The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 23, 1933, Page 4

i Yage Four Published by the Comprodaily Poblishing Co. daily except Sun 1ath St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable Address and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, Ne BIPTION BATRA By mail everywhere: One $6; six months, $ excepting Berourh of Msnhaitan and Bronx Canada: One year, $9; 6 months e ‘ Be l Epitaph to A Scoundre HAS. YALE HARRISON, a former contributing Editor of of the New Masses and other revolutionary publications, and until his expulsion Friday night a member of the John Reed Club, has issued a statement to the capitalist press, ac- cusing Stalin in so niany of murdering Trots daughter by driving her to suicide while she was living in Ine ‘DAIWORK.” York, N.Y. words comfort in Berlin sity was involved in her death, since lars from the capitalist press throughout the world for his artic ing the Soviet Union, was in a posit It is quite evident th: no question of economic neces- Trots receiving thousands of dol- attack- tion to furnish any funds needed by his “persecuted” daughter. Harrison is undoubtedly an expert on suicide The wife of Mr. Chas. Yale Harrison, driven to distraction by his peculiar me d physical reptilian repulsiveness, Tecently committed suicide. » mistake made by Mr. Harrison in his latest publicity effort, delib designed to enhance the sale of his hooks is that he did not a alin of being responsible for the suicide of his own wife. This would be jus ince, proceeding from basis of his pathologic much as Stalin was unaware of fact and therefore committed sv All of this, however & mouthpiece for counte Speaking for Max E; t groupings; the Edmund Wilsons tailed the gutter gossip of the white columns of the New Republic important weapons of Ameri the Chinese Revolution ing class. and a (ARRISON’S whole career is a s H in and around the revolutiona amount of financial gain and tion with the revolutionary he demanded $300 from the poverty the industrial insurance racket (inf Periences in harrassing under Sentative of these predatory compa by)—and up to the time when he Facketeer ex-servicemen’s league—ha gain which he could ext “In short: a journal ling at all tim not the in who under jovement the e said tt - brooded ov t S this elf is merely country; he is the Lovestone ‘liberalism’ re- clubs in the istitute one of the most the Soviet Union, ionary work- ments in Cannonites, he guise guard and 11 of whom ¢ portunistic adventure ‘Ss motivated by the ‘ancement. His connec- ig from the moment when n Daily Worker for exposing ation gleaned from rs of ex- gro and white workers as a repre- ind obtaining a good living there- ght unsuccessfully to organize a been determined by the material movement personal a da ‘or tie cootie, without principle, ready and wil- s to sell his not too extensive ability to the highest bidder—but always with one foot in the Hearst cesspool and the other in the radical movement in order to get a greater remuneration from the gutter press because of the special knowledge such relation is supposed to give him. Charles Yale Harrison and his s! tatement, with characteristic lack of principle, released to the metropolitan press but not sent to the New Masses, is a symbol and a symptom of the trend among certain middle- class intellectuals who, like the Socialist Party of this and other coun- tries whose relations to the working class and the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party they really express, spread thi wings to maintain contact with the working class on the other. ir vultures’ capitalist class on one side and the Harrison stands in sharp contrast to the growing number of honest intellectuals—articis and w tilers, organized in the John Reed Club and similar organizations, who are actively showing their sup- port of the revolutionary movement and the Soviet Union. pane eas JH; capitalist class, of course, is ne people as Mr. Harrison to i stem. ver in doubt as to the loyalty of such They tolerate certain “radical” expression and encourage these expressions on the part of such writers, for they are always sure that in any emergency or acute a crisis such as capitalism is experiencing, wi Union—the Communist Party and i fo intervention and war, that th ith its need for diserediting the Soviet ts leadership as a necessary prelude will always come through for the ruling class with some filthy slander about the leadership of the Prole- tarian Reyolution which the benumbed brains of the real capitalist lead- ers could never conceive. This is the social content of the statement of Charles Yale Harrison— one of the many procurers to Wall Street imperialism _Hearst’s“Buy American” Stunt HE chain of gutter sheets of Wil upon a new caich-word “Buy Ame this one tries by loud shouting and defects in his arguments, which are, come the crisis in the United States liam Randolph Hearst have now hit rican”. Like all other Hearst ventures screeching headlines to conceal the basically, that the one way to over- is to buy only American-made goods. ‘To achieve this