The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 13, 1933, Page 4

} & ‘That this movement will sweep the country cannot be doubted. b, elosely on the heels of the heroic defense of their lives and their j | taxes. There are some 40,000 acres sti orker Party USA. Pablished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dally except Sunday, a4 58 E. 18th St., New York Cit ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DATWORK.”” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. Dail SUBSCKIFTION Bares. jh. My mail overswhere: One year, 36; six months, 33.50; 5 months, $2; 1 wenth, Se exeepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months. $5; 3 months, $3 The New Stage in Farm Struggles HE new upsurge of farm struggles in the Middle West is not merely a continuation of the spectacular and militant struggles of last year against low marketing prices for farm products. The farmers are now fighting on the basis of the program adopted at the United Farmers’ Relief Conference held at Washington in December. This conference, uniting the rank and file farmers, has already proved to have been a powerful co-ordinating force that gave aim and direction and Organized form to the mass discontent of the impoverished farmers. ‘The farmers’ movement today last year as is shown withi: Towa, where t ct at Le Mars, eastern insur- op the proceedings of ntended forced Sale. At Tipton, scene of the “cow v of 1930 when troops were called out to force the state bovine tuber the mass action of the farmers have stopped forced for . In Penr Sistance to foreclosures and forced sales has taken the form of low bid- biding inf of property (for a few dollars to cover hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of seized property) and turning it back to the victims. Last year the fight of the Middle West farmers against low prices for farm products began as a struggle inst the robber banks, the grain Speculators, the railroad companies. It soon developed into a fight against the state police and militia as the state government tried to smash the farm movement if he did not great significance in connection with the events of this week in Iowa is the fact that the farmers, whom the capitalists have declared to fe-immune from Communism, have exploded that illusion by welcoming #HE-assistance of Communi leaders in solving the problems of extend- ing to a broad mass movement the struggle against evictions and forced ‘sales. The farmers have learned through actual experience that the Com- Mmiumnist Party, instead of being the disruptive and disorganizing band of Gonspirators that the poisonous and lying metropolitan and country ress would have them believe, is in reality the one powerful unifying Movement, a force that binds together the ranks of the farmers into an @ffective fighting force. Further, the farmers see in practice that it is the Communist Party alone that fights to defeat the attempts of the bankers, the railroads and the government to mobilize the working class of the cities and towns against the farmers in the country. Last year, in’ the struggle against low prices, the Communists supported’ the move- Ment and pointed out that the same thieves in high places that robbed them also maintained high retail prices for robbing the workers in the cities. Out of this understanding grew the demand upon the government that farm produce be purchased at prices that would enable the farmers to live and that the farm products purchased by te funds be distri- ‘bated to the starving men, women and children of the cities. It was this demonstration in action of what Communists really mean by unity that was.the first wedge in breaking down the barriers of prejudice against the revolutionary working class party that had been assiduously built up by the capitalist class—the common enemy of the workers and farmers. From: all over the country, especially from the Middle West, there pour im letters to the DAILY WORKER from farmers ing guidance in their fight against their exploiters. Hundreds of farmers not only read the Dally, but actively engage in its distribution. For example, a Nebraska farmer says: » “In regard to the effect that the copies of the Daily Worker has on the individual farmer, I think it is good—there is a real keen interest dm general among the farmers on what is going on in a militant way ever the country. This interest has been especially noticeable since the ‘Washington conference.” Not only are the farmers fighting against individual evictions, but they. are, in Iowa, especially, preparing farmer marthes to the state capitol, demanding from the legislature enactment of laws against evic- tions, and putting forth bills of their own for farm relief. It is note- ' worthy that it is in those states that have been for years sending to the * ‘s@nate and house of representatives the so-called “progressives” who made Up the “farm