The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 24, 1933, Page 4

Uage kour DAILY WURKEK, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JANU Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 59 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Teleph Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker Cable “DATWORE.” New York, N. %. one ALgonguin 4-7956. 30 E. 13th St SUBSCRIPTION ATES By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Canade: One year, $9, months, $2; 1 month, [Se Foreign and 3 months, 35 months, $3.50 € months, 35 Fight for Independence of Filipino Masses * pee is the meaning of the cong over the Philippine independence bi any sense a bill that will enable pendence Philippine legislature, domin and agents of American im constitution which must be States. If he disapproves th an “agreement” is reached. Then i there shall begin a prob: mary pi the United States governmen 1a itary affairs, foreign comme The one th bill is that the States of cert that we ‘see suc by agents of the beet Filipino proc iastic supy was bi movement for k independence would eventus be defeat and drive out the American this, the main feature, of the bill, and the senate are un’ The division occu raising of a tariff bar gainst reason that Hoover vetoed the bill have investments in the Philippines to the American market. In the statements of memb« “international conditions and relations justify the step”. State Stimson deman safeguard the inter Far East.” The Hoover veto and its of the house and se: a solution overt masses struggling for independence. all the naval and milita perialist drive in the F its rival for domination of the P: ion: clusively in the hands of the President of thi nate is useful in fur nal controversy at Washington In the fi place it is not in no masses to obtain inde- the eet. It provides that the of Philippine liberation cept it, and then draft a e president of the United med for redrafting until reement is reached, ears, during which time f, and whe: eriod of t li control acts affecting coinage, mil- rs, and immigration put into effect under imports into the Ur for this re: ,0rt of this spurious independence bill r ited States congress and tition. T ng sugar. It e main riving to arrest the growing ands by creating illusions that realized without a mass struggle to imperia’ and thei. gents. Behind the whole capitalist: gang in congress mmediate question of the roducts. t was for this in behalf of those who S supplying raw material Philippi sf Hoover's cabinet the importance al base were clearly emphasized. ence must be “withheld” until Secretary of 1 which would “honorably and fully c required two thirds vote mpts to dupe the Filipino » time it fully protects an imperialism whose im- challenged by Japan. he tariff quota is ex- iding by the ther atte At. the s of An ‘acific. ne of the bill is, in its final analysis, in his hands. During the entire period of the ses have been subjected to every fo: the armed forces of American imperialism. atrocities used, but new tortures wer It was in these Islands that th duced—a method of torture that f from forced water bursting the int tions of William McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt introduction of the Filipinos to tl and stripes United States that phase Twentieth Century the Filipino mas- rm of bestial tyranny at the hands of Not only were all the usual e invented by the Wall Street butchers. fiendish “water cure” was first intro- frequently resulted in agonizing death estines, under the benign administra- Such was the first ne blessings of living under the stars Since that day the toiling mas nd peasants haev been forced down to their present mise! arvation under Yankee des- potism. Workers slave long hours able wages. Peasants are ground down by high rents and toll of tens of thousands yearly. natural resources, with a populatio level of slaves to produce super-p: independence is to imagine that nature—that the leopard will change its s its prey, that the slave-master will The main effort of U. the Filipino masses. This is ‘We have on many occasions see colonials and semi-colonials by American imperialism mingo, Cuba and Nicaragua are e) A rule of lackeys of American imperialism main bayonets, bombing planes, battlesh: Street and its government ‘The house and senate bill specific pendence” has been granted naval and military bases for Amer: As against this fraud of indeper States must fight to defeat the and unconditional freedom for the of all armed forces, must aid in every movement of the Filipino masses, w revolutionary struggle to scourge fr 4sts and defeat their native puppets. at Washington he these Islands imperialists; tax Mass hunger takes its deadly To imagine that these Islands, rich in hat has been beaten down to the Wall Street will be granted or routs fo: the imperial beast will change its pots, that the jackal will shield i grant liberation to his slaves. imperialism is not to unite, but to divide one of the chief purposes of the bill n what sort of independence is granted Haiti, Santo Do- of this sort of independence. ined