The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 14, 1933, Page 5

j | \ } i | Leninism and the Mass Struggle Against I] His Teachings Only Reliable| The Young Lenin Seine am Sneha Against Czarism, Guide in the Anti-War Fight | Show Necessity for Defeat of ‘Own’ Country, Expose “Socialist” Betrayers By EARL BROWDER tT. smouldering ruins of the city of Shanhaikwan, amidst which the shattered bodies of several thousand Chinese men, women and ‘children, give the tone to the opening of the year 1933. Simul- sanequaly, the wars in Latin- America proceed with a ferocity re- yealing the depth of the antagon- isms which urge them on, primar- Ny the rivalry between Great Britain and the United States. The world is moving inexorably into a general imperialist war, which will be aimed in the first place against the Soviet Union. More than ever before, the work- ers must prepare themselves for the struggle against imperialist war, and for the task, when the war is upon us, to transform it into a socialism. LENIN’S TEACHINGS ARE GUIDE Lenin's teachirss constitute the only reliable guiav i this struggle. Under Lenin’s leadership, the Bol- sheviks conducted the struggle @gainst the imperialist war of 1914-1918, which -actually trans- formed it into a civil war that @verthrew imperialism in one-sixth @f the world. All who seriously think of action @gainst imperialist war must, there- Gere, master the lessons of history, @entained in the teaching of Lenin. ‘There are a few central principles ef Leninist theory, which necessar- ly guide all phases of the struggle against imperialist war. “It must be the task of the Social-Democracy (for today, read Communist Parties—E.B.) of every country first of all to of that country.” Thus wrote Lenin in October, 1914, in a manifesto of the Central Committee of the Russian Social- Democratic Labor Party (the Bol- sheviks, now the Communist Party). The enemy is at home; it is the capitalist class, and its exploiting allies; so long as capitalism rules, the worki class has no father- land to defend. \ struggle against the chauvinism T was the violation of this prin- ciple that brought about the col- Japse of the Second International, when in 1914 “the majority of the Social-Democratic Parties of all the German party, the great- est and most influential in the Sec- ond International, have joined their general staffs, their govern- ments, their bourgeoisic, thus tak- ing 9 stand against the proletariat.” (Lenin, “Collapse of the Second International,” summer 1915). In the midst of imperialist war, the revolutionary working class. must put forward the slogan, “Defeat of Your own’ imperialism.” “To repwiiate the defeat slogun means to reduce one’s reyolution~ ary actions to an empty phrase or sheer hypocrisy.” (Lenin, “De-. of ‘ou’ Government,” July, was the issue which split the t Parties of the world, the Second International, and in 1919 gave birth to the Communist International, which gathered to itself a}l that was revolutionary, all that was sound and healthy, and which restored revolutionary Marx~- ism, which had been revised and prostituted by the leaders of the Second International. This was the issue, upon which the treacher- ous revisionist leaders (represented in America by Hillquit & Co.) passed. openly over to the side of the capitalists, and proceeded step by step to integrate themselves more thoroughly into capitalist so- ciety, culminating today in their .Tole of path-clearers for fascism (support of Hindenburg in Ger- many, Mad ‘onald “labor” govern- ment in ¥ gland), which we call social-fasci\ 1, Soci: revolutionary struggle for | d first | Already then Lenin clearly de- fined the tasks of struggle against war even under the most difficult conditions. Referring to the situa- tion in Belgium, he says: 1 “What should the Belgian s0- | cialists have done? Since they could not accomplish a social revolution together with the French, etc., they had to submit to the majority of the nation at the present moment and go to war, But in submitting to the will of the slave-holding class, they should have put the respon- sib‘lity on the latter, they should have refrained from voting for appropriations, they should have sent Vandervelde not on minis- terial journeys to the exploiters, but to organize (together with the revolutionary Social-Democrats of ALL countries) illegal revolu- tionary propaganda in favor of 2 ‘socialist revolut’on’ and_ civil war; they should have conducted the same work in the army, ex- perience having shown that even in the trenches of the fighting armies ‘fraternization’ of soldier- workers is possible. To prattle about d’alectics and Marxism, at the same time being unable to combine the temporary necessity of submission to the majority