The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 20, 1933, Page 4

“ar aR Ram _ Bradley Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1933 Poblished by the Comprodaily Publishi Inc., daily except Sunday, at 88 F 18th St., New York City, N. Y Telephone Algonquin 4 Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 New Terk, N. Te SUBSCRIPTION RATES. By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 5 months, 9) 1 month, Tas excepting Boronrh of Manbattan snd Brons, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, 95 Hillquit, Thomas “Differ- ence” on Union Policy HE New York World Telegram of Ja that “the growing internal controversy in the Socialist Party over its trade union policy hag reached an open split between the so-called “old guard” led by Morris Hilliquit, national chairman, and adherents of Norman Thomas, Presi- dential candidate, who ts supported by the “militants” in the Party and by numerous Socialist locals.” ‘The W “the split arose over the refusal of the party's national executive com- ™ittee controlled by Mr. Hillquit to aid the Progressive Miners of Amer- | fea...” Norman Thomas has sent out a general appeal for relief for the Progressive Mine: ich he the Progressive Miners of America is r ght for progressive, militant, organization of the miners and their families, instead for an entrenched officialdom.” The rank and filc 1 of Labor is revolting | f L. bureaucracy. This k and file movement for unem- Ployment insur: the heads of the leaders of which the Illinois mine i were a part, in the election victories in many locals scored by the opposition movement in ced by the Trade Union Unity League in the genera owth of the opposition against the Green- ‘Woll-Lewis leadership In the last few 3 the opposition to the Socialist r of the leadership of Action). The AFL 2 Cinein the growing revolt of the members! for the 30-hour week and f Green spoke against the sh: Strikes to enforce the 30-hou Lewis excelled even Green i ry 18 report | | { | | | ld Tel ram reports further that wh states tha s attempted to } ders of pre part essive Labor ion attempted to stop adoption of a program | re mpioyment insurance. William the-work plan and threatened even to call week without reduction in pay. John L. the use of demag at the Cincinnati of convention. But only last week Mr. Green appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee, testifying in favor of the Black 30-hour Bill which does not stipulate a reduction of wages by the shorter work week, but which in Teality, as exposed by the i en for the A.F.L, Committee for Un- empixyment Insuran Weinstock, and the representative of the TUUL., William F. is a bill for the legalization of the Hooyer stagger plan and the Teagle share-the-work plan. It is a new scheme for wage-cuts and speed-up. The Socialist Party hailed the decisions of and tried to sell these decisions to workers a Socialism.” But Hillquit and Thomas differ on how the Socialist Party is to help the bosses and A. F. of L. bur ‘acy carry through this program, and still retain influence among wi ‘s. After the Socialist Party conven- tion and even before it, the Socialist Party members in the Conference for Progressive Labor Action were ordered to withdraw from that body. The Socialist Party by this act wanted to show its loyalty to the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. They realize now that without furt great danger that the Socialist Party will lo; Will not be able to stop the leftward drift of the ma ist Party and the Trade Union Unity League. Thomas therefore trying to continue the old policy of the Socialist Party members in the Conference for Prog: ive Labor Action—a policy of the Musteites, a policy of left demagogy in order to stifie the resistance of the masses and make it possible for the capitalists to put over their attacks on the masses more easily. he A..F. of L. convention ‘in the direction of “left” manouvers there is much influence and they HE relation of the Musteites and the Th Miners Union will prove this. The reason this “s occurs in the miner's situation is because the mini very forefront of the struggles in the last few ye against the capitalist drive on wages a The Progressive Miners Union was organized with the ‘aid’ of the Musteites and the Trotzkyites. But it was only after the miners themselves decided to continue the struggle over the head of Lewis and Walker and ofganize a union of their own, that these elements attached themselves to the movement in order to block a real advance of the Illinois miners. : The Musteites, Trotzkyites and a number of socialists have for some time manuvered to stop the crystallization of the miners’ militant move- | ment in Ilinois and other states, around the program of the National Miners Union and the Commur Party. They have organized on a number of occasions “new” unions, one of them headed by the ge Howatt. Each time they discouraged the fighting meod of the miners and delivered the miners back to