by machine guns, tillery, is what Wall out to the Filipinos. s that even after “inde- shall permanently remain sm. ling masses of the United must demand immediate ilippines, demand the withdrawal ay possible the independence in independence only by the il the American imperial- Communist Party of the xample: ips and heavy ally sti ican impe ndence the t) ho can rom thei: The Philippine Islands is the only force which can unite the toilers in their liberation struggle. American workers must aid in this liberation struggle of the Flipinos! Down with American imperialist tyranny in the Philippines! Long live the Communist Part; y of the Philippine Islands, the only Yeader in the fight for independence! “4 Round of New Wars and Revolutions” (Concluding Remarks of Ercol differing character of the general objectives, which we have given, implies a differentiation in the de- velopment of the capitalist crisis in_various countries. In Germany, we hay where reactionary and a situation volution- ary forces are gathering and oppos- in ing each other rapid manner. Our task is to an extremely e the ideol eal capacity of our Party, so to he able to analyze with continuous attention and ex; ly understand at every moment, the nature of the situation which we have before us and adapt our political line, our tactics, to this situation. Now, more than at any other time, our ideo- logical capacity must be allied with the capacity to do practical work, with the spirit of struggle, with the greatest development of the initia- tive of each Party and each Party organization SPEAK of war, of revolu- tionary upsurge, of revolution. ‘We do not know what the situation will be when the next session of the Communist International assembles. We do not know, in case of war, ‘what connections we shall be able to to maintain between the Parties of the Communist International and the centre of the Communist In- tional. We do not know, dur- ing the development of the revolu- struggle in each country, strikes are going to develop assume the character of mass political strikes; we do not know what connctions we shall be able to have’ between the centre of our Party and the basic organizations. Tn these circumstances we can- not’ Advance ‘tiriléss’ we’ suictéed int developing. to the widest extent the initiative of our Party ali the organizations of our Par from: the: highest: leading organiva- tiens down to the factory cell. We see 2 thovement of the masses m ow’ direction, coming, partly wom the unorgarized masses, part- li at 12th Plenum of E. C. C. L) ly from the workers organized in the reformist trade unions. That king for a revolutionary ; part of that mass wishes to join our ranks. Our task con- sists in su eding in directing it, and, in order to achieve this task, it is absolutely necessary for all | Social-Democratic traditions to be | overcome in our rank It is abso- | lutely necessary, in order to achieve ach Party to work ideological and this for ncing towards a pe- great struggles. What will the reaction in our ranks, in the [ arious parties in cap- countries with regard to truggles? Will there be ele- ments which will weaken just when it is necessary, on the contrary, to show the greatest amount of strength? Can we put aside such a prospect? No! We must have that prospect here before us and we must learn to understand the importance for all the Parties of the Communist International, under the present conditions of struggle, of a Leninist ideology of revolu- tionary Marxism, against right opportunism, which is the main danger, and against deviations of the left wing. All our Parties have not yet be- come real Bolshevist Parties. They will become Bolshevist Parties in the course of struggle, but, beside the great ideological and political confusion of the Parties of the Sec- ond International, we are an Inter- national unified on the basis of a program which is a banner to the workers, to the oppressed peoples of the whole) world. these | YE are a world Party which draws t ifs’ strength’ from an ideology and tactics which we have been taught by our great leaders, Marx, | Engels, Lenin, Stalin, which has | been -tanght' us by the experience | of three revolutions. All our Par- | lies are not yet Bolshevist Parties, | they will become so in the course of the struggle, but we have at mur how that it is designed to | | { | | { | | ‘EveryFactor Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers. CONTINUITY IN (Conclusion) 'HIS wage cut can be defeated, as we have already defeated a wage cut in one small steel mill here. A 5 per cent cut was defeated two weeks ago without a strike. | We started some agitation on the question of the cut and some dis- | cussion among the workers in the mill and this in itself helped to defeat the cut. I think that certain demands, even a wage cut can be defeated without a strike, especially if we call upon the workers by giving them leadership and guid- ance and first of all acquainting them with the union in the mill. The workers will not recognize the slogan as something impossible to ieve and therefore this slogan at we put forth now