi- cult to free themselves from the influences of “rugged individual- | ism,” are a serious obstacle in helping the broader stream of the leftward intellectuals in assimilat- ing proletarian ideology and recog-~ | nizing the hegemony of the Party on the theoretical field. ‘The struggle against the “Marxism” of Calverton and others, is a struggle against petty bourgeois ideology, is a struggle for the hegemony of. the Party on the theoretical field. In order to win the majority of the working class we must defeat and destroy the influence of social” fascism in the ranks of the work- ing class. It is not accidental that the 12th Plenum, in emphasizing that the main tactical link in win- ning the masses is the struggle for Parties that a “relentless struggle must be waged against all distor-’ tions of Marxism-Leninism for the purity of Party theory in the ee outlined in Comrade Stalin's rr. ‘WEEK END CLASSES FOR YOUTH CLEVELAND, Ohio.—Week end classes to teach young workers about their conditions and what they must do to better them will open in Cleve- jand on Sunday, January 29, at 1 p. m. The classes will be held for cight consccutive weeks on Sundays from 1 p, m. to 5 p, m, at the Work- ers' School, 1245 Prospect “The total cost of the for the eight wecks 1s 25 cents, clase - Xi, will cost 10 cents, their elementary needs, tells the _ Ww ae