The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 16, 1933, Page 4

gn DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, JANUARY 16, 193. may EA. |Have Done} Without It? RATES. ‘ S months, $2; 1 month, Ts By It. AMTER w York City. Foreign and $ months, 33 KELLOGG PACT * gers Dramatic Incidents in the Struggle Against Russian Tsarism. SHEVIKS| TRIAL Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 E. gongu 50 Cable “DAIWORE.” New York, N. ¥. . ¥. Telephone / to the Daily Work SUBSCRIPTION By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, §: excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx Canada: One year, 39; 6 months New York City n@ mail cheek: HE OL N. 13th St. A IN OLD UN IFORP IS —vnele Sar STORES. 1 | | | be | BUY Bow! (National Secretary, Unemployed | Fight for Relief Is A Fight for Life GAINST the starvation program of the imperialist ruling class and their governmental machine—federal, state and national—there is growing a mass unemployment movement that enlists hundreds of thou- sands of men, women and children, N nd white, workers and farmers, foreign-born and native-born, demanding immediate relief, and fighting for unemployment insurance That the capitalist class fea growing movement is indicated by the avalanche of demagogy t country to try to stem Thus f all sorts of legalistic deceptions, chie! that something may be ¢ ted from Roos t, if only the masses will starve in silence until March 4th. Most of the state executives and state legislatures who have been challenged by hunger marchers have re- sorted to deceptive devices promises and empty gestures to try to stem the movement eeping at hand a vicious display of police and mili governor of the State of New York, and his chosen su' in action that they have no program oth ng out the capital- ist offensive. let loose gn every part of the capitalist class has resorted to is, of course the illusion aly ~~ In the state of Pennsylvania, the “liberal” governor, Pinchot, carries out the same program. One of Pinchot’s own mac fave @ most vivid picture of conditions in that state of the concentrated industry the other before the senate committee con- ducting hearings on the LaFollette-C The facts presented were, perhaps inadvertantly, a damning indi of the Pinchot ad- ministration. Mrs. Helen Tyson, as: commissioner of Pennsy welfare stant said that the number of unemployed without any means of existence, would soon reach 2,000,000 (that in one of the richest states in the union). Those working one day a week are not eligible for unemployment relief. ‘At the present moment there are 1,099,000 persons receiving relief. The largest allowance to any family is $4.50 a week and in Pittsburgh the average allowance is 90 cents Ww per pr The terrible effects of such “relief” was set forth by Mrs. Tyson as follows: “It is a starvation diet. In many instances where work has been found for m it has been discovered that they were too weak to perform it.” In Philadelphia relief has been entirely suspended for periods as long as six weeks at a time. Continuing the woman pictured a condition of terrible destitution, a general breaking down of health resulting from malnutrition and lack of medical care. How hard the professional classes are hit is depicted; physicians who formerly gave free attention have had their incomes cut so that they cannot buy gasoline or pay trolley fare to visit the sick. At a time when there is greater demand than eyer upon hospitals to care for the sick and starving, the staffs are being cut down and hundreds of doctors and nurses are themselves joining the ranks of the starving and destitute—at a time when their services are more needed than ever. She gave the lie to the statements of Fred Cox- ton, assistant relief director of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, that no person has “gone hungry in states where the R. F. C. has ex- pended relief.” In the whole state of Pennsylvania, she said, the relief amounts to one-half a cent for each meal. This indescribable misery is a challenge to the whole working class. The fight against hunger is a fight for life. All these hearings, all these Maneuvers are for one purpose only—to dupe the starving masses into refraining from mass struggle, to disrupt and disintegrate the mass fight for immediate relief and unemployment insurance. It is a challenge to the Unemployed Councils and demands that the struggle be at once raised to a higher and more militant level. To defeat this hunger drive there must be mobilized millions of starving workers and farmers that will engage in mighty class demonstrations in every part of the country. There is more than enough in this country for all. Organization and determined mass struggle can force the capitalists to disgorge some of their stolen loot to feed the hungry United Action Against Polish Pogroms HE international character of struggles against capitalist terror 1s not only seen in the increasing mass fights of the proletariat and broad sections of ull oppressed masses in other s of the