Hearst and his staff writer, Arthur Brisbane, propose to Yaise' the tariff walls still higher so that all forelgn commerce will be shut out of the United States. Then, with their customary Brisbanalities, the Hearst machine proposes that the United States government have a big merchant marine to carry the foreign commerce of the country. In the * st place such a propo of the economic crisis but will still of giving work to the jobl will export. Hearst and h e men that excess of exports from Even Hearst and his gang of p campaign is not based upon the que their economic arguments. It is ps sal will not help to ease the effects further sharpen the crisis—instead throw out of work those engaged in ’ ignore just one little fact—that is this country over imports to the country. en prostitutes know this. But their of trade economics, in spite of t of the campaign of the imperialist War-mongers to whip up a fanatic nationalism that can be turned in any direction at any time the ruling class d the slaughter house of another worl are not in favor of the “economic” part of the propaganda for national chauvi les to plunge the country into id war. While certain big capitalists arguments used, they welcome it as m. It is part of that extreme nationalism that is sweeping the world in this period of the end of capi- talist stabilization, which is a transition to a new round of wars and revolutions. Such campaigns are all calculate the one effective method of fightin against hunger, for immedi r d to try to sidetrack the masses from against the crisis—the mass struggle ft and for unemployment insurance. Hearst bas never been concerned about the welfa of the workers; con- ditions in his own slave pens where his newspapers are published elo- quently testify to that. W he is worrying about is how to defeat the workers, who are morc more showing a determination to solve the crisis in a working class way against him and his class—that is to say, the revolutionary way. "“INTL. LITERATURE” | writers. (BERS 1,2 AND 3 An article called “Trotsky on pt Sa NO ww “AV AILABLE| Uiterature,” and exhaustive analy- AVAIL E “INTERNATIONAL LITE R.A- TURE,” Central Organ of Inter- national Union of Revolutionary Writers, International Publishers, @stributor for U. S. A. No. 1, cents; Number 2-5, 50 cents. (OMBERS 1 and 2-3 of Interna- tional Literature, Central Organ of the International Union of Revolutionary Waiters, have just received by International Pub- s, the central distributor for magazine in the United States. magazine is published in Mos- cow in four languages and dis- tributed throughout the world. S, Dynamov, a leading Soviet critic, has an article on Theodore Dreiser, and Dreiser himself has an article entitled “War and Am- erica” in Number 2-3. The same mumber contains Emil Ludwig's interview with Joseph Stalin, and @n open letter by Soviet writers to John Dos Passos, as well as a of short stories and by Soviet, Hungarian, Am- Japanese and Chinese 35 tical review of the New Masses are of special interest in Number 1. Among its literary contributions is the highly interesting account by a group of Soviet shock workers of a tour of Europe, a short story | by Bela Tles and a novelette by G. Germanetto, excerpts from which are published in today’s Daily Worker. STOPS EVICTION HOUSTON, Texas—Living condi- tions of the workers in Houston are terrible. Many live in wretched shacks with no water and gas, in addi- tion some evictions are taking place. Conditions are worse in the Fifth Ward, a large working-class section, with about 40,000 population—about 30,000 Negroes. These live on the muddiest strects, Besides, many are hungry and the Social Service 1s crowded each day and they claim that they can only handle 40 appli- cations per. day. ‘The Unemployed Council has forced relief for two fam- ilies in the last few days. | | | “EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Intimate, Per- manent Contacts With the Workers, Lemon — The Twelfth Plenum Resolu tions of the Communist Interna- | tional emphasizes that the main link to win the American workers for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around their elementary needs, The re- cent Shop Conference #1 New York and Chicago should be utilized by every member of the Party and trade unions to im- prove the contents and methods of our work in the factores. We urge all comrades to send in articles on the basis of their own main y inside experiences, as well as questions on problems which confront them—which will be answered in | this column. | CONTINUITY IN OUR| WORK IN OUR SHOPS | Se | 4 [ese weakness in all our work in the shop is the lack of continuation once we have estab- lished some of our groups and our committees the shop. We seem to be able to get to a certain point in shop work and then: we stop. I want to take for example our experiences and examine one or two shops in which we have es- | tablished fairly large groups at one | time. However, because we were not able to continue the work, to know the next steps in developing struggles, training the members in the process