Lewis and Walker. The recent strike and es to the Progressive truggle” in the 8. P. have been in the is and Walker made union.” Furthermore, Lewis and back to work even with the aid the Progressive Miners Union with | gy that finally succeeded in fastening on the miners the $5 a wage cut of $1.20 a day. They make the most vicious attacks on the N.M.U. in order to prove to the operators that | they are just as ready as the Lewis-Walker clique to betray the interests of the miners. . Only last week they refused assistance from the International Labor Defense for the arrested and framed-up miners who had defended them- selves and families against the Peabody Compahy and the U.M.W.A. gun- men. The Musteites and the Thomas wing of the S. P. are even willing to take part in the formation of new reformist-controlled unions so long as they can keep the masses under their leadership, and assist the cap- ftalists in the wage cut drive. This is the method they use to help cap- italism ge’ out of the crisis at the expense of the working ciass, the oper it,necessary once more to build Walker were unable to fore: of the armed state force its Musteite and Trot E difference between the Musteites and the S. P. is a difference on how best to serve the interests of the capitalists, how best to stop the militant struggles of the masses, how best to stop the growth of the re- yolutionary trade union movement and the Communist Party. This is the ‘difference between Thomas and Hillquit carried into the leadership ‘of the Socialist Party. this very “division” in the S. P., while being a reflection of the radicalization of the masses, is at the same time a weapon against the workers, a “division of labor,” in pursuit of mtical capitalist aim. ae cee TUUL. and the Communist Party fully support the struggles of the Illinois miners. They are helping to organize the miners to defeat the Wage cuts put over by Lewis-Walker and the Progre ve Miners Union Yeaders. Already whole locals and many P.M.A. members have rallied to the support of this program of mass organization and struggle. The opposition to the A. F. of L led by the revolut : trade union movyemeni th for the m \sses. We must expose the m Hiliquit and ‘Thomas and at the same tir the coun- fry in support of the fight of the 21e miners in Southern Mlinois, for the defense of the wor he coal operators, their jonary of th ne mobi ictims of governnent and their agents of all stripes in the ranks of the working class. Slips Over 10P.C. Cut In Highland Mill MIGH POINT, N. c—The 400 workers of the Highland Cotton Mills have again been betrayed by Gradiey, the man who led the strike here RR wetasoce and was corrupted and won over by the mill owners. A 10 per/ wage cut has just been put over with Bradley's active assistance. aed result of the last strike, Bradley organized the Industrial Work- ers’ Association, and more than 4,000 @- ee hands joined this independent | the workers into accepting the re- ion in the hope of protecting | duction. ves and bettering their con-| It is recognized throughout the city ditions. Bradley got himself elected | and state that the Highland mill president, with a salary of $100 a/owners put forward this cut as a month squeezed out of the starvation | feeler. Now that Bardley has openly wages of the workers. betrayed the workers,, a series of After the strike, the mill owners | sweeping cuts is expected in the his- promised to give a week’s notice be- } tery apd furnityre mills of the city, fore making any wage-cuts. 1€ demand action, but lived up to their promise. But Brad- y refuses to do used the week’s time, not to or a rv at the mectings, @anize a struggle against the 10 per| threatening expulsion to those who ent cut, but to visit workers in their | oppose him. Sentiment for the mil- homes and persuading them to ac-| itant National Textile Workers Union nets cept the cut. A meeting of mill/is growing, and many workers are workers was called, at which 125| asking that an N.T.W. organizer be were present, and the slippery-| sent to organize them for immediate tongued Bradley was able to trick! struggle nr s to the Commun- | nything and | ‘EveryFactory Our Fortress’ Establish Titiinate: Per- manent Contacts With the Work a fhe Twelfth Plenum Resolu tions of the Communist Interna - tional emphasizes that the main link to win the American workers for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around | their elementary needs. The re- cent Shop Conference 1 New York and Chicago should be utilized by every member of the Party and trade unions to im- | prove the contents and methods | of our work in the factores. We | urge all comrades to send in articles on the basis of their own experiences, as well as questions on problems which confront them—which will be answered in this column, EXPERIENCES, LESSONS IN DYE STRIKES WILL deal with a number of } strikes in dye shops. Recently | there was a strike in the | shop, in which we applied the united front tactic.. Here we found the United Textile Workers Union, one member of the |National Textile Workers Union and a few sym- pathizers, When we came into the strike the organizer of the U. T. W. immediately whispered to some of his sympathizers that the organiz- ers of the N. T. W.