world against U. S. imperialism, but here in the United States 1 sections of the exploited population en in the fight for the victims.of fascist, white guards and the varied forms of capitalist terro other countries. This growing in- ternational solidarity is particularly manifest in the big movements in the United States against pogroms, against the suppression of national minor- ities in Poland. The conference held in New York on January 8th pro- testing the atrocities of the Pilsudski regime in Poland against Jews and in defense of national minorities was attended by 491 delegates, repre- senting 336 organizations. Many of these organizations never before participated in any united actions of this character. In this connection it is necessary to sharply take issue with a correspondent, M. E. Taft, ‘who sent a letter to the DAILY WORKER (published on Friday) claim ing that this conference was not “an actual united front”. Likewise it is not correct to say that the question of the fight in de- fense of Negro rights and for self-determination in the Black Belt was omitted in the speeches. Many speakers drew the analogy between the events in Poland, the victimization of oppressed nationalities, national minorities, etc., and the struggle of the*Negro masses in this country. The correspondent, himself, says he spoke on that question. He is also in- correct to complain that the resolution, calculated to mobilize the broad- est possible united front in a conference called for a specific purpose, was not an all-embracing thesis on the national question. To neglect to utilize every question that stirs the masses for or- ganized action is to fail to carry on consistent political struggle against capitalism. The fight against Polish atrocities, the demonstration of Solidarity with the toiling masses there aids in the developing forces of revolution in Poland, thereby aiding the toiling masses of the whole world, It is from this point of view that Communists should welcome suck - erences and not raise sectarian barriers against unity of action on the broadest possible scale. Constructive criticism of ** actions already undertaken should her be along the line which indicates how still wider masses can be involved in the united front on this issue. Letters from Our Readers style employed in his was very effective, I 4 New York Ci Editor of Daily Worker Dear Comrade: With much interest I read John easy recent story think L. Spivak’s “Georgia Nigger” in particularly struck by the Daily Worker. Day In Every Way IT Am ‘ A few years ago I read a book Getting Better and Better,” “My ~ brought over from Germany called | God, Here Comes More Fertilizer” *The Spanish Inquisition”. It told | and “scat!” What struck me for- about the terrible tortures the | Spanish workers were put through during the reign of the Inquisi- but I was totally ignorant of fact that the same tortures being used in “civilized” . This should make us more determined to fight ‘this rotten brutal capitalist sys- cibly was the expression he suc- ceeded in fixing upon the faces of his subject: Comradely, .—H. B. PRAISES THE VALUE OF THE “NEW PIONEER” Brooklyn, N. Y. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: 1 was riding home on the train yesterday and was reading the Jan- uary issue of the New Pioneer. I would like to tell you what a good magazine this is for both children and adults, but about that some other time. What I want to tell rather Is how the New Pioneer helped me to find a worker who long wanted to jen the Communist Party, and could not because of the way that many Party members work As I said, T was reading the New Pioneer, and suddenly I heard a voice next lo me say. “Is this pub- Comradely, MRS. A. L. 4 KED “WHAT WAS THAT G2?” PRAISES JAKE K’S CARTOONS— Reno, Nevada, Bditor Daily Worker, wr Comrade: “The “Daily” suits me fine. Mil- rs “What Was That Song,” was in parts. His informal lan- ge is fine, but it needs to be barbed—casually of course. it will go over strong. He | good line and should be en- | use his vehicle for a Aine LAINIE PR Amd RET IONE 9 0° mIRC Councils of U. 8.) HE militant struggles of the un- employed throughout the coun- from San Francisco to Boston, ‘om Birmingham to Chicago. been led in great measure by the Daily Worker, the fighting organ of the working class of this coun- try. Who can imagine the National | Hunger March of last year and particularly of this y without the daily guidance and inspiration | of the Daily Worker? After the speech of Comrade Foster on Sept. 10 in Chicago dur- | ing the election campaign, when he suggested a.National Hunger March, a bonus march and a con- ference of toiling farmers. The Na- tional Committee of the Unem- | ployed Councils worked out plans, which were broadcast to the work- ers in the 1,500 towns and cities | of the country in which there are | readers of the Daily Worker. This meant a stimulation to organiza- tion and struggle. ,It meant the arousing of the matkses against the hunger program of the bosses and their government.