of these struggles, the union groups today are practically non-existent. In one steel plant we began work by first discussing with our com- |rades the various problems. On the basis of this we began to recruit ! for the union in the shop. In a few weeks we built up a union group of 45 to 50. In one section of this plant where 500 workers were em- ployed we had 26 dues paying mem- bers of the union. This union was built because we took up with the workers the concrete grievances and the daily needs in the mill. Sos alo he WR example, the safetly shoes. The workers had to have safety shoes but were compelled to pay for them as much as $3 and $4 a pair. We raised the demand of free safety shoes. This stirred up workers who were not eyen in our organization. We began to raise this question at the safety meet- ings—cnd the demand was won. Other demands were also won. But we did not know how to go any further. We called meetings of our union and what did we take up. We dis- cussed the conditions in the shop. We were satisfied and they were satisfied that we had won some- thing, but we did not discuss other grievances around which struggles could be developed. We were not sufficienttly acquainted with the shop to be able to guide the work- ers to dig up additional grievances in the shop. The result was that for weeks we had meetings with the workers, discussed with them, took up the dues payments, various mags meetings that we held in the town and week after week we could definitely see a decline in the at- tendance to the mieetings and a decline in the membership. We began to discuss the trouble. We found that as-long as we were tak- ing up the issues of the workers, we were constantly getting new blood. But when we did not dis- cuss the actual grievances a de- line in enthusiasm, members, and our work in that particular mill. We had the same thing in an- other mill. A mill of some 250 workers. In one department we had 75 per cent of the workers organ- ized in our union. In fact, we were already discussing a strike situa- tion. But today also here we have practically no organization. 8 IN another steel mill we won the right for the Negro workers to buy coal. In this same mill some workers on their own initiative in one department organized a com- mittee and*went to the superinten- dent to protest a wage cut in the mill and also against the speed- up. They followed the advice of our leaflets. Alongside of that partic- ular cepartment we had Party Comrades, union comrades, but they did not know that such a movement was developing. Because our comrades did not give leader- ship to this movement and work out methods for presenting the de- mands the committee that went up to the boss was immediately fired and nothing happened in the shop. We also seem to have a lack of objective when we go into a shop. Lots of tmes we stamt working, or- ganizing groups in the shop be- cause we are told to do so. We don’t go there examining the con- ditions of the workers and setting ourselves a certain objective we in- tend to reach by developing the work, I think we must put forth an objective for the workers we are organizing. The demands we used to raise in the steel industry be- fore—we set an objective there— we called upon the workers to or- ganize and strike against wage cuts. What was the result? Cer- tainly the workers saw clearly thab it would be impossible to strike against wage cuts at that particular moment. They knew they had no organization and no leadership. In the steel mills, in our union, al- though we carried on some activity it ‘was very weak. The whole thing looked like a mountain to the workers. They did not think and did not believe we could develop a strike, therefore, we did not develop any struggle around the issues of previous wage- cuts that took place in the steel industry. Today we have learned something. In my opinion the slo- gans we have now on the question of the wage cut is better. We don’t Speak on the subject of strike at least not now, not yet, we speak on defeating the wage cut, (CONCLUDED TOMORROW) “A Round of New Wars and DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 23, 1933 -By Burck Revolutions” Concluding Remarks of Ercoli at 12th Plenum of E.C.C.L. E ARE publishing Comrade Ercoli’s closing remarks at the 12th Plenum of the Executive Com- mittee of the Communist Interna~ tional. We urge the workers to read and study the resolutions and decisions of the 12th Plenum. All resolutions are published in pamph- let form, “Capitalist Stabilization Has Ended.” The January issue of the Communist is a special 12th Plenum issue, and has a number of articles applying the Plenum reso- lutions to immediate tasks facing the American working class and its vanguard, the Communist Party. ‘We also urge all workers to read the Communist International Mag- azine Nos. 17 and 19, which con- in invaluable’ material on the 12th Plenum. Price 10 cents per copy, available at all workers’ book- shops or direct from the Workers Library Publishers, 50 East 13th Street, New York. WIE HAVE reached the end of the work of the plenary