-are in, and they should be gotten out of the meeting. When it came time ,for the shop meeting, the organizer of the U. T. W. tried to kick us out. He brought out the fact that the important thing to be decided is which union shall lead. We, how-- ever, emphasized that the impor- tant thing is to unite the workers to defeat the wage cut. We also pointed out to the workers that we didn’t come there to break up the strike but to help them to estab- | lish the united front of all the | workers in the shop against the | boss. The workers listened and | decided that the question of the union will be taken up later. DEMANDS DISCUSSED The need of getting together all the workers in the shop, both the | night and day shift, was taken up. | This immediately put the U. T. W. | organizer in the background. The conditions of the workers, the de- | | mands for which they were fight- ing, were discussed. The workers also combatted the organizer of the | U. T. W. when he proposed that instead of mass picketing the shop should be picketed two by two. These workers resented this jand | told him that this was wrong. | They decided on mass picketing, | from 7 o'clock until nine and after | that two or three pickets to see that no warps came out of the shop. | This shows clearly that these workers were following our policy of holding the shop together. As a result of this, when they got together to decide whether or not | to continue the strike, the mem- | bers of the U. T. W. sided with us. | They decided to continue the strike | on the grounds that the members | of the N, T. W. who are working | in the building had issued a leaflet | calling on all the workers to go on strike, and the other workers had agreed to strike after learning that the boss was contemplating a wage | cut during January, | After the meeting we spoke to | many members of the U. T. W., pointing out to them the role of the N. T. W. ‘They wanted to | know why we have two unions in the city. We explained the differ- ence, also why the U. T. W. organ- izer would not accept a debate on the question of the role of the U. T. W. or the N. T. W., although we had challenged him twice. The workers are now waiting until after | the strike to take up this question and have a debate. et ne Now as to the other dye strike. We received a report from two unemployed workers, formerlyl dye | workers themselves, of a strike in the shop. Immediately we got in touch with some comrades from the unemployed council who | were formerly dye workers, asking | them to mobilize as many workers as possible. We went down there and mingled with the workers. The N. T. W. was the only organization down there. We toid these work- ers that the first thing they should begin to do is to organize mass picketing in front of the shop, at the same time arranging for a mass meeting’ right near the place, to discuss the demands and elect a strike committee. It is important to note that here the unemployed rallied solidly behind the employed workers. When they learned of the wage cut and that the workers were battling against the 14-hour shift and for an 8-hour shift, they told the workers to follow the leadership of the N. T. W. DEFEAT WAGE CUT In the morning, out of 150 work- ers only 12 appeared on the picket line, the rest of them stood on the | sidewalk. The Party tuembers ap- peared on the picket line. The workers were afraid to picket be- cause of the police and it was nec- essary to break the terror. The police knew one of the Party mem- bers who had sold Daily Workers and wanted to know whether he worked in the shop. I told the policeman he had no business to ask this because he doesn’t work in the shop either and neither do I, Immediately all the workers, seeing- the disturbance, began to gather around and a heated dis- cussion on the conditions, the wage cuts, etc. took place. The boss saw the demonstration and came ont. He heard the discus- sion, and the result was that the nee wage cut was immediately with- drawn, “THIS’LL DO THE TRICK AS GOOD AS AN ELECTRIC CHAIR!” —By Burek Southern Ruling Class Technocracy--“To Secure the Existence of Bourgeois Society” II By BILL DUNNE RITING the Communist Manifesto about various saviors and messiahs, and the inventors of various social systems, Marx and Engels sais “Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive ac- tion, historically created condi- tions of emancipation to fant- astic ones, and the gradual, spon- taneous class organization of the proletariat to an organization of society specially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of their social plans... (they) consider them- selves far superior to all class antagonisms. They want to im- prove the condition of every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence, they habitually appeal to society at large, without distinction of class; nay, by preference, to the ruling class. For how can people, when once they understand their system, fail to see in it the b: possible plan of the best possible state of society?” “Hence, they reject all po- litical, and especially all reyolu- tionary action; they wish to at- in tain their ends by peaceful means, and endeavor, by s 1 experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by force of ex- ample, to pave the way for the new social Gospel.” (My em- phasis.