with revolutionary work under all con- ditions, means to mock at the workers, to jeer at Socialism.” (Lenin, February, 1915.) The workers must fight against all imperialism, beginning with “their own.” But “it is foolish to renounce participation in war for- ever and as a matter of principle.” For there is not only imperialist war, but there is also the war of an oppressed nation for its inde- pendence, for its national existence. Such wars are today a part of the struggle to overthrow imperialism, and must be supported by the work- ers of all lands. Lenin said in 1914: “Thus, of all the belligerent countries only the Serbs are fighting for their national ex- istence. Similarly, the class- conscious proletarians in India and China cannot follow any but the national road, as their coun- tries have not been formed as yet into national states. If China had to wage an aggressive war for this purpose, we could only sympathize with it, since objec- tively this would be a progressive war.” * «. * en less is it possible for the workers to fight against war by empty slogans of “peace,” or by pacifist means, Exposing pacifist maneuvers in 1915, Lenin wrote this historic paragraph: “This is 2 lesson for those phrase-lovers who, like Trotsky, defend, in opposition to us, the peace slogan, alleging among other things that ‘all the Left Wingers’ have united for the pur- pose of ‘action’ under this very slogan! The government of the Junkers has now demonstrated the correctness of our Berne resolution, which. sa‘d that peace propaganda ‘not accompanied by @ call to revolutionary mass ac- tions’ is only capable of spread- ing illusions and of making the proletariat ‘a plaything in the hands of the secret diplomacy of the belligerent countries’ ” (Col- lected Works, p. 262, Vol. XVITL) ‘These are the central, guiding principles of Marxism-Leninism in the struggle against imperialist war. They are simple and clear; every worker is able to understand them. Amid the confusion and clamor of contemporary events, and the poison-gas of chauvinism, pacifism, and social fascism, they furnish the dependable compass which will guide the revolutionary workers of America also through the period of testing-by-fire which is approaching. BOOKS AND PAMHPHLETS BY AND ABOUT LENIN |¢ 5 he writings of Lenin provide an indispensable arsenal for revo- lutionary workers. A reading and studying of his writings will cast an illuminating light upon the problems facing the American workers and equip them for the many day-to-day tasks as well as for the understanding of the broader aims of the movement. Many of his writings have been published by International Pub- lishers. Lenin’s shorter writings as ‘well &s some of his principal works yhave been published in inexpensive pamphlet form in the Little Lenin Library. These are: 1. The Teach- ings of Karl Marx; 2. The War and the Second International; 3. Socialism and War; 4. What is to be Done? (taking up many or- tional problems); 5. The \ Parig Commune; 6. The Revolu- tion Of 1905; 7. Religion. The following take up the prob- Jems 6f the Russian Revolution from’ March to November, 1917: 8. Letters From Afar; 9. The Tasks of the Proletariat in Our Revolu- tion; 10, The April Conference; 11. The Threatening Catastrophe and How to Fight It; 12. Will the Bolsheviks Retain State Power? 18. On the Eve of October; and 14—State and Revolution, addition to these pamphlets International Publishers is also issuing the Collected Works of Lenin, which when finished will comprise 30 volumes. Thus far the volumes published cover the “Revo- lution of 1917, in two volumes and four books, of which Toward the Seizure of Power covering the pe- yiod during the four months pre- ’ ceding the proletarian revolution in November, 1917, has just been is- sued; the Imperialist War; The Iskra Teriod, covering the forma- tive years of the Bolshevik Party and Lenin’s great philosophic clas- sic Materialism and Empirie-Criti- cism. A special subscription edi- tion of these books sell at half the regular price. In addition there are 2 number of books about Lenin and Lenin- ism. Leninism, by Joseph Stalin, is a complete explanation of the meaning and principles of Lenin- ri and a discussion of its prob- Tet cutee! potiaa onium te eek tained in Stalin's Fotundations of Leninism. R intimate biographies and re- miniscenes of Lenin, read Lenin, in a very attractive and inexpen- sive edition. Krupskaya, Lenin's wife and co-worker, gives an in- timate picture of his life and ac- tivities in Memories of Lenin, ex- cerpts of which are published to- day on Page Four. The second volume of Memories, which covers the period up to the Revolution in November, will be published shortly by International Publishers. A special picture book