about de- feating the wage cut will depend to a large extent on how we dey- elop the moventent. Certainly the OUR WORK IN OUR SHOPS. fact that we have already defeated | the wage cut in one steel mill shows that strike is not the only way with which to defeat the wage cut. Of course, we have as our ob- jective—struggle and strike—but as we will develop organizationally, the struggle and strike will come as & natural result. Now a few words on unemploy- ment. In the steel towns and in most cases around this industry, the unemployed work becomes of great importance because the whole struggle in steel towns and mills is a struggle against the wage cut and for relief. In this town a 20 per cent relief cut has just been announced. You cannot neglect this struggle. In practically all the steel towns water, gas and light has been shut off to such an ex- tent where the workers have to go to a fire hydrant for water— and around these issues we can involve part time and unemployed workers and unite them in this struggle. «, y bears is what we are attempting now—against the wage cyt and linking this up with the ‘struggle for unemployment relief. We are trying to employ the united front tactics to the extent that it has been carried out in Chicago on the 50 per cent relief cut. The issue of the cut in relief, together with the wage cuts and the stagger system affects the workers here as much as the 50 per cent cut did in Chi- cago. With the proper carrying through of this work, by uniting even the most backward workers we will be able to go ahead. Today in almost every unemployed branch we have about 40 per cent part time workers employed in the steel mills because they cannot live on two days’ wages and they come to the Unemployed Councils with their various grievances. Without developing the unem- ployed movement, the struggle against the wage cuts in the steel mills cannot be developed effec-~ tively. 1, The proper emphasis is placed here on the need to con- stantly follow up the develop- ment of the work in the shop around immediate grievances if our organization is to grow and spread its influence. This re- quires that we know clearly everything in and about the shop to enable us to deal concretely with each issue. 2. However, the winning of partial struggles around small is- sues should be utilized to broaden the struggle front, preparing the workers for organized resistance (strikes) against wage-cuts, speed-up. We should not draw a general conclusion that every wage-cut can be defeated without strike. Our basic line must be that in the fight against wage- cuts we prepare and organize strike struggles. 3. The conception that strug- gles and strikes will come as a natural result of organization fails to take into account that our organization will grow and de- velop precisely through struggles and strikes and that we must pre- pare for every strike, head, at the head of the Com- munist Party of the U. S. S. R., Lenin's Party, the Party directed by Comrade Stalin, the leader of the world proletariat, which shows the whole International an example of ideological steadfastness, of ir- reconcilable struggle againsé op- portunism, against Social-Demo- cratic and petty-bourgeois oppor- tunist deviations to the right and to the left, the way of close alliance with the masses, obtained by daily work in contact with the masses. ‘The victories, of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the vic- tories of Socialist construction in the Soviet Union are a guarantee of victory for the whole world proletariat, for the whole Com- munist International. Strengthened by the experience of the Bolshevist Party, let us go back to our work, let us try to bring into our work the same spirit of struggle, the same practical spirit which we have tried to put in our resolutions. No mere words. Work! Let us try to overcome the gap which exists between our decisions and our resolutions. Let us take root in the factories, let us work thoroughly in the reformist trade unions, let us work among the mass of unemployed, let us pene- trate into Fascist trade union or- ganizations, into the army, into the navy. Let us practice revolution- ary class struggle throughout the world, the struggle for bread, for the workers’ freedom, against war, against the regime of capitalist ex- ploitation, for the dictatorship of the proletariat! Long live the Communist Inter- national! Long live the Bolshevist Pariy and its leader—Stalin! Long live the world revolution! “Japan entertains no territorial designs!”, Foreign Minister Ushida of Japan. Soviet Technocracy: the New Lure of AKY 24, 1933 the Ruling Class of the U.S. By A. ALLEN. 