blocs” that the struggle is reaching higher forms, that parliamentary illusions are vanishing, that the farmers are showing in action that they will not peacefully starve on the vague promises of the ican and democrat politicians who try to dupe them with stories that everything will be all right if they will only suffer long enough in silence. outbreak of new struggles in the North and Middle West follows meagre essions waged by the Negro share-croppers in the heart of the ard Black Belt, where the agrarian struggle is being carried on Ye toiling masses who suffer as an oppressed nation under remnants of slavery imposed upon them by the blight of American imperialist tyranny. + While the struggle of the farmefs north and south, Negro and white, are rapidly spreading, there still goes on every day the most terrible at- tacks in many parts of the country—forced sales, foreclosures of mort- ; with men, women and children being turned off their farms by thousands, who start out hungry, cold and shelterless in some sort @f rattle-trap conveyance to search for a new foothold they know not Where. For instance, down in Fredericksburg, Virginia, on January 9 #mvone county there were sold some 30,000 acres of land for delinquent advertised for sale, which is about 5 per cent of the acreage of the county. The capitalist press reports that these sales were “conducted without disorder.” Such items as these show clearly the necessity for more work yet to be done to develop a farm movement that will be able to stop this offensive of the capitalists, Neither can there be any doubt that here is beginning that process in \ the United States that will enable the impoverished farmers to emerge ‘as the allies of the revolutionary working class. As this movement pro- vania the re- | DATLY : Negro Writer | : Assails Broun A auvinist sCh F. H. M. MURRAY, columnist of | «the Washington Tribune, a Ne- | gro newspaper, supports and praises the position of the Communist: gainst the use of white chauvinist | expressions injected into the lan- | guage by the imperialist oppressors of the Negro people and attacks the defense of these expressions by the socialist columnist in the Scripps- Howard press, Heywood Broun. Writing in his own column “From a Cynic’s Notebook,” Murray states: “Derogation” | Heywood Broun, in his column “Tt Seems to Me,” published in the Scripps-Howard papers, at- tempts to get some fun out of the fact that a writer in the Daily Worker protested against the use by one~“Nancy F.” in that paper of the very objectionable phrase: “That was mighty white of you,’ which phrase, as he says, probab- ly slipped by the proofroom and room of the paper, calls attention to many other phrases, containing the word “white,” and adds facetiously: “It is too much to ask any- body to believe that all this hap- pened by chance and without a preliminary conference between Morgan, Rockefeller and the Gov- ernor of the State of Georgia.” Nevertheless, the phrase is one of belittlement and derision, and, whatever its genesis, Comrade Lawson is right when she says that Communists and militant workers (and I add, all who are intelligent and fair-minded) should become conscious of such expressions, know what they im- ply and eschew them. Comrade Broun’s humor or cleverness, if it was intended to be that, was entirely too costly, in this case—costly to the victims of the implications of the expres- sion referred to, which implica- tions are contempt and deroga- tion. Retr Be FDITOR’S NOTE: The correct- ness of the Communist position of struggle against every expres- sion of white chauvinism against the Negro people is shown by: (1) The reaction of the enemies of the Negro people, such as Hey- wood Broun and the rest of the so- cialist leaders all of whom deny the right of self-determination to the Negro people struggling against na- tional oppression. These leaders advise the white workers to stay off the TNT of the national question in the South, that is, to give no support to the liberation struggles of the Negro masses. (2) The favorable response from the Negro people who are sensitit to every expression of white chau- vinism and whose resentment to these expressions forces Negro pa- Pers such as the Washington Trib- une to emphasize the correctness of the Communist position. While Mr. Murray condemns Broun’s defense of these white chauvinist expressions, he seems to be unaware that this is not a ques- tion of “fairness.” Broun’s chau- vinist defense reflecis the class pol- icies of the leaders of the Socialist Party’ whose role is to defend U. S. imperialism against the rising strug- gle of the Negro and white toiling masses. The socialist leaders de- fend the national oppression and economic looting of the Negro peo- ple, the oppression of the Haitian and Philippine masses and other people oppressed by Wall Street, imperialism. Broun’s article is a case in point. The