for children on the life of Lenin, called Our Lenin, will also be gotten out soon. All these books and pamphlets may be obtained at Workers’ Book Shop, or direct from International Publishers, 361 Fourth Ave, New York City DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATU RDAY, JANUARY 14, 1933 A group of leaders of the St. Petersburg Learue for the Liberation of the Working Class, in which Lenin was the outstanding figure. Back row: A. L. Molchen ko, P. K. Zaporonitz, Krjanovsky, V. I. Ulianoy (Lenin—at the table), U. only 25. Capitalism M artov. The picture was taken in 1895, when Lenin was | A. A. Tsapkov; front row: G. | | @EJISTORY will not forgive de-| “Main Falsity In Literature on the War--’ «7 REPEAT once more: in order to reach the uneducated mas- ses, in order to introduce this question to the uniniated we need intermediate links in the logical development of our idea, The main fallacy and falsity of popular lit- erature on war lies in the fact that this question is being evaded, it is being passed over in silence, that the matter is represented as if there were no clats struggles, &s if two countries had lived pea fully, but one attacked the other, and the attacked defended itself. This is a vulgar reasoning in which there is not a shadow of objective truth, it is the way in which edu- cated people deliberately tcceive the m If approached prop- erly, representative of the masses would be able jo grasp the essential point; tor of the ruling classe: and the interests of the oppressed are another —From “The April Conference,” | by Lenin, Little Lenin Library, | Volume 10, “HISTORY WILL NOT FORGIVE DELAY...” lay by revolutionists who | could be victorious today (and will | | surely be victorious today), while | they risk losing much tomorrow, they risk losing all.” —From On the Eve of October, | | 1) again by V. I. Lenin. Little Lenin | Library, Volume 13. i| LENIN AND NEGRO QUESTION IN THE By HARRY HAYWOOD § on all other phases of the class struggle, Leninism on the na- tional question represents @ con- sistent development of revolution- ary Marxism in the epoch of im- perialism and proletarian revolu- tion. Leninism broadens out the na- tional question, linking it up with the colonial question, making it a general international question of the liberation of the oppressed and subject nations from the yoke of imperialism — a struggle for the right of self determination. There- | fore the national-colonial question is “part of the proletarian revolu- tion, a part of the auestion of the dictatorship of the proletariat.” (Leninism, by Stalin). The prole- tarian revolution as well as the liberation of the onpressed nations ean only be accomplished through the formation of a revolutionery alliance of the proletariat of the advanced nations and the peoples of the subject nations and colonies. This consistent revolutionary po- sition on the national cuestion was develoned only on the besis of the sherpest struerle against the so- cial-chauvinist leaders of the Sec- ond International. These leaders denied the rieht of slf-determina- tion to the ovvressed peoples, thus acting in sunvort of the vlvnder policy of the imnerialist robbers in revard to the subject nations and colonies. The direct annlication of this Marxian-Leninist concention of the national anestion is contained in the line of the Communist Party and Communist Internstionsl on the Negro question in the United States, TENIN'S CONTRIRTITION TO NEGRO QUESTION IN U. S. Alreadv in his brochure, “Canit- lism and Acriculture in America.” written in 1913, Lenin, in defend- ing the Marxian position on the agrarian question against the the- orists of the Narodniki and Sociel- ist-Revolutionaries, laid bare the Agrarian essence of the Negro question and also indicated its national - revolutionary character. In reply to the petty-bourgeois economist Himmer, who contended that “the United States is a coun- try which never knew feudalism and and is foreign to economic survivals of the latter,” Lenin stated: “This statement is in direct opposition to the truth, for the survivals of slavery do not dif- fer in any’ respect from those of feudalism, and the survivals of slavery are very stronely felt up to the present time in the slave-own- ing south.” In this same pamphlet, Lenin compared the position of the Negroes to the position of the former serfs in Russia, stating that “the similarity in the economic po- sition of the Negroes in America with that of the former serfs in the agrarian centers in Russia is remarkable. Lenin continued: “The South is a hemmed-in prison with absence of fresh air for the ‘liberated’ Ne- » Precisely on the basis of this analysis, the thesis of the Second Congtgss of the Communist Inter- national on the National