| It meant the continued mobilization of these workers and the starving masses for |the fight for relief in the cities, counties and states, which | will force the government to grant adequate relief and unemployment insurance. ENEMIES ARE ON THE JOB The Daily Worker is not merely a workers’ newspaper. It is an agita- tor, a propagandist and an organiz~ er. The enemies of the working class movement are on the job. Hoover's commission report on “re~ cent social trends” has issued its report. These people recognize that the situation was not, and in the crisis is not, such that masses of | workers can live. ‘The workers will have to get used to a lower standard of living,” it declares. The demagogues are on the job: they are preparing programs and activities whose intention is NOT to aid the workers, but to keep the unemployed from action under the leadership of the Unemployed Councils. President-elect Roose- velt has an “unemployment insur- ance” plan; the American Federa- tion of Labor has a scheme. The governors of the various states are not to be outdone. The Socialist Party and Musteite “self-help” schemes to relieve the bosses of the need of providing for the unem-_ ployed; the Stuart Chase and other mutual aid plans—all of them are being exposed and blasted by the Daily Worker. In a word, without the aid of the fighting organ, the Daily Worker, the work of the Unem- ployed Councils and the strug- gles of the unemployed could not be carried on with efficiency, the | ememties be exposed and routed. lease diate HIS does not mean that the en- emies are yet routed—far from it. The deepening crisis is forcing them to use more demagogy. They are fighting in the determination | to lower the standard of living of the workers, to put the unemployed on charity rations. They will grant | more only if the workers fight. This demands the broadest united | front activity. What can aid more in this struggle than the Daily Worker, our collective organizer? But now the Daily Worker is in ; financial straits. Not merely can | it not expand as the situation de- | mands, it is in danger of suspen- _ sion. This danger can and will be met, and none feel the need more keenly than the Unemployed Coun- | cils and the unemployed workers. | THEIR organ, THEIR fighter, can- | not be allowed to fail in this sit- uation—with misery deepening, the crisis @xtending, with war against the Soviet Union threatening. ALL MUST AID! The local and neighborhood | Unemployed Councils, the block committees, the committees in the unions and fraternal organ- izations, must come to the aid of the Daily Worker. Aid to the Daily Worker is also aid in the struggle for relief and insurance. Make collections, arrange affairs —follow out the suggestions in the Daily Worker. Get subs for the Daily Worker. The campaign for $35,000 for the Daily Worker must be participated in with all energy. We will not only help the Daily Worker over this crisis—we must put the Daily Worker on a basis that will not only ensure its pub- lication, but increase its size and circulation and make it the agi- tator, propagandist and collective organizes of the broadest masses of workers of this country, Forward in the campaign: for the Daily Worker! lication issued by the Communist Party?” I turned around and saw | # worker sitting next to me poorly | dressed. 1 told him, “no, it is not | issued by the C. P. It is issued by an organization for workers’ chil- dren and it 1s under Communist leadership.” Then he began' telling me that he was always interested in the Communist Party, that he even was a Party member before he came to the United States from Ireland. He also told me that he has chil- dren and would like to receive the New Pioneer. He was very glad looked it, when I took his name and address and told him that I would send it in and that he will be notified how he can join. I am writing this letter because I think that this incident shows how the New Pioneer can help adult readers to get contact with workers, S. N. RYNES. NOTICE Will Comrade Rosa Crossriver, who sent an article to the Daily Worker on “How to Lose New | Negro Members of the Communist Party,” please send her name and address at once to Elizabeth Lawson, 50 E, 13th St, New York, have | Great Britain, the U.S. an the War Debts : Even “Cancellation” Will Not Free Workers of Burden | By R. PALME DUTTE. ‘HE sharp and open conflict over the war debts question has brought into the limelight the grow- ing Anglo-American antagonism, ‘The propaganda machines on both sides are in full blast, stoking the fires of future war. America is presented to the Brit- ish public as Uncle Shylock, grown fat out of the bloodstained profits of the past war, and now insisting on his pound of flesh, to the ruin of the world. Britain and European debtors are presented to the American public with equal friendliness as spend- “thrift militarists and dishonest debtors, setting the world ablaze with their senseless conflicts, al- ternately coming to America cap in hand for new bounty, and then seeking to repudiate their contract- ed