—B. D.) SPREAD DANGEROUS ILLUSIONS It is in the illusions they create in regard to the pos: of the establishment of: a modern Utopia without organization and revolutionary political struggle by the working class that the Techno- crats are dangerous to the interests of the masses. In this way they render sterling aid to American capitalism at a time when the sharpness of the crisis and class relationships impel capitalism to grasp at any method which seems to show the possibility of perpe- tuating illusions emong the masses and thereby prolonging its life. “A part of the bourgeoisie,” says the Communist Manifesto, “is de- sirous of redressing social grievan- ces, in order to secure the con- tinued existence of bourgeois so- ciety. “To this section belong econo- mists, philanthropists, humanita- rians, improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of charity, members of societies for the prevention of crucity to ani- mals, temperance fanatics, hole and corner reformers of every im- aginable kind.” To this list we can add ‘Techno- crats. Such elements of the type of “socialistic bourgeois,” said Marx and Engels, “desire the exist~ ing state of society minus its re- volutionary and disintegrating ele- ments. They wish for a bourge- oisie without a proletariat.” * ‘Technocrats desire to save capitalism from itself. capitalism’s contradictions have been brought so clearly into relief by the crisis occurring against the background of the decline and de- cay of capitalism as a world sys- tem, and by the rise of the Soviet Union—affording the concrete con- trast between Socialism in action and capitalist stagnation—that the question of the revolutionary con- quest of political power is placed on the order of business of the world proletariat, and its world Party, the Communist Interna- tional. The Technocrats say in their of- ficial publicity (articles by Scott, Parrish, etc, in the Living Age, the New Outlook, etc,) that “the machine, the really big, technolo- gical mechanism that makes en- tire industries automatic, has changed the whole social complex. «+ -It has made invalid every old social, political and economic post- ulate now in use. It has rendered Political systems useless.” Tt is obvious to anyone that the political system of capitalism, far 4 Their | concern is caused by the fact that | ek to | from being “useless” as the Tech- nocrats s is extremely useful for the capitalists—that it is by means of the capita courts, jails, police, troops, etc. — and the immense avenues of pro- paganda which the economic and political control by the capitalist class places at its disposal, that the working class is held in sub- jection, POLICY OF SURRENDER To reject revolutionary action in the form of political struggle a- gainst the capitalist state, as the ‘Technocrats do, is to preach a pol- icy of surrender to capitalism. Nothing so excites the ire of the spokesmen of Technocracy as the claim that the working class of the Soviet Union, by revolutionary Struggle, led by its political party, has found the way out of the morass of capitalism and is march- ing toward a classless society with rapid strides, “Russia,” says Partish in the New Outlook, with its much vaunted Communisin, is but a slight variation of the American price system when placed under an exacting light.” HE “slight variation” in condi- tion consists mainly in the faci that the capitalist class has been Geprived of political power, abol- ished as a class and that the state power and the control of natural resources and machinery is in the hands» of the working class and peasantry and its government. It is such “slight variations” as these that the Technocrats are desirous of concealing from the American orkers and toiling farmers. This exactly the kind of aid, disguised with high-flown and pscudo-scien- tifice phrases, that American rul- ing class is glad to get from Tech- nocracy. More than this; In the world crisis of capitalisin there is to be noted that, as the Twelfth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the | Communist International empha- sized, “a wave of chauvinism and nationalism is sweeping through the whole capitalist world.” Tech- nocracy brings to this tendency in the United States the support of its technological survey. It pro- peses, in almost so many words, the extension of the concuest of Canada ond Mexico as the pre- requisite for the salvation of Wail