and Co- Jonial Question, which was devel- UNITED STATES | ® “Marsiat-Leninizt Application of National Question Is Line of C. I. and C. P.” oped under the leadership of Lenin, placed the Negro question question of an oppressed nation. In this thesis, the Communist Par- ties are committed “to support the revolutionary movement among the subject nations (for example, Ire- land, American Negroes) and in the colonies.” (Emphasis mine— H. H.) oe HIS line was further developed and elaborated in the resolu- tions of the C. I. of 1928 and 1930 on the Negro question. The reso- lution of 1930 states that the Ne- gro question is “the question of an oppressed nation, which is in a peculiar and extraordinarily dis- tressing situation of national op- pression, not only in view of pro- minent raci'' distinctions (marked | as a | difference in color of skin, etc.) but above all because of conside: able social antagonisms (remnants | of slavery).” On the basis of this analysis, we | are confronted with a national- revolutionary movement of the N gro peoples against national o1 | pression, for equal rights and self- | determination of the Black Belt, as | an important ally of the American workingclass in its struggle for the | overthrow of capitalism. From | this position flows the line of the | Party, which is uncompromising { support for the struggles of the | Negro people for nationi! ‘bera- | tion, the development of ony of the workingciass and ieadership of the Communist Party in this movement, cementing the solidar- ity of Negro and white workers on Liebknecht and Luxemburg~ Foes of Imperialist War By IRVING HERMAN JANUARY 15th, marks the anni- versary of the murder of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Their names will forever be cher- ished by the proletariat, particular- ly the militant youth. They stood out in the struggle against the imperialist war of 1914, in the fight to establish a Soviet Germany. They mét death at the hands of the treacherous leaders of the Ger- man Social-Democratic Party, who throttled the German Revolution and paved the way for the counter- revolution. Today the masses everywhere are moving to the left. The masses are more and more beginning to follow the leadership of the Com~- munist Party. In Germany the small Spartacus Bund of Lieb- knecht has grown into a mighty Communist Party, with millions of followers. The German Social- Democracy today is one of the arch-supporters of crumbling Ger- man capitalism. The tide of revo- lution in Germany is reaching higher levels and is repulsing the onslaughts of fascism and social- fascism. The last written state- ments of Liebknecht and Luxem- burg, a. day before their murder, on the occasion of the defeat of the Spartacus Uprising, are being realized. Defiantly, Liebknecht wrote: “Today, only the underground mutterings of the volcano. To- morrow it will burst and bury them all in a torrent of glowing ashes and streams of lava.” Luxemburg wrote on that mem- orable occasion as follows: “‘Order is established in Ber- lin’! You fools- Your ‘order’ is built on sand! Tomorrow the revolution will arise again majes- tic and to your terror announce with a voice of thunder: ‘I was, I am, I am to be!’” WAS LEADING FIGURE Liebknecht was a leading figure in the building of a militant youth movement. He saw in the youth a challenge to the corrupt Social- Democratic leadership. He clear- ly defined the role of capitalist militarism in the system of imper- ialism and showed the need for carrying on consistent anti-mili- tarist work. With the outbreak of the war, Liebknecht and Luxem- burg carried on a relentless strug- gle against the war, exposing in ‘the sharpest terms the national chauvinist position of the Social~ Democratic leaders, who were call- ing on the masses to “defend the ‘fatherland’.” PAM is a 'HE spirit of Liebknecht prevailed in the calling of the Berne Con- ference of militant Socialist youth in the struggle against war. Though this conference represented one of ; the outstanding actions against the war, nevertheless it revealed very | serious weaknesses: inadequate ex- posure of the social-chauvinists, no attempt to split from the chau- vinist Social-Democracy, or to ex- pose the attempts to “reconstruct” the Second International. Liebknecht and Luxemburg were the leaders of the Spartacus up- rising in January of 1919. This revolt was brutally crushed by the German Social- Democratic gov- ernment, and Liebknecht and Lux- emburg were foully murdered. ACHIEVEMENTS AND MISTAKES While we cherish the memories | of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, we must sefiously study their mis- takes and shortcomings. This was | greatly emphasized by Comrade Stalin in his famous letter on the History of