1, WHAT IS TECHNOCRACY? URING the last few months the bourgeois and the social-fascist papers of America have been con- ducting an exceptionally broad and persevering campaign for techno- cracy. As a result of this campaign, technocracy has become a general topic of discussion among certain parts of the population, especially among the technicians and engi- neers, but also among the workers. The basic idea of technocracy is the rule of the engineers; it is a teaching whose supporters say that the only way out of the crisis is to give the engineers and technicians the power to take care of capital- ism. ‘The center of technocracy is the Columbia University in New York. Over a decade ago the bourgeoisie founded there a committee of engi- neers and professors to survey the extent of natural resources and the supply of energy in North America, as well as their technical adapta- tion for use. . . WHIS investigating committee has been carrying out its task quiet- ly for many years. Its members have begun to call themselves tech- nocrats, and they advance the teaching of technocracy, or the rule of the engineers, as the only pos- sible solution to the crisis. However, the bourgeoisie and its press until recently have not paid any great attention to these tech- nocrats; articles concerning the de- velopment, mechanization and ra- tionalization of technique, which have been published now and then in bourgeois publications. The first impetus to the present big campaign for technocracy was given by the ex-governor of New York state, and Democratic candi- date for president in 1928, Alfred E. Smith, one of the leaders of Amer- ica’s big bourgeoisie and an out- standing leader of the organization directing boudgeois political cor- ruption in New York, Tammany Hall. Last November this gentle- man began to publish the “New Outlook”, a periodical edited in a very fascist spirit. The first issue of this magazine contained an ex- tensive article of propaganda for technocracy. Starting from Mr. Smith’s publication, which has a great deal of influence among’ the bourgeoiste, the technocracy cam- paign spread like wild-fire over the entire country, with the result that people have begun to speak of it just as excitedly as they did last spring about the kidnapping of the Lindbergh baby. 2. WHAT DO THE TECHNOCRATS SAY? HE teaching of technocracy 1s confusing, conservative and uto- pistic. They pretend to be against everybody and everything, against the democrats, the republicans, the fascists and communists. But es- pecially against the teachings of Marx. ‘They often use auti-capital ist phrases, but they never advo- cate the overthrowing of the capl- talist system. ‘They paint @ very gloomy pic- ture of the crisis; they predict the colossal increase of unemployment. ‘They preach against the price- system and are of the opinjon that money should be replaced as @ unit of value by energy units, such as kilowatt hours, etc. In the opinion of these gentlemen, the agents of the capitalist class, there are no classes and no Class struggle. It is out of question to think that they would say something about imme- diately improving the miserable condition of the workers. The great technical advance made during the rule of capitalism and ly during the last few decades is the A and O of t of the technocrats. They bring oft as @ supposedly newy and revohu- tionary, discovery the role of ma- chinery and new inventions in lay- ing off jabor power. But all that ig nothing new, for the main diree- tion of changes in production. brought about by technical advance was already very Clearly indicated as early as 1848 in the Communist Manifesto”, written by Marx and Engels, and later explained in, de- ‘ail in Marx's “Capital”, In speake ing of how mass production by machine-industry pushes aside the hand and home industry, Marx made the following prophetic re- mark 75 years ago in regard to America where at that time ma- chine industry was much less de- veloped than in England: “Conse- quently, when the inevitable tran- sition to the factory system takes place in that country (the United States), the ensuing concentra~ tion will, compared with Europe and even with England, advance in seven-league boots.” (Footnote from Marx’s “Capital”, Interna- tional Publishers, p. 495.) 'HE technocrats aspire for some kind of “planned economy”. Even in this respect they are cer- tainly not the first ones. The suc- cessfully built first Five-Year Plan in the Soviet Union has encouraged many bourgeois economists to pro- pose plans and planned economy for capitalist countries also. But these gentlemen, and with them the technocrats, have forgotten the fact ,that planned economy is possible only in a socialist system, but in no case under the rule of capital- ism. ‘The technocrats’ conservatism and fear of the working class ap- pears very clearly in the following statement given by the leader of the technocrats’ investigating com~- mittee, Howard Scott: “There must be a planned social revolution or the unemployed will arise and plunge the nation into chaos”. And Scott predicts that “capitalists themselves will eventually lead the social revolution, for they will rea- lize that they are unable to profit on their investments under the present price system”. In spite of all their talk sup- posedly directed against the capi- talists, the technocrats are there- fore very much concerned about the capitalists’ profits from exploi- tation, as the statement above clearly shows. And it is clear that to defend these profits not revolu- tion, but counter-revolution and fascism are needed. 