Street capitalisin. TECHNOCRATS VIEW THE U. S. The Technocrats take a rapid glance around the world and reach the conclusion that “the unique position of North America” makes it the only area suitable for Tech- Lettersfrom Our Readers ABOUT ‘COIN’ HARVEY AND FAKE PANACEAS Editor of the Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: Would you kindly give your opinion of H. W. (“Coin”) Harvey and his financial program of reform? What is your opinion of his publications? Looking for a reply in your col- umn “Letters from our Readers,” I remain, Sincerely, A READER. Oey thane The Harvey program is one of “cheap money.” It is more or les’ typical of the reformist programs which from time to time are pot out—chiefly appealing to farm- ers, who are prone to see the bankers as their only enemies, and cheap money as a means of salvation, The theory behind it is that money has some particu- Jar virtue by itself, that it estab- lishes the value of commodities. The “cheap money” program would simply raise the price of articles of mass consumption, i.e. inflation, It derives from the old Populist and Greenback moye- ments, and conceals the fact that the value of a commodity is de- termined by the socially neces- sary labor time embodied in it, ~Editorial Note. tate machine — | | of workers and colonial nocratic civilization. They say “Here we have a providential geologic set-up, trained person- nel, and installed physical equipment. No nation or group of nations in the entire world can be compared with the social complex of this continent. And is it not a continental problem, rather than national? Have the political boundaries on the north and south any real significance when placed in the light of en- ergy? North America could bar- ricade itself from the rest of the world and provide a large pop- ulation with a higher standard of living than it has ever known. There is not a single major re- source lacking. Of course the problem of creating such a go- ciety is a real one. But more real yet is the fact that the na- tion is threatened with disaster shortly at its present rate.” Many of these statements are | simply not true, but we are not now concerned about the factual accu- tracy of the above quotation. What we are interested in pointing out is the expression of a virulent chauvinism and the additional and important fact that the Techno- erats are alarmed because “the nation is threatened with disas- ter.” 'HE working class is suffering in- credible misery as a result of the fact that capitalism no longer provides work, food, clothing and shelter for millions of toilers. The capitalist class is still in power. When the Technocrats speak of | “the nation” in such a situation 1 | are concerned, not with the needs of the working class, but with the danger to the capitalist ss and its power to rule and rob inherent in the fact that it is losing its grip on the masses, that its moral prestige is being undermined by the continued economic crisis. It is not the Soviet Union, prole- tarian fortress and fount of revo- lutionary inspiration for millions peoples, that blazes the trail out of the miasmatic swamp of capitalism, but, according to the Technocrats, “the North American continent.” Says Scott: “It is the only continental area ot the world’s surface manned, equipped and ready to move civi- lization into the new era where man for the first time in the pro- gression from the jungle is the con- queror in the battle for leisure.’ “NOTHING IN COMMUNISM,” i SAY TECHNOCRATS There is no hope for the workers in Communism, say the Techno- crats. The Soviet Union has “but a slight variation of the American price system,” and offers nothing to the masses. Revolutionary po- litical action is a delusion, Take Canada and Mexico, Fortify North America against the rest of the world. Put the workers in modern factories under the rule of Tech- nocrafs. Saye “the nation” from “disaster.” Saye capitalism from Communism. Thus the ‘Techno- crats! oe farce, 'ECHNOCRACY is one of the many life-preservers to which capitalism clings for a time in the surging sea of the crisis and the class struggle. Technocracy's pre- tensions are grandiose, but some- thing similar will happen to it— in fact is already happening—as Mara and Engels describe, in the famous passage in the Communist Manifesto, the role of misleaders in another historical period: “The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved the proletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, and deserted with Joud and irreverent laughter.” With their demagogic talk of classiess man victorious “in the battle for leisure,” the Technocrats try to convince workers that the reorganization of industry is all that is needed to solve the crisis, that this can be substituted for the revolutionary political struggle for the defeat of the capitalist class and its state power, Ei | of the President, “Accused Mish | an illegal society, THE VA Dramatic Incidents in the Struggle Against Russian