debts in order to pile up new armaments. FIGHT PROPAGANDA IN BOTH COUNTRIES In this way the sentiments of the peoples on both sides are sought to be enlisted in order to support “their own” gang of usurers and world exploiters, and finally to throw away their lives in millions for their quarrels and profits. It is necessary to speak plainly on these issues, to fight this prop-~ apanda on both sides, and to af- firm the unity of interests of the American and British workers against both gangs of exploiters, against both Wall Street and the City, against both Washington and Downing Street. Say Sepa pe debts question is a symptom, and not the cause of the grow- ing Anglo-American antagonism, The Anglo-American antagonism spreads over every sphere through- out the world. It has shown itself most strongly in the Far Eastern crisis, with the Japanese conquest, of Manchuria assisted and support- ed by Britain and France against America. It has shown itself at Lausanne, with the “Gentlemen's Agreement” of Britain and France against America, It has shown it- self through the rival maneuver- ings of the “Disarmament” Confer- ence. It has shown itself behind the battles and civil wars in South America. It has shown itself in Ottawa and the attempt of Britain to draw close its weakening hold on the Empire against America, All these conflicts, reflecting the basic economijc-political rivalry for markets, for wor1]d-domination, have developed beneath the forms and pretences of “friendly rela- tions,” of diplomatic humbug and bitter-sweet speeches of acid polite- ness on either side. CONFLICT OPEN AND SHARP | Now with the debts controversy the conflict has become open and public. The exchange of Notes, each directly traversing and deny- ing the arguments of the other, has ended for the moment in an im- passe; «France refusing payment, Britain making payment with the reservation that it shall be the last; the United States insisting on the full obligation or “compensation” for any revision. \ The debts controversy 1s not it- self insoluble. It is only one phase and symptom of a bigger antagon- ism. The debts question is a weap- on of conflict between the big im- perialist Powers. Debts and reparations are not the cause of world crisis, as many bourgeoig economists still try to pretend. The increase, and not decrease, of the world crisis since the Hoover moratorium has prac- tically shown this. The cause of the world crisis is capitalism—the cap- italist class ownership of the means of production. The enormous ris- ing forces of production are burst- ing against the fetters of capitalist class ownership. The giant capital- ist trusts, the rival imperialist, Pow- ers, fight ever more desperately for an outlet, for markets, for the new division of the world. The whole question of debts and reparations is only a strategic weapon in this battle. elite, ‘HE breakdown of capitalist sta- bilization has inevitably re-open- ed the debts question, as it has re- opened the Versailles settlement and re-opened the Washington set- tlement of the Far East. ‘The partial stabilization of capi- talism in 1923-9 was based on five main pillars: 1. The maintenance of the Versailles settlement in Eu- rope, on the basis of German ac- ceptance of Versailles in return for Anglo-American assistance in re- constructing German capitalism; 2. ‘The Dawes Plan, fixing reparations, and associated American-European debt settlements; 3. The restora- tion of the gold standard; 4. The American export of capital to Eu- rope which made possible the ré- storation of the gold standard and the debts and reparations pay- ments; 5. The Washington settle- ment of the Far East, delaying the open fight for the spoils of China and limiting the tempo of the naval race, PILLARS HAVE BROKEN DOWN - The artificial character of this restoration of capitalism, which was visibly based in respect of Europe on the American export of capital, thus piling up future contradic- tions, was exposed at the time by the Communists, who, in defiance of all the capitalist hymns of tri- umph and revival, declared that it Wwas+a “rotten” “illusory” restora- tion, leading to greater crisis. To- day it is noticeable that the Brit- ish official Note on the debts ques- tion of December Ist has admitted this illusory character of the whole revival: “The prosperity of the period 1923-9 was to a large extent illu- sory, and the seeds of future trouble had already been sown.” Today all these pillars have broken down. The Versailles set- tlement is challenged by Germany and the claim to re-arm. The Washington settlement is torn in two by the Japanese conquest of Manchuria, and by the Lytton Re- port, envisaging the partition of China. The economic settlement in Europe has still more completely broken down. With the crisis, the export of American capital dried up, as payment on the already ex- ported capital became doubtful. But the payments has only been main- , tained by this export. Credits in Germany became frozen. Repara- tions inevitably dried up. The gold standard collapsed in