3. WHY IS TECHNOCRACY POLITICAL TRICKERY? Fe the reason that technocracy offers the American big bourge- oisie a valuable medium for carry- ing out a big demagogic campaign to throw dust in the eyes of the workers. And the campaign it has now carried on is undeniably one of those demagogic maneuvers against which the resolution adopted by the XIV Plenum of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. warned the workers last spring. ‘The crisis of capitalism, and es- pecially of United States capital- ism, is becoming more aggravated day by day, and it is ‘becoming in- creasingly difficult for the capital- ist class to extricate itself from it. ‘The outright denial of the deepen- ing of the crisis, which the capital- ist papers of America have done up to'now, and still are doing, no longer has any effect on the work- ing class, or even on the petty bour- geoisie. The bourgeoisie is in ever more.urgent need of using to its advantage all its agencies, especial- ly fascism and social-fascism. And the technocrats fill a need admir- ably. For it is very convenient to use the authority of the tech- nicians and. engineers among the American workers to help carry out the blackest purposes of the bour- geoisie and to pave the way for fascism, struggle against it, and to lull them into badly decep- tive dreams by means of beautiful promises for the future. They use technocracy to prevent the workers from seeing the menace of imper- 'ialist war and their preparations for attacking the Soviet Union. ‘They use technocracy to try to de- crease the revolutionary enthusiasm American workers to the Sovict Union. 5. WHAT STAND DO THE SOCIAL-FASCISTS TAKE TOWARD TECHNOCRACY? 'HEIR, stand toward technocracy again exposes the miserable role that the leaders of the American Socialist. Party play in misleading the workers and in supporting the rule of the bourgeoisie. From week to week, day to day, the papers of the social-fascist party, especially the daily published in Milwaukee, the “Milwaukee Leader”, have extolled the techno- erats and technocracy. In its De- cember 12th issue, this paper said: “For the socialists, technocracy and the work of the technocrats can become the modern source-book, from which we can preach “the gospel of socialism”. A certain noted leader of the American Federation of Labor says: “Technocracy reflects labor's yearn- ings of a century.” It is clear that if the technocrats or their teaching meant the least danger to capitalism or the capital- ists, technocracy would not have re~ ceived this warm sympathy and undivided support by the bourge- oisie and its agents, the social-fas- cist leaders. That fact clearly ex- poses the Class character of techno~ cracy. It stands for the bourgeoisie and capitalism—therefore against the working class and its interests. 4, WHAT SHOULD THE CLASS- CONSCIOUS WORKERS DO? ICHNOCRACY and the cam- paign of befogging conducted in this connection by the bourgeoisie and the social-fascists among the workers, means a considerable danger to the development of the militant. class struggle movement, and to.the carrying out of the im- mediate tasks before it. For this reason especially an ide- ological campaign against techno- cracy and the exposing of its un- Marxist theories, is an especially important campaign. Marxist edu- cational work must be done more energetically than before, among broader masses of workers. On March 14, 50 years will have elapsed from the death of the founder of scientific socialism, Karl Marx. At the recommendation of the XII full session of the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist Interna- tional, class-conscious workers and Communist Parties all over the world are preparing for a broad educational campaign for the teach- ings of Marx. To honor the mem- ory of Merx means in America cs- pecially to create ideological clarity in the struggle against such at- tempts at befogging by the bour- geoisie and social-fascists as tech- noeracy. ‘Technocracy is intended to para- lyze'the fighting spirit of the work- ers. The only answer the workers can give to it is to broaden and strengthen the struggles for unem~- ployment relief and insurance, and against the unceasing wage-cuts. ‘To build a good block or neighbors’ committee among unemployed workers and to conduct a struggle under the leadership of such a committee for food, clothing and shelter, is to get real help for the unemployed, who live in undescrib- able misery, and it is correct activ- ity for the developing of a struggle against the capitalist system, which must be destroyed first before we can talk of planned economy and increasing prosperity for all work- ing masses. | i Soviet Union recently com- pleted its first Five-Year Plan in four years. During fifteen years the workers of the Soviet Union have shown the workers of the en- tire world the only road which must be taken if we wish to get a shorter work-day and to use the achievements of science and tech- nique for the benefit of the work- ers. The bourgeoisie and the so- clal-fascists together with _ their technocracy want to conceal this