Tsarism. BOLSHEVIKS ON T RIAL Vireermacmeaetmmmnesies BY-T, TOHERNOMORDIK. consmsnkieietenmesae THE STORY SO FAR — In the previous installments the author described the methods used by the trap Bolsheviks engaged in underground work. czar’s secret police (Okhrana) to It related the methods of agents-provocateurs and the tactics of the revolutionists on trial, and described the means used by the Czarist police to force arrested revoluticnists to give evidence. speeches by reyolutionists on trial. * e vi. A ‘HIS struggle commenced at the | very beginning of Mishkin’s ex- amination. To customary formula you are charged with belonging to the object of which is, in the more or less distant future, to overthrow and change the system of government,” Mish- kin answered, “I admit that I be- long, not to a society, but to the Social Revolutionary Party.” And he went on to say: “We represent an infinitesimal part of the now large Russian Social Revolutionary Party, understanding by this term the whole mass of persons who hold similar opinions to ours— | similar in general of course, but not in particular—the union be- tween whom is mainly inward, but which nevertheless is sufficiently real and is determined by a unity | of purpose and similarity more or | less in methods of practical acti- | ” Purther, ignoring the inter- | ruptions of the President who tried to keep him to the definite charges | in the indictment, Mishkin des- | cribed the poverty-stricken con- | ditions of the people, their exploi- | tation, their political repression, the history of the people’s move- ment, and proved that the program and tactics of the “Social Revolu- tionary Party” is in complete ac- cordance with the hopes and aspi- rations of the people. THE INDICTMENT. In the usual stereotyped form, the indictment charged the accused with undermining religion, and re- pudiating science, Mishkin indig- nantly denied these charges. “In the ideal social structure for the | realization of which I am striving, and the establishment of which is the aim of my activities, there will be no criminal penalties ‘for spread- ing pernicious ideas, including re- ligious ideas, for heresy, for obsery- ing or failing to cbserve certain rites prescribed by any particular church, etc. In one word, there will be no place for violence against the ideas and conscience of men. According to our ideal, there should be no power to compel one to lie and be hypocritical under threat of punishment. ... .” President: “But nobody compels you to lie and stimulate, now. I re- quest you not to make such insinu- ations.” Mishkin: “According to your laws Tam liable to criminal punishment. I_ cannot leave the Orthodox Church and adopt another faith, consequently the law compels me to be hypocritical.” And the President could not find anything better to say than to de- clare that the accused had no right to criticize the existing laws. It became perfectly clear from the | behavior of the President, who grew more and more furious as the trial proceeded, and who interrupt- ed Mishkin at every sentence, that further words were useless. All that | could be said, had been said, This became particularly obvious when Mishkin protested against the tor- ture to which he was subjected while under examination. The President said that this protesta- | tion was unsupported by evidence, and when Mishkin stated that he had made a written protest to the Public Prosecutor, the President answered that this was a matter for the Prosecutor, who was not a subordinate of the court. eerie "HEN Mishkin made his last Speech, which the gendarmes prevented him finishing by gagging Yesterday’s installment quoted famous Now read on: him. Here is the speech; “In that case, after the numerous interruptions to which I have been subjected by the President, there is only one thing left for me to do and that is to make what perhay is my last declaration. I am quil convinced now that the opinion expressed by my comrades who re- fused to make any statement at the trial was quite right, namely that in spite of the absence of pub- licity, I would not be given the op- portunity of making clear the real character of the case. Now, it is obvious to evetybody, that here at every frank word uttered the ac- cused is gagged. Now I can say, and I have every right to say it, that this is not a trial, but an: empty farce, or something even worse, hideous, shameful, more shameful.” At this point the gendarmes seized Mishkin and gagged him; but in a stifled voice he managed to finish the sentence: “. . . than a brothel; there women sell their bodies be- cause they are in want, but here the judges are rascals and lick- spittles; for the sake of rank and | fat salaries they trade in others’ lives and sell truth and justice and all that is dearest to humanity,” Mishkin is forcibly dragged out. In the gallery women fall into hys- terics, noise and confusion reign, The session is closed, and the court room is cleared. ALEXEYEY. The speech delievered by the