Bolsheyism. Though Liebknecht was very outspoken against the war and fought the chauvinist position of the German Social-Democratic Party leaders, nevertheless he did not vote against the war credits when it was first | raised in the Reichstag. This he failed to do in the name of “dis- cipline” of the Social-Democratic | Party—the discipline that basic- | ally meant giving aid to the war makers. Liebknecht soon corrected | this mistake, since he recognized | that the struggle against war must be advanced, that these chauvin- ists had completely gone over to the camp of the bourgeoisie. As for Rosa Luxemburg, she com~ mitted some very serious errors in her position on the national ques- tion (on the question of national independence for Poland); in her position on the struggle between the Bolsheviks and Mensheyiks (she called for “unity” between them,; in her reliance on the theory of spontaneity (not clearly under- standing the role of the Party); failure to raise the slogan of “Turn the Imperialist War into a Civil War,” etc. oe 8 6 OWEVER, despite these very sere {ious mistakes, the memories of Liebknecht and Luxemburg are cherished by all revolutionary work- ers. Lenin highly valued the work of these two outstanding fighters and, in the case of Luxemburg, declared: “She was and remains an eagle; and not only will her memory always be highly es- teemed by the Communists of all | the world, but her biography and | the complete collection of her | writings will be useful for the in- struction of many generations of | Communists in all countries, the basis of a relentless struggle against white chauvinism in the ranks of the white working-class as the main danger, while at the same time combatting bourgeois- nationalist sentiments among the Negro toilers. This line is fully confirmed in successes of the Communist ‘ty in the leadership of the struggles of the Negro masses, and in the development of workingclass | solidarity between Negro and white | workers. Following this correct line, our Party initiated immediate struggles for Negro rights, as in the Scottsboro case; Negro masses have been drawn into struggles for ‘economic demands, as in the min- ers’ strike, the movement of the | unemployed, and the share-crop- pers’ struggles. The whole ques- tion of the fight for Negro rights has been raised to a higher poli- tical plane, as in the election cam- paign, and in the struggle against the Negro reformists. In this way, the hegemony of the workingclass and the leadership of the Com~- munist Party in the Negro libera- tion movement has been strength- ened. ae tua IN the situation of the end of cap- italist stabilization — transition period to wars and revolutions as characterized in the 12th Plenum | of the Executive Committee of the Communist International, the na- tional liberation struggle of the | Negroes assumes tremendous im- portance in the sharpenine of the crisis of American imperialism. The Negro question has become a real “Achilles’ heel” of American im- perialism, a point where revolu- tionary explosions are most im- minent. is was clearly shown in the events of Dec. 19 in Talla- seizure of the livestock of the Ne- gro farmer, Cliff James, led to the Negro poor farmers. From this situation flows the urgent need of an all-around strengthening of our work among the Negroes — improving the fight against white chauvinism, eradic- ating the still existing unclarity in | the Party and among the revolu- tionary workers in regard to the national-revolutionary character of the Negro question, orientation of the Party and revolutionc:; mass organizations to the development of the Negro liberation movement in the South as the center of gravity in our work among the Negroes. even some relatively insieni- Ap acts of the Ku Klux Klan bandits in the Black Belt can be- come the occasion of important political moyements, provided the Communists are able to organize the resistance of the indignant Negro masses. In such cases, mass moyements of this kind can easily develop into real rebellion. This rests on the fact that—as Lenin said — “Every act of na- tional oppression calls forth re- sistance on the part of the mas- ses of the population, and the tendency of every act of resist- ance on the part of oppressed peoples is the national uprising.” (Resolution of the Communist International, 1930.) ROSA LUXEMBURG poosa County, where the attempted | armed resistance on the part of mperialist War Mobilizing Workers of U. for Defense of Soviet Union the So HE workers have su iy first Five Year Pl workers of t all their € more ex Soviet tag Saturda y | automobile y Novgorod) | That is a py writer spent tw about a month en ore than 300 nt is now progress- ind will very s and cars a || ing very rap’ turn out 100 tru