from the workers of America. The duty of the class-conscious workers in America is to make the achicve- ments of socialist construction in the Soviet Union known to all workers in. America and to show ~By Burck ign THE | ON } | USES OF LAWYERS | Only a few words remain to be said about the role of counsel at the trials of Bolsehviks. Some may ask; if the Bolsehviks did not “defend” themselves in court why was it necessary to en- gage counsel? Was that not incon- sistent? It was very useful, however, to have counsel at political trials. In the first place, through him the revolutionary prisoner, who was cut off for a long time from society, was able to establish contact with the “outside’ world and with the representatives of his party. The lawyers sympathetic to the revolu- tionary movement did not refuse to act in this capacity, This contact was made easier by the fact that the lawyer was able to visit the prisoner alone in his cell both be- fore as well as during the trial. A person sitting in_sclitary confine- ment knows the importance of con- nections with the outside world, it keeps up the spirit of the comrade who is torn away from the active | revolutionary ranks, it often en- ables him to continue to work for the movement by correspondence and literary activity. Connection with the “outside” world was often | essential for the revolutionary pris~ oner in preparing his escape from prison Secondly, it was important that the reyolutionist on trial whose punishment the government was preparing behind closed doors, should have in the court room a man who had the right to inter- fere in the case, to speak and com- pel the court to adhere to the rules of court procedure formulated by the government itself, but which where systematically violated by the agents of the court when revolu- tionists were involved. Very often these rules of procedure, with which usually the revolutionist was not familiar, made it easier for him to expose the crimes of Tsarism and put the position of his Party. TASK OF LAWYERS Finally, in view of the absence of public control at the trial, since political cases were tried behind closed doors, counsel for the de- fense acted, as it were, as the rep- resentative of the public, who in- formed the latter about everything that took place at the trial. The government did not succeed in keeping the secrets of the “court” torture-chamber and all the cir- cumstances and details of the case. Through the lawyer, they became public property. However, while inviting the ser- vices of the lawyer the Bolshevik restricted his sphere of activity The lawyer had to concern him- self only with the juridicial as- pects of the case. He was not to en- gage in the political defense of the accused or to analyze the view- points of the Bolshevik Party for the purpose of shielding his client and mitigating the penalty. His task was more modest. During the trial he had to weaken the evi- dence juridicially, refute the evi- dence of the police officiais and spies and show up the flimsiness of the charges. In his speech for the defense he had to make an estima- tion of the case from the legal point of view, to compromise it juridi- cially. Of course he had to bring forward all the juridical arguments at his command in order to try to secure an acquittal, or at least a light sentence for his client. Regarding the political aspects of the case he was permitted by his client to sketch in his speech the political conditions of the country, against the background of which the case may have arisen, but un- der no circumstances to touch upon the viewpoint of the Bolshevik Par- ty. The Bolshevik could not trust Dramatic Incidents in the Struggle Against Russian Tsarism. BOLSHEVIKS TRIAL y T. TCHERNOMORDIK — een! a non-party lawyer, or one belong- ing to another party, with the task of speaking in the name of the Party. This task the accused Bol- shevik took upon himself. The degree to which the role of counsel fos the defense was re- stricted by the Bolsheviks is strik- ingly illustrated by “the following letter written by Lenin to Comrade Stasova and the arrested Moscow Bolsheviks, in reply to their ques~ tion as to the line of conduct they were to pursue during the examina- tion and at the trial. bare | (Letier from Lenin to Stasova and to Comrades in Moscow Prison, January 19, 1905.) ye ae Dear, Friends, I have received your inquiry as to tactics at the trial (from the letter of Absoluta and from a note, “passed on literally” through an unknown person). Absoluta ‘writes of two points of view. In the note three groups are spoken of, per- haps the three following shades are being contemplated, which I will try to formulate. 