weaver, Peter Alexeyev, at the “Trial of the 50” was fully imbued With class consciousness, He was not an intellectual commoner “go- ing to the people” to rouse them to rebellion, not. merely an avenger of the people's suffering, but a true proletarian, who understood the interests and the problems of his CLASS. In spite of the Narodniki teachings which he imbibed in the circle organized by Sophie Bardin, his class instinct triumphed over all the Narodniki dogmas, and for the first time in the history of the re- volutionary movement: a class con= scious proletarian, who bore the marks of the terrible exploitation of Russian capitalism and the poli- | tical oppression of Tsarism spoke out of the court. He faced the Tsarist judges not as a “poor work- ing man,” crushed by exploitation, but as a. revolutionary proletarian, submitting a bill of charges against the enemy. In thé simplest manner imagin- able, he described the conditions of the workers. They work 17 hours a day for a wage of 40 kopecks a day, and from their meagre wages fines are deducted for every trifle. He described the ignorance and degradation in which the workers lived, the insults and torments they suffered at the hands of the capi- talists. “Under present conditions,” he said, “the workers cannot satisfy the most elementary human needs. Have we any leisure for study? Do we, the poor, receive any education in our childhood? Are useful books published for the working-man? Where, and what may they study? Look at the Russian popular. lite- rature. Nothing can better fllus- trate this case than such books as ‘Bava the Crown Prince, ‘Yerus- Jan Lazarevitch, ‘Vanka - Kain, ‘The Bride is in the Ink and the Bridegroom in the Soup,’ etc. That is why the popular opinion about books is that: ‘Some are . others are religious.’ This is reality. In vain does the government think that the workers don’t understand this reality, (To Be Continued) How Bank and Prison Chiefs Rob Vet Prisoners NOTE: For obvious reasons the Daily Worker does not print the full weme of the victim whose experiences in the prison camp are related below. OXFORD, Miss.—The following is a statement made by O——, Negro, just released from the | prison camp at Lambert, Mis- | sissippi, where Mr. Williams was | superintendent and Mr. W. D. | Fitth was sergeant. oO was given two years. His first work was werking in a swamp, clearing the land and burn- ing the brush. There he was whipped with the strap because he fell down from utter exhaustion. One lick with that 17%4-pound strap cost O——— a ‘broken rib. ‘The smoke evidently ruined his eyesight, for he can hardly see any more and had good eyes when he got there. SIXTEEN-HOUR DAY ‘They work 10 hours a day. In the morning they get one cup of something that should be coffee with hardly any sugar, cold biscuit and black-strap' molasses. Dinner, turnip-greens, not washed, cooked in an old gasoline drum with dirt, worms and all, white rice with black pepper so hot you couldn't eat it, and a piece of sowbelly, 2 inches square, like leather. Sup- per, cold biscuit, the same meat as at dinner and black-strap molasses. ‘The dormitory was so full of ver- min it was impossible even to get a few hours’ rest. Castor oil, one pint at a time, was the main medical attention. T? that didn’t cure, the strap was used mercilessly. If a man can’t pick 350 pounds of cotton a day, it means whipping. One day 115 of them were whipped because one man was @ little out of line with the rest hoeing. Three white men did the whipping, Mr. Williamson, Mr. W. D. Fitth and @ gunman, , oie he EING an ex-soldier, O-——— re- ceived $402 from the govern- ment, The money was deposited in the Lambert City Bank “and he received the slip as proof. How- ever, it was stolen from him by one of the prisoners. who was merely carrying out the order of Mr. W. D. Fitth. He withdrew | $30, but, when he got out, the $333 balance was missing and no account, could be had. Dr. McDavids gave out a statement in the Jackson Daily News Jast April, 1932, that $5,000 had been stolen from the prisoners. Ex-soldiers are much sought on the prison as their money is always just like his was. But, for fear prisoners shall talk when they ge out, they kill them. It’s done way: They let them go and soon as they are outside the paid gunthugs kill them. Of the prison officials are not sible for what happens to after they leave the farm, and. one asks what has become of The only reason O—— got away was because a white was a friend of his and the office had heard the say that as soon as O—— got they would kill him, too, and him disappear in the river. O——~ has so far not been able to get his money. But he asked me to find out if the I. L. D. would take the matter up for him. 3 a Hie ie 5 E and showed him a deposit slip f $50, but would not He him. he slip. He told him to sign a state- ment to the effect that he was up in full. He refused to do it and he gave him 23 licks strap. Lambert City Bank with the thieving bunch im prison camp. = i