session of the Executive’ Committee of the Communist International. For three weeks we, who repre- sent the Communist: Parties of the whole world, the representatives of the. vanguard of the world. pro- letariat, have thoroughly examined the situation which is \before. us today. We have gathered in order to examine the present objective situation of the capitalist world, to examine the position of the work- ers’ and peasants’ revolutionary moyement and the tasks which we have before us. From the very first day, our dis- cussions have been full of the con- sciousness of the gravity of. the situation and the importance of the tasks before us. The resolutions are full. of the same consciousness that the situa- tion before us is not-a period of development of pacifism, but of big struggles, wars and revolutions. We started our work by the state- ment that the relative stabilization of capitalism was at an end. We have analyzed the significance of this definition and its results, which we have tried to set out in our reso- lutions in the simplest and most popular way. MEANING OF END OF CAPITALIST STABILIZATION But, before we break up, it is per- haps necessary for us to make an effort in order to get a clear idea of what this end of relative capi- talist stabilization, which we have discussed at length, actually is. Maybe this effort will enable us to acquire a concrete, life-like and precise notion of our fundamental task, and its importance, a precise notion of the responsibility which re on us, of the spirit which we r put into the fulfilment of our tasks and into our whole future work. The end of relative capitalist sta- bilization means that the whole capitalist world js suffering from @ new and profound upheaval. The crisis is deepening. ‘The bourgeoisie is desperately seeking for a way out by means of violence and war. The contradictions between the imperialists are becoming graver and graver, while Socialist con+ struction in the U. S. S. R. is making progress. The capitalist and proletarian worlds are opposed to each other in the most irrecon- cilable fashion. The end of capitalist stabilization means that, in order to face the situation, tie bourgeoisie is mobil- izing its forces for a war directed against the Soviet Union, for its offensive against the working class, for new reductions in wages, for reductions in the living standard of the working class, for depriving new scores of millions of workers of bread, for still more increasing the millions-strong army of hungey unemployed in the world. The end of capitalist stabilization means that our class enemy, rent by ever graver contradictions, is gathering his forces; it means the growth of fascism, the persecution of Communists in all countries, ac- celerated preparations for imperial- ist war; it means, at the same time, the continuation of the revolution- ary upsurge of the masses, new hundreds of millions of workers, Peasants, unemployed, oppressed and colonial peoples, joining the struggle to defend their bread, their life. The end of capitalist stabilization means the victory of the red army in reyolutionary China. E HAVE the strike moyement, the ‘revolutionary _ peasants’ movement in Spain. We have the wave of economic and _ political strikes in Poland, accompanied by peasants’ revolts. ‘We have the wave of strikes in Czecho-Slovakia, the impetuous gathering of millions of workers in Germany, in the course of the class struggle of our Party. The end of capitalist stabilization is seen in the sirike of 100,090 Bel- gian miners, who have revolted against their bosses, against their reformist. leaders. ‘The end of capitalist stabilization is seen in the mass movement which is arising more slowly but surely and certainly in countries of fascist dictatorships. The end of capitalist stabilization is seen in those great mass move- ments, those deep streams of mil- lions and millions of human beings, workers, peasants, colonial - toilers who are awaking to the daily struggle’ against the employers against capitalist war, against im- perialism. in the deep stream of these millions who are gathering together, who. are on the march, who are marching along the path of revolution. Comrades, in the midst of these millions “of people, where. do we stand? - Where are the Commu- nists? Where is the revolutionary vanguard? Is it at its battle post? That is the problem which stands before us today. OUR WORK EXAMINED In the course of the: work of our Plenum, we have carefully exam- ined the situation of our move- ment. We have examined the achievements and weaknesses of our Parties, we have marked a whole series of successes: the in- crease in the number of our mem- bers, the development of our in- fluence among the working masses of China and the successes of the red army, the progress achieved by the . Chinese Soviet power. In Poland. the fact that our Party has | not only doubled its. forces in the struggle, but has placed itself, to a greater extent, at the head of the strike movement and the peasants’ movements. In Germany, the fact that. our Communist Party, the largest Party of the International, that Party which is an example to all parties of the International in capitalist countries, is making a rapid advance in the conquest of the majority of the working class and is alrcady succeeding in break- ing Uarough the walls of the Social- Democratic organizations and in detaching groups of Social-Demo- cratic workers who have come under the influence of our ideology Lettersfrom Our Readers ~ HIGH PRAISE FOR THE LENIN MEMORIAL AND ANNIVERSARY EDITION Cleveland, O. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: That special Lenin Memorial and Daily Worker Anniversary Edition was marvelous! It was not a newspaper, but a magazine. It would be ashame not to keep the articles intact. I mean @ pamphlet ought to be published containing the main articles. I wish you'd consider this! The whole tone of our Daily Worker is so much better and on such a higher plane than ever be- fore: I find I can’t tear myself from it until I bave finished. Then I pass the paper on and mark on top_ for the next reader to pass it on also as it is so valuable, Enclosed find $1.00 for the D. W. drive. ‘Yours enthusiastically, Dr. WM, E, LEE, - | Party must dwell at the | moment and in the future. while members of cratic organizations. Social-Demo- We have all heard to what ex- perience of mass work has led in Czecho-Slovakia, work for the de- fence of the direct interests of the workers, what experiences the cora- rades have communicated to us. This shows that the Communist vanguard is already on the way to take up its proper place. UT we recognized at this Plenum and we must frankly repeat, for it has been stated in the reso- lutions, that those successes are not sufficient, they show some ad- vance, but the greatest part of the st‘ii remains to be covered, and We must make it under new condi- tions. In the light of the tasks which are before us, we are stating the end of capitalist stabilization and the transference of the capi- talist world to a new period of wars and revolutions and in the light of those tasks we are stating the backwardness of our movement in all capitalist countries. The ques- tion as to where we stand in the Jarge -plants, where the decisive masses of the industrial proletariat are assembled, is a most acute one. Where are we in the big plants in Germany, France, England? Have we succeeded in transforming the factories, in accordance with the instructions of Lenin, into strang- holds of Communism? What is the state of our work among the unemployed? These, comrades, are the three items, to. which we have given special. care in all the discussions gf the Plenum and.on which our present There is. a big upsurge of the masses, symptoms of the end of the capi- talist system, are coming from the factories, from» the mass of em- ployed’ workers, from the mass of unemployed and therefore from a mags which is still under the influ- ence of reformist ideology and still tied to the reformist organizations. The prospect before us is that the rising m: movement will break the cadres of the reformist organizations. ‘The prospect before us is a © of Sccial-Democracy, but this crisis will not achieve the result to which it must come with- out action on our part. Our action must start in the factories and de- velop itself in the widest manner in the reformist trade union organiza- tions. That action will only suc; ceed in destroying the basis of the influence of Social - Democratic ideology over the working masses, in breaking through struggle the cadres of the Social-Democracy, and breaking, in the struggle, the main enemy in the ranks of the working class. in accomplishing our basic revolutionary task, if we work in the reformist trade unions, re- inforee- the revolutionary trade union opposition and red trade unions, if we work in the factories, WORK AMONG UNEMPLOYED We must work among the un- employed, show the mass of work- ers, by. our daily work, that we are the best fighters in the defence of the most elementary claims of the working class, in defence of its wages and fer their increase, in de- ‘ence of the life of the working class. Have we done everything in this respect since the last meeting of the Plenum; have we made any decisive progress? We have not made any as yet, and, even at this moment, which is an important one, our work lags behind our reso- lutions. That deficiency must be eliminated. That is ‘the main task before us. at. is the basic condition for making a decisive advance in the conquest. of the majority of the working class, for making the mass movement take a step forward, so that we may place ourselves at the head of the economic movement, the strike movement and political moyement, prepare the masses for the development of economic and political movements into decisive struggles for power, for the dicta- torship of the proletariat. (CONCLUDED TOMORROW.) Dramatic Incidents in the Struggia Against Russian Tsarism,. THE BOLSHEVIKS ON TRIAL nes By ‘I. TCHERNOMORDIK wmecmensecenessensien’ THE STORY SO FAR — In the previous installments the anther described the methods used by the czar's