1. Repudiate the trial and di- rectly boycott it. Repudiate the trial and not take part in the court investiga- tion. To invite counsel only on condition that he speaks exclu- sively on the incompetency of the court from the point of view of abstract law. In the final speech to expound our credo and demand that the case be tried by jury. 3. Concerning the final speech, the same. To utilize the trial as an agitational medium and for this reason to take part in the court investigation with the help of coun- sel. To point out the illegality of the trial and even to call witnesses to prove an alibi. Further question. Should you merely state that you are Social- Democrats by conviction or admit that you are members of the Rus- sian Social-Democratic Labor Party? You write that it is necessary to have a pamphlet on this question. I am of the opinion that it is not expedient now, without experience, to issue a pamphlet. Perhaps we will deal with it in the newspaper, when occasion offers. Maybe some one of the arrested will write a short article on the subject for the newspaper (about a thousand words). This will be the best per- haps as the beginning of ‘a discus- sion. eh, aha JERSONALLY, I have not yet, ar- rived at a definite opinion, and I would prefer, before speaking definitely, to discuss the matter thoroughly with the comrades awaiting trial or who have been on trial. I will formulate my ideas in order to start such a discussion. Much depends on what the trial will be like, i.e, whether there will be any opportunity of utilizing it for purposes of agitation or not. If the first will be the case then tac- tics No. 1 are unsuitable. If the second, then they will be useful but only after an open, specific and energetic protest and declaration. Tf, however, there is an opportunity to utilize the trial for agitational purposes, then tactics No. 3 are de- sirable. A speech explaining -the credo is very desirable in general, very useful, in my opinion and in the majority of cases might play an agitational role. Particularly in beginning to utilize the Tsarist court, a Social-Democrat should in his speech, deal with the Socjal- Democratic program and_ tactics, (f0 BE CONTINUED) “Labor Unity” Appeals for Support to Ensure Publication of February Issue issue. bureaucracy, Worker ers with the magazine. H be January issue of Labor Unity shows further improvement in both contents and apeparance, in the direction begun with the December This issue deals especially with the vital questions facing the workers today and the policies of the A. F. of L, leadership and the de- cisions of the A. F, of L. convention. Jeadership of the Trade Union Unity League as against the A. F. of L, It also contrasts the policies and an dlocal unions have already sent in favorable comment on the recent issues of Labor Unity. But the circulation is not growing fast enough. ‘The lack of attention to this phase of our work by the trade union leaders is making it impossible to reach larger sections of the work- As a result of the lack of attention on the part of the trade union organizations, Labor Unity, which is always running at a deficit, is acty~ ally faced with thw impossibility of printing the February issue unless we can secure some iaunediate support, Send all money directly to Labor Unity, 2 W. 15th St., New York City, or bring it in person if you are in the city. “TECHNOCRACY AND MARXISM” IN NEW PAMPHLET. «@TECHNOCRACY AND MARX- ISM,” a new pamphlet by Wil- liam Z. Foster and Earl Browder has just been issued by the Work- ers Library Publishers. Included in the pamphlet is “The Technical In- telligentsia and Socialist Construc- tion,” the speech delivered by V. M. Molotov, chairman of the Coun- cils of Peoples Commissars, at the Fifth All-Union Conference of En- gineers and Technicians of the So- viet Union on Noy, 26, 1932. The publication of the pamphlet is very timely. The capitalist press is giving unlimited publicity to the writings and ideas of Technocracy. Why is this done? Because of the intense mass unrest for a way out of the crisis the capitalists are us= ing Technocracy as a decol which seems “radical” and which appears to be attacking capitalism. ‘This pamphiet explains why, now, the ideas of Technocracy, which were developed years ago by some bourgeois liberal economists, have gained such prominence and head- refute the ideas of Technocracy. ‘The publishing in the same pam- phlet of Comrade Molotov's recent speech on the “Technical Intellie gentsia and Socialist Construction” fits in well with the whole subject of Marxism and Technocracy, EXPOSE OF CALVERTO. IS FEATURE IN JAN. ISSUE OF NEW MASSES N exposure of the “Marxism” of V. F, Calverton, a3 well as Ms literary plagiarism, features te January issue of the “New Masses.” ‘The article, written by David Reme sey and Alan Calmer, step by step the development of Calverton’s position, Mm addition to the Calverton essay, which takes up a large part of the issue, there are two articles on the Hunger March, one by Michael Gold and the other by Felix Morrow; a short story, “Slow Death,” by Erskine Caldwell; a which the achievements of socialist | them that even in America only | way. poem, “Time Is Money,” by 8. Fue construction arouse in the midst of struggle and the ‘The pamphlet in a simple man- narott; cartoons by New American workers, and thus to cool revolution offer the way | ner presents some of the basic prin- | tists; a x down the friendly ude-of the — oub-of the presen misery, . Siplea of Margiem-Leninism which " rag, ang oliae'! “