the majority of countries. Thus inevitably in the final stage the American debts set- tlements come into question. The culminating stage of the fight be- comes the fight of the “Victor Pow- ers” amon@ themselves over. the debts, ate HE peculiar character of the debts fight is that it is a fight between rival, imperialist Powers occupying the roles of both credit- ors and debtors. F ‘The imperialist powers have long been accustomed to the role of world creditors, holding the colonial and semi-colonial countries in the chains of debt-slavery to them- selves. Here no “international problem” was held to arise, when it was only a question of bleed- ing impoverished India or Egypt. Any recalcitrance of the debtor would be met with simple and im- mediate coercion. Indeed, the irony of history so chanced that Brit- ain was at the very moment en- gaged in coercing Ireland into the payment of debt annuities (based not even on any delivery of goods at all, but on ancient land robbery art. nothing else), at the very mo- ment at which it entered into pleadings with the United States to be let off its own payments. But the debt fight between the imperialist Powers is a new and extreme development. Indeed, this 1s what underlies the vexed prob- Jems of “transfer.” Between the colonial country, subjected to\sub- ordinate roles of agriculture and the supply of raw materials, and the imperialist: metropolis with its . problem of “transfer.” But when dog tries to eat dog, when in the last stage of imperialist conflict and decay one highly industrialized im- perialist Power tries to subject an- other to tribute (Entente-Germany, America-England), the problem of “transfer” of the tribute becomes highly complicated; the meal de- feats digestion. WHAT EACH FIGHTS FOR The United States fights hard to maintain its creditor advantage, to make the maximum use of its weapon. Britain fights, for over a dozen years now, for all-round cancella- tion, as expressed. in the famous Balfour Note of 1922. This line is acclaimed as the height of “justice” and “humanity” in Britain. In fact, it means that the full weight would be thrown onto the United States, which alone is only creditor and not also debtor. Britain fights to establish a Eu- ropean United Front of the Debt- ors against America (this chimes in also with the anti-Soviet prepara- tions). This was the aim of the Balfour Note, and of Lausanne last year. -American plays on the divi- sions in Europe. This is shown in the widely differing debt settle- ments, with the overwhelmingly heaviest burden thrown on Britain (80 ‘per cent of the total debt pay- ments from Europe, resulting in a net loss of £200,000,000 on debts and reparations account), while France has been left a heavy net gainer until the Hoover moratorium and Fascist Italy has been let off most lightly of all. Jn this way the true role of the debts question as above all a weapon in Anglo- American antagonism is revealed. a oe ODAY a new urgency has come into the question. For the first time, the question of Default, of Repudiation has been raised. Why has Britain so far paid for nearly ten years, and faced a net Joss of £200,000,000, rather than simply repudiating the account on any easily available meral or diplo- matic grounds? This question is inexplicable to the jingo Rother- mere-Beaverbrook press, who never cease to abuse Baldwin for the set- tlement. In fact the explanation is simple and obvious. For Britain is still a net creditor. Britain is still the largest world creditor, drawing some three hundred mil- lion, pounds a year of tribute from all over the world. The risk of the loss of this by encouraging repu- diation could not be faced. As the London. Times stated in its issue of November 24th: “If Great Britain of all coun- tries were to repudiate her obliga- tions, she would set an example which would be eagerly followed by every debtor country in the world possibly even by private debtors --with incalculable results.” Here is the dilemma which has drawn together the two world usu- rers in simultaneous antagonism and yet apparent unity. But with the strain of the pres-, ent crisis Repudiation has become practical politics in Britain. That is a measure of the extremity of the crisis, Repudiation has been seri- ously discussed and advocated within the British Cabinet, in the British financial press. The last strongholds of capitalism lose all stability. And the final British Note in effect threatens repudia- tion, if a satisfactory new settle- ment is not reached. A new settlement, if not of can- cellation, then of revision, is likely to be reached. American finance- capital, no less than British, is anx- ious at all costs to avoid the ex- plosive issue of Repudiation. Fur- ther, there is a visible calculation of interests involved for American finance-capital. The total value of the war-debts settlements is caleu- lated at 6.4 billion dollars; but the total value of American inyest- ments of capital throughout the world at 151% billion dollars, and in Europe alone at five billion dol~ Jars (Economist War-Debts Supple- ment 12. 