The situation in the Far East is dangerous. American im- perialism will not long remain in- active while its aims in the Far | East are thwarted by Japanese im- perialism. A conflict between Am- erican and Japanese imperialism may rapidly result in a new world war if it has not already begun in the fighting in Manchuria and China. In this acute war situation and with anti-Soviet propaganda in- creasing parations for war, the task of the Friends of the Soviet Union to mobilize the working masses for support and defense of the first Workers’ Republic becomes more position of the working class to war, the international solidarity s part of imperialist pre- | —— Building of F. S. U. Into Real Mass Organs ization Is Vital Ta ask By CYRIL LAMBKIN the Soviet (National Secre Friends of has been and or in delaying of Soviet sion or less Soviet e losing m and to their rn their 8. U. must s of thousands 1ers and orga launching nt campaign in paign which will issue of recogni« t government. In will popularize of the Russia workers and peasants under the Soviet governm It will bring to the knowledze of the workers contrast between improvement in the cultural conditions of of the Soviet Union steady decline of the Handed of living of the American workers. It will show the genuine peace policy of the Soviet govern- ment as opposed to the insincere peace proposals of the capitalist governments. In this campaign, it will collect hundreds of resolutions in favor of recognition from workers organiza- tions and finally, at least one mil- lion signatu to a recognition petition, In the course of the campaign the most important task is the building of the F. 8. U. itself so that it becomes a real mass or- ganization as rapidly as possible. When it has become such, it will really be a wall of defense of the Soviet Union. | | | | | | urgent than ever. The militant op- | | | | | SOVIET UNION—“Will you sig IMPERIALIST COUNTRIES— Moscow.) The Soviet View of the Geneva Conferences this non-aggression pact?” 0, our arms are full.” (From “Prayda,” ONDON.—The prosecution of Comrades Thomas Mann and Emyrs Liewellyn under an Act 115 years old based on Statutes going | back to the 14th century marks a | further dropping of democratic | pretense on the part of the British ruling clacs. Our comrades were charged with being responsible for a demonstration to Parliament The magistrate admitted that there was no criminal charge. Comrade Tom Mann declared: “If Lam to be tied, if my mouth is to be closed, if I am not to participate in ventilating the grievances of those who are suf- fering while the incompetency of those responsible cannot find work for them and is knocking down their miserable standard lower—then whatever the con- quences may be—if I am to be shot in the next five minutes— I would not consent to any undertaking. “So, with ali respect, I must say very emphatically that, re- gardiess of my age or anything else, I will not give an under- taking not to be identified with the further organization of mass demonstrations and the ventila- tion of the troubles of the unem- ployed and of the workers generally.” Thus although “guilty of no of- fence’ both comrades are in prison and will remain there for two months, taht stellt REVENTIVE arrest is a com- monplace in India but has not beea operated in Britain for cen- JAIL TERMS FOR LEADERS OF BRITISH UNEMPLOYED turies. Obviously it is a new weap- on that the bourgeoisie propose to add to their armory—a new weap-. on forged from ald laws that had been tacitly dropped as being bare barous relies of long ago. Come bined with the very heavy sen- tences that are now the order of the day they show the savage re- pression that British capitalism is going to revort to more and more as the crisis deepens. These things eloquently refute the “optiraistie” press balderdash about the crisis being past, confidence being re+ stored etc, and are indicative of the panic in which the bourgeoisie of Britain, in common with that of all other countries, finds itself today. Comrade Tom Mann is a veteran fighter. He was the first retary of the Independent Labor Party, which body he soon left when he dis- cerned its reformist tendencies, He was, just after the war, Gen- eral Secretary of the Amalgamted Engineering Union and has been the National Chairman of the Minority Movement since its for- mation. He has been a member of the C. P. G. B. also since its for- mation. In 1906 during the big do es he was sent to prison for‘a leaflet he issued to the troops, calling on them to refuse to obey orders to shoot down strikers and recently he was expelled from Bel« fast by the Ulster authorities, Tont Manp has a long, fine and con= sistent record of honorable struggle in the class war. He is 76 years of age,