secret police (Okhrana) to trap Bolsheviks engaged in underground work. It related the methods of agents-provocateurs and the tactics of the revolutionists on trial, and described the means used by the Czarist police to force arrested revolutionists to give evidence as well as famous speeches by revolution~ ists on trial. ‘This is the manner in which the representative of a Party for which the path and perspectives of the rev- olution were clear, of the Party of social reforms, not by palliar tives under the capitalist system, but by irreconcilable against the very basis of that which led the proletarian masses to struggle and victories, could speak. KNUNYANTZ 8 The remarkably simple and pro- found speech delivered by the Bol- shevik, Bogdan Knunyantz, ex- pressed the spirit of the on-com- ing revolution. His trial took 30th (old style) events of “Bleody uary 9th. At the arrest of Knunyantz the manuscript of the manifesto signed by the “Moscow Committee R. S. D. L. P.” was discovered. This was the only piece of “legal” evidence against him. If Knunyantz had de- sired to defend himself on legal grounds it would not have been difficult for him to refute the charge of belonging to the Moscow Committee and clear himself, par- ticularly in view of the consterna- tion that reigned among the agents of the Tsarist government after January 9th. But he did not choose to do this. As a revolutionist, as a Bolshevik, he decided to utilize the trial for the cause of his Party. place on March 1905, after the Sunday,” Jan- THEN the President of the court read the order of the Minister of Justice to hold the trial behind closed doors, Knunyantz asked whether the court could reverse this order. The rr oly was in the nega- tive, upor wnich Bogdan Ky yantz made the following declara tion: “In view of the fact that the tri is to be held behind closed doors, which renders it impossible for pub- lic opinion to control this litiga- tion between the revolutionists and the government, I think it is quite useless for me to take part in the court enquiry, and I warn you that I shall: not answer any questions. With this I reserve for myself the right to the final speech, as I ler it my revolutionary duty to sry opportunity for prop- agating my ideas.” The experience of the revolution- ary movement had not passed with- out leaving traces also on the Tsar- .ist public prosecutors. At the trial of Knunyantz, the public prosec- utor made a more or less politically literate speech. He characterized the political position of the Rus- sian Social-Democratic Labor Par- ty, referred to the international character of the Party, the identity of its ideas, both as to programs and theories, wth those of the Western European Socialist Par- ties, and its Socialistic aims that could only be attained by means of social revolution. But, he said, Russian Social-Democracy was un- like Social-Democracy in Western Europe in that the latter engaged in the peaceful agitation and prop- aganda of its ideas, whereas Rus- sian Social-Democracy incited the workers to rioting and mass vio- lence. It was, he said, a second Pugatshey movement.* Developing the characteristics of Social-Democracy mentioned by the prosecutor, Knunyaniz in his speech said: ‘He (the prosecutor) was right, in pointing out the international character of our programme and our whole theeretical view-point which is based on that of the teachers of international Social- ism, Marx, and Engels. He cor- pointed out our fundamen- tal aim—Socialism, and the only road to it—the social revolution, toward which, we are profoundly convinced, the whole development of cur cconemic Lie is Jeadine. We are certain that the proletariat will achieve socialism, not by way system—private ownership of the means of production—and that only with the transfer of the lat- ter into the hands of the’ whole people will an end be put to the exploitation of one section of the people by another. The. indis- Pensable condition for this must be the dictatorship of the pro- letariat, i. e., the conquest of poli- tical power by the proletariat.” At the time of the Knunyanta trial Russia was seething with poli- tical life. The defeats suffered by ‘sarism in the Russo-Japanese War, the growth of the labor movement aiter the events of January 9th, the growth of the peasant moye- ment, the revival of the lberal- bourgeois movement—all this dis- organized the autocratic govern- ment, and the ground was shaking under its feet. Tsarisin’s former confidence in its own strength was shatered; the revolution was reach- ing for its throat and was ready to strangle it. gids picture of the epoch was reflected in Knunyantz’s speech. He said: “Mr. Prosecutor laid special em- phasis on the last lines. of the manifesto, ending with the ex- lamation ‘Down with the Auto- cy!’ But who, now, does not cry out—Down with the Autocracy-? Is there a single honest man in our untry who does not understand at only the overthrow of the.auto- cy will extricate our country from the deadlock into which the acious policies of the bureau- erats have driven it; that only the overthrow of the autocracy will give an impetus to the further develop- ment of its cultural forces. .... After the heroic demonstration of the St. Petersburg proletariat, after the revolutionary strikes that haye broken out all over Russia, after the united protest—after the strikes of the university students, after the ceaseless agrarian unrest, finally, after the movement which has now sorcad among the hitherto inert strata —-ducated society, at is no secret to anyone, that the days of the autocracy are numbered. With- in a month or so, the terrible wave of the people’s revolution will com- pletely wipe out this relic of our barbaric past. And what does all this mean to this court Really, to carry things to their logical con- clusion, you should put the entire Russian people in the dock.. But the great question will then arise as to who will be the accused and who the judges. *.... Your court is not certain that the verdicts it pronounces can be carried out, and that all its work may not have ben a waste of time. Take even my case. On a strict interpretation of articles 136 and 129 under which the prosecutor charges me, I should be sent to penal servitude up to eight years or sent into lifelong exile. But is it not absurd, Messrs. Judges, to talk about such verdicts now? Js there one among us who seriously thinks that the autocracy will live for an- other eight years, or even one’ er two years? Does not the fenapd of the law for lifelong exile? a time when none of us can sure of the morrow sound ljke cruel irony? All Russia is. seething. Ves soon nothing will remain, of ‘ae government and the rubbish of court orders and verdicts and those who are now on trial wil] be among the most energetic leaders of young Russia. How then, Messrs Judges, can you seriously’ think of 4 paper resolutions?” Pa) * Pugatshey. Leader of the peasant rebellion on the Volga in 1773-75, HOPE OF THE WORKING CLASS By MOISSAYE J, OLGIN 'HE hope of the working-class— that is the way of the working- class out of the presen’ misery, hunger, Gegradation of the human being. The way out of all this bloody mess of the capiti is the way of overthrowing italism and establishing the rule the toiling workers and farmers. The historic example of the Soviet Power is the Union of Soviet So- cialist Republics. In this hell of starvation and op- pression, the working-class has one great light befrre its eyes, the building of Socialism that is being accomplished in the U. S. R. R. NE ates HAT a difference! What an invigorating contrast! Here, millions hungry; there, millions en- gaged in strenuous construction. Here, a world going to naught; there, a world rising with a magni- ficient sweep. Here, hopelessness among those who cling to the old; there not only hope but certainty on the part of those who ally them~ selves with the new. Here, cap- italists, bankers and landlords still sucking the blood of the masses and growing fat while the world around them is going to pieces; there, workers and peasants, men and women of every nationality estab- lishing an order of equality, free~ dom, creative joy. ‘iat yar ‘HE Soviet Union is the hope and joy of the workers everywhere, The capitalist class, its ideological agents, especially its press, is doing its utmost to dim this hope of the working-class, to shield that light before its eyes. A vast system of lies and calumnies, of half-truths and misrepresentations, of vicious inventions and silly gossip has been let loose upon the masses by the boss press. And the so-called So- cialist press? It exceeds the capital- ist press in slandering the Workers’ Republic. It covers up the collapse of capitalism; it minimizes the hunger among the workers; it con- ceals the *bankruptcy of the cap- italist system. It does it with the specific purpose of keeping the workers from fighting against the bosses, of restraining them from aitacking the entire boss system,’ oi diverging them from the true patk of a Soviet Revolution. esis ‘HE Daily Worker is the onl; daily paper in the English lan- guage in the U. S. A., which giver full and corect information’ about the Soviet Union. The Daily Worker gives not only the facta which in themselves are of immense importance, but also the meaning of what is going on in the Soviet Union. It fiives the spirit of the Proletarian State. shows * the great country in a tremendous ef- fort of overcoming the old. It dee picts the giants of industrializa- tion. It takes its teaders. to the collective farms which are an tirely new phenomenon in the tory of mankind. It introduces readers to the youth of the revolutionary country. It. the vista of cultural at unknown in the capitalist ~ Tt makes us all vibrate with zest and zeal of the Shock Brigad- ers and of Socialist . Competition. It presents the new man in the making, It thus imbues the workers with a svirit of courage, hope, be- lief in the powers of the working class, aggressiveness in the st against exploitation and op} oe ss THE Daily Worker is the: only paper which répresents a We ¥ isi i é i aaa re Fi achievements of the spirit of aid to the Daily 8 ey #