11. 42). In the conditions GIVING EVIDENCE Ae a perience during the Tsarist re- gime, the Bolsheviks came to the conclusion that the best policy was to refuse to answer any questions result of many years ex- whatever. ‘These tactics were dic- tated by the methods which the Okhrana employed in trying to unearth the movement, The revolutionist who fell into the enemies’ hands was cut off from the outside world, and kept in solitary confinement for a month or two. No questions were asked, he was just left alone with his thoughts. This was, so to speak, the psychological preparation for the examination. During this pe- riod the Okhrana searched their archives to discover the exact identity of the prisoner. Frequent- ly, the prisoner's parents came to the Okhrana asking for permission to visit him. The Okhrana officers would enter into conversation with them, and thus learn details of the prisoner's family life. They would warn them of the “terrible fate” awaiting their son, brother, or sis- ter, as the case may be, and thus tried to work upon the feelings of the relatives in order to persuade them to advise the prisoner to make a “frank confession”, be- cause only “in this way”, the Okh- Yana agent would say, “will he be able to escape the fate that awaits him”, POLICE SOCIALISM After a month or two—it de- pended on the speed with which they gathered in the material— the prisoner is finally summoned for examination. The type of ex- amination conducted by the Okh- rana magistrate was determined by the social position and the person- ality of the priscncr. If he was a worker, the nature of the exami- nation was very primitive. In keep- ing with the brutal customs of Tsarist Russia and with the atti- tude of the ruling classes towards the workers as towards beings of an inferior breed, the Okhrana of- ficials tried to terrorize the pris- oners at once. “If you don’t con- fess, you son of a bitch, I will have you rot in prison, you will not leave here alive,’ was the. classi- cal threat of the Okhrana. If the worker was a revolutionist of long standing, the attitude of the Okh- rana agent was “milder”. In such a case they treated him as a pro- fessional evolutionist, for they knew that these crude tricks would not work. The treatment accorded to these professional __revolutionists was more “subtle.” Opposite the pris- oner there were seated, not fero- cious enemies, not brutes, ready to tear him to pieces, or a jeering ma- lignant enemy, gloating over his victim, but a “humane” gentleman who sympathized with his “misfor- tune”. The “conve! ion” begins, the tone is extraordinarily polite, the face of the Okhrana agent re- veals deep concern for the fate of the prisoner. The latter is treated to expensive cigarettes (the pris- oner had not smoked for @ long time), tea and biscuits are brought in, and sometimes a good meal from the nearest restaurant. “You are still young, your whole life is still before you; a single false step may ruin your whole ca- reer. It is very difficult for me to help you in spite of my warm re- gard for you, because there, is too much evidence against you. Ail the material in our possession speaks against you. A very cruel fate awaits you. Only a frank confes- sion can save you. If you make it, liberating you entirely. A few days ago your mother called. Have you no pity for the old lady? She is overwhelmed with sozrow, and your revolutionary enthusiasm is the cause of it all. If you should be sent to the gallows, your mother will never survive it.” oe ee, 'UCH is the introduction. If this proves of no avail, the official starts, a “friendly” conversation with the prisoner on all sorts of topics, hoping to put him off his guard. If he is lucky he learns the political views of the prisoner and so determines which political party he belongs to. For interviews of this kind the most skilled Okh- rana agents were employed, those who were fairly well equipped with knowledge on political questions. . Certainly their knowledge was very superficial, but it was quite suffi- cient for their “narrow specialties”. Since they were often able to get hold of illegal literature they were sometimes even better acquainted with it than the revolutionist they were examining. In this respect the chief of the Moscow Okhrana, Zubatov,* distinguished himself by creating a whole school of “edu- cated Okhrana agents”. Quite a number of revolutionists with lim- of the crisis it has been made abundantly manifest that both the public and the private debts can- not be paid. But the public debts, if unpaid, simply pass on to the Budget, i. e. on to the taxpayers; the private debts, if unpaid, are dead loss to the financiers. Thus, just as the interests of high fin- ance compelled the cancellation of. reparations, so the interests of high finance may now compel the liquid- ation—whether cancellation or ex- treme revision—of the war debts. But this settlement, will only be reached after a sharp struggle be- tween Britain and America, Am- erica, as the Hooyer Notes have al- ready indicated, will stand out for “tangible compensation,” with spe- . Clal reference to markets, ‘ \ By T. TCHERNOMORDIK ited experience, won over by this. feigned “sincerity”, were caught in the trap.,From these “discussions” with the arrested revolutionists the Okhrana agents obtained valuable material which enabled them to study the teeronnel of the revolu~ tionary organization. THE “REAL BUSINESS” After these “free and easy” cone yersations, the agent of the Okh- rana passes to “real business”. The examination begins. If the prise oner had allowed himself to be drawn into the “conversation” with the Okhrana agent before the ex- amination, half the work was done. The prisoner, without real- izing it himself, continues tie con- versation. The agent tries to as- tonish the prisoner with the ex- actness of ‘the information in his possession. “On such and such a date, at such and such an hour you were at such and such a place; you carried such and such a parcel, tied up in a newspaper. You stay- ed there such and such a time and from there left in the company of so and so, at such and such a nd went to such and such a The prisoner is astounded. “On such and such a date you were at such and such a meeting; there were such and such persons pres- ent, and you said so and so.” He is eyen more astonished. “Your de- nials are of no use, we know every- thing. We have learned it all from your comrades.” Crushed by this evidence, the prisoner, already caught in the toils of the Okhrana, is forced to give evidence. Either he begins to give full testimony, sparing nei- ther himself nor his friends, and in this way unwillingly becomes a traitor, or he tries to invent evi- dence in order to disprove the agent's evidence, and in this way becomes entangled in contradic- tions, thus strengthening the au- thenticity of the Okhrana’s evi- dence. In both cases the agent is able to obtain fresh material for unearthing the organization, and for the trial. Frank testimonies and attempts to “disprove” the evidence of ‘the agents produced unfortunate re- sults. It helped the Okhrana to un- ravel the complicated knot of the “case”, and gave them clues for additional arrests and for the com- plete destruction of the organiza- tion. It led to the betray! of com- rades, and in cases of imaginary evidence, to contradictions and to hints as to the part played by the prisoners in the revolutionary or- ganization. (To Be Continued) - * Zubatoy, one time Chief of the Moscow Department of the Okhrana, initiator and founder of “Police Socialism”, called “Zu- batoyschina” after him. Support- ed by the Tsarist government and the organizational machine of the Okhrana, Zubatov in 1890 and subsequent years, established @ series of workers’ organizations, directed by agents of the Okh- rana, for the purpose of com- bating the revolutionary labor moyement, which was developing on a large scale at that time. The “platform” of this organiza- tion, which attracted the politi- cally backward, those who had not yet severed their connections with the village, consisted of the following: the intelligentsia re- quires Revolution and all kinds of “freedoms”, but the workers need enly to have their meterial position improved, and the’ latter may be accomplished within the framework of the autocracy, which is ready to protect the in- terests of the workers. In order to strengthen the popularity of this organization among the masses, Zubatov was compelled to go the length of calling strikes, so as to bring about con- flicts with the bourgeoisie, who did not want to bear the burden of these police experiments. In these clashes the Zubatovy move- ment experienced its first de- feats. The final collapse of Zu- batoyschina came before the first Revolution, when it became ob- vious that the frame-work of the Zubatoy organizations was too weak to hold back the revolu- tionary class movement of the proletariat and that these or- ganizations were objectively be- ginning to serve the interests of the revolution. The Gapon move~ ment was the swan song of Zu batoyschina. After Jan. 9, 1905, when the priest, Father Gapon, Jed the workers to the Winter Palace to petition the Tsar and when they were ruthlessly shot down by the Tere ene lusions’ concerning Soe cialism” were dissipated. Zubatoy tried very hard to plant the seeds of his “teachings” mong the revolutionary prise ners who fell into his hands, __ YVurther, any “settlement” of the’ debt gto” | even so-called “can cellation,” will not mean cancella~ tidn of the debt burden for the workers. . will only thean a reeare rangement of the proportions bo+ tween the rival state groupings, But the full burden of the ware debts will still remain, exacted | the last farthing, on the workers Europe and America, 45 per cent of the Budget in Britain, 30 per cent of the Budget in the Unite States over 50 per cent of the Bi get in France, goes to the service debt, Only the Russian worl oe at off this burden e ie way for adi a cancellation will aay ee also in the rest of Europe and . erica by the proletarian