main role of the Socialist leaders is to divert the masses from the revolutionary way out. of the deepening crisis of capi- talism, with its mass starvation, misery and increasing terror. Lettersfrom Our Readers ‘ceeds it will sweep into action, side by side with the working class, mil- ae of poor and middle farmers—it is this unity that, as the conflict ‘raised to the highest stage will, under the leadership of the Commun- Party, smash capitalist class rule and establish the rule of the workers farmers. In this way only can the crisis of capitalism be finally solved in the interest of the toiling masses. Where W “Note:—A group of foreign work- { ‘visiting the Soviet Union, peti over night on the prem- ‘of the agricultural machinery mt, “Brasny Aksai,” at Rostov- Don, They were put up in the dormitory of the factory, is provided free of charge the Soviet Social Insurance for workers who are able and | y to work, but for some reason | , need special physical care. } following ‘etter was coe group of these Soviet workers visiting foreign workers: Oo ae gather in the hall, where some play the piano and other musical instru- ments; others sing, play chess or read. At 10:30 we go to sleep. The next morning we get up at 6, eat breakfast and go to work in our respective departments, which are near at hand because the dormitory is on the premises of the factory, New Deal “Homes’ EVANSVILLE, Ind—About 50 des- titute men, women and children were forced to get up at 2 a.m._in the morning and rush out of the 70-year- old Chandler building at First and Locust Sts. when the building began to crack and cave in, ‘This building had been condemned as unsafe by the building commis- sioner on July 27, 1931, and so the bosses decided it was good enough for the unemployed. A year after it was condemned the bosses’ Unem- ployed Relief, headed by John Jen- nings, got jobless workers who had no other place to go to make this trap their home. ‘The building commissioner had long ago pointed out that the rear wall was in danger of falling, caused by bad cracks in the flues; he said that the roof joists were very weak, and said that the brick arch on the third floor in the corridor wrs also badly cracked, Only by a militant organized strug- gle, under the leadership of the Un- employed Council, will the workers win the right to shelter in the many vacant buildings which the bosses dear guests, the comrades he capitalist countries, we ex- experiences and impressions in Rostov our guests con- selves of our tremendous its. They saw how we time in the dormitory for recuperation, after working -hour day in the factory. e o'clock, when we are ‘working we go to the dormi- re we take a hot bath and to clean clothes and pur o'clock we are served a d dinner, consisting of three the nurse wakes us up; we ‘ then go to a special hall, } spend our time reading and leckers and chess. After a and tea js served in YES, WHY IS THIS SO? Editor, Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: On Sunday, January 8, 1933, a united front conference was held for the purpose of protesting against the latest atrocities against Jews in Poland. There were many organizations present, and tho’ a sprinkling of delegates from or- ganizations, not definitely left wing were present, it still was not an actual united front. The speakers from the platform as well as in discussion from the floor—all centered their attack against Polish fascism. Some of the remarks were also pointed against Italian fascism, Poland, Jugoslavia, Chechoslovakia, were all discussed. Comrades P. Novak and Yudich of the “Morning Freiheit” very ably pointed out the class character of , and oppressions of small nationalities and national minori- ties. Every one of the speakers, however, failed to as much even as hint about race riots, race discrimi- nation, oppression and lynchings of Negroes in the United States. In the 5 minutes given me as representative of District I. L. D., I attempted to bring this issue be- fore the conference. In my re- marks I pointed out the lynching and national oppression of Negroes in the United States have all the earmarks of progroms and are in fact pogroms for one definite pur- pose—creating antagonism between the white and colored workers in the United States and preventing them from United Action against capitalism. Omitting to even have a para- graph in the resolution about Ne- gro oppression in the U. 8. at a conference of this nature is to my opinion an error of grave nature. Silence on such vital a problem may raise the question in the minds of many “Shy ts this so?” —~M. EB, TAFT, 4 WORKER, W YORK, FRIDAY, JANUARY 13, 1933 THE RISE OF THE HOT AIR BALLOON! The Double Face of Mr. Hikers, Misleader of Unemployed Claims Credit for Victory Which He Tried to Prevent By BILL GEBERT ‘HE New York papers carried an interview with Karl Borders, the social-fascist leader heading the Chicago Workers’ Committee on Unemployment. In this inter- view, Mr. Borders claims that the Cook County Hunger March on Oc- tober 31st, which defeated the 50 per cent cut in relief, was put over by Mr. Borders’ Chicago Workers’ Committee on Unemployment. Such a lie Mr. Borders can spredd in New York, feeling that the work- ers in New York do not know the real facts of the situation. But the workers of Chicago know bet- ter. They know not only the words, but the deeds of Mr. Karl Borders, and his deeds in the Chi- cago Hunger March on’ Oct. 31st were that of attempting to split the united front conference. He was not successful, thanks to the militancy of the membership of the Chicago Workers’ Commit- tee on Unemployment, which could not stand for the policy of Mr. Borders. Here are the facts. BAGS te FTER the Cook County United Front Conference, at which 350 organizations were represented by 700 delegates, and at which a de- cision was made for a Cook County Hunger March, through the loop to the city hall, Mr. Karl Borders, on Oct. 21st, sent a letter to the Socialist Party, Workers’ League, Committee on Unemployment and other organizations controlled by social-fascist leaders. In this let- ter Mr. Borders declared: “We simply cannot allow the various groups holding our point of view to drop out (of the United Front—G.B.) in a disordered route.” And further he declares: that a caucus be held of the peo- ple he sent the-letter to in which decisions to be made as fo “our relations to the March on the 31st.” Karl Borders thus organized a caucus of a handful of social-fas- cist leaders in an attempt to split the movement. He was not suc- cessful only because, in addition to the social-fascist leaders, a num- ber of workers from the branches and committees of the organiza- tions came and a motion to with- draw from the Cook County Hun- ger March at the caucus meeting of the Borders clique on Oct. 25th, held at the Chicago Commons, was defeated by a vote of 74 against the split and 18 for the split. (The Chicago City Committee of the Un- employed Councils is in possession of a letter from which the above quotations have been made, and also has a statement from the workers who were present at the Borders’ caucus meeting on Oct. 25th). $end HESE facts are important and show cléarly the vole of Mr. Borders as the one who attempted to defeat the united action of the unemployed. In whose interest? In the interest of the bosses. Here we see very clearly the role of the social-fascist leaders, which was de- feated because the membership did not stand for’ such a betrayal and such treachery. SINGS A DIFFERENT TUNE IN CHICAGO Furthermore, while Mr. Borders is so enthusiastic about the Cook County Hunger March in New York, he is not so enthusiastic in Chicago. He published here a little paper, “The New Frontier,” and in an editorial of that paper, after the Hunger March, Mr. Borders declared: “We learned who our friends are and who our enemies are—both inside and outside of the organization.” So Mr. Borders speaks quite openly here of the enemies inside the Chicago Workers’ Committee on Unemployment and outside of the organization, meaning the Un- employed Council. Who are these enemies, Mr. Borders? It is clear that you have in mind workers who refused to carry out your treacherous policy and you your- self admitted it in this editorial by declaring; “We don’t obey orders. \, We let our opponents put things over on us.” aera te ELL, we are proud and glad and the working class of Chicago is also glad that the membership of the Chicago Workers’ Committee on Unemployment did not carry the orders of Mr. Borders to split the movement, and the membership, whom Mr. Borders calls “enemies,” defeated the aims to split the move- ment. No wonder, then, that Mr. Borders, in the same “New Fron- tier,” declared that membership in the Unemployed Councils or any other organ‘zation whose aims are entirely inconsistent with the aims of the Chicago Workers’ Commit- tee ‘on Unemployment should bar these people from membership in our organization.” This shows fear of the masses, fear of the workers. This fear is so pronounced through the whole line of Borders’ paper and speeches everywhere, and we are not surprised. WORKERS LEARNED WHO ARE THEIR FRIENDS ‘The Chicago workers learned through experience whom they can trust and whom not to trust and they learned not to trust Mr. Karl Borders. And, while we are dis- cussing this question, it would be worth while also to bring a few other facts to light. Mr. Borders elected himself chairman of the National Executive Committee of the so-called “Federation of Un- employed Workers’ League,” and in the platform of this organization they declare: “The Federation takes a non-partisan political stand.” So here we are. Mr. Borders be- comes the exponent of the policy of the officialdom of the A. F. of L. jut while he speaks. that his or- ganization is to be non-partisan, this however does not correspond with the article Mr. Karl Borders wrote in No. 5 of the “Unemployed” in which he states that in ‘the last elections the Chicago. Workers’ Committee on Unemployment was mobilized to collect signatures on petitions of the Farmer-Labor Party and the Socialist Party. So we see the double face of Mr. Bor- ders, on more than one occasion. at ND finally, another example of the policies of social-fascist Musteites in the unemployment movement.’ Mr, Karl Borders is a staunch supporter of Muste and the Musteites controlled, relatively speaking, a broad organization of unemployed in Seattle, Washington, so broad, that with their support, the Musteites were able to elect a mayor in Seattle. We believe in stating facts and here the facts of the result of the leadership of the Muste unemployed movement in Seattle and the unem- ployed movement in Chicago. “The Labor Age,” mouthpiece of Muste, in the November issue, in an article By Carl Branin, declares: “In Seat- tle m/Ik has been reduced so that children over 7 years of age get only one pint per day and children over 14, none. The wholesale value of the food furnished is about $1.74 per week for a family of four.” This is in the city of Seattla un- der the leadership of the Muste- ites. In the city of Chicago relief is not satisfactory and adequate. But, as the Washington correspon- dent of the “Federated Press” de- clared, “Chicago is » most danger- ous spot on the unemployed front.” It is so. Chicago received more money for relief from the Recon- struction Finance Corporation than any other city in the country. Ap- proximately 150,000 families in Chi- _cago receive an average of $22 a month. It is very little and not sufficient, but compare this with the “achievement” of the Muste- ites in Seattle. Rie ecw «PHE LABOR BULLETIN,” pub- lished by the Illinois Depart- ment of Labor, for the month of November, recognizing the fact that the struggle of the unemployed in Chicago defeated the 50 per cant cut in relief, states that “Of the total sum required for relief, $45,- 000,000, that $40,600,000 will be needed for Cook County, and $4,400,000 for other Wlinois coun- ties.” Why this big difference even in the state ot Illinois? -The reason is clear. The Chicago unemployed fight, and they are getting more relief. These are important les- sons to be drawn—that only under the revolutionary leadership, the leadership of the Unemployed Councils, supported by the Com- munist Party, can the unemployed workers successfully carry on a struggle against hunger and starva- tion. : Revolutionary leadership not only means that we mobilize the work- ing class and the toiling masses for the final overthrow of capitalism, but in daily work and daily strug- gles. It is under the leadership of these forces that the unemployed can force the ruling class io srant bigger concessions. The good old slogan of a Negro woman, who at one of the meetings of the Unem- ployed Council, declared: “Those who do not fight do not eat” ap- plies here perfectly. Rank and File Members of A. F. of L. Write in January “Labor Unity” LABOR UNITY. Monthly organ of Trade Union Unity League. Jan- uary, 1932. Published at 2 W. 15th St. New York. Price 10 cts, $1.50 per year. ANK and file workers, members of the A. F. of L. unions, have helped to make the January issue of. Labor Unity, central organ of the Trade Wnion Unity League, @ most intefesting and vital one. An important article is “The Na- tional Hunger March—a Political Victory,” by I. Amter, secretary of the National Committee of Unem- ployed Councils of the U. 8. ter reviews the March and the events in Washington, especially with an eye on the future —the effects of the March and the next steps in the fight. ate tar ee issue is profusely illustrated with photos of the Hunger March. All articles are written with stress on unemployment. It is in the articles on the work in the A. F. of L. that valuable con- tributions are made. J. McGowan, in conference in Cincinnati. Jack Stachel, on “Problems in Work in the Reformist, Unions” reviews the A. F. of L. convention, its meaning, its maneuvers, and deals also with the growing revolt movement in the ranks of the A. F. of L. . . OUIS TOTH’s article on “Two Conventions” reviews in detail beth the rank and file conference and the misleaders’ conver.tion. ‘There are rank and file articles on actual experiences in the sheet metal workers union, the railroad brotherhoods, etc. Rondot, a rail- roader, deals with the wage-cut on the railroads, the part played by the officialdom, and the sentiment of the workers, in his article “Unity ‘Vs. Railroad Wage Cuts.” The present status of the strug- gle of the Illinois miners is told about in Bill Gebert’s article, “The Illinois Miners’ Main Task Is To Fight Starvation.” Two revolts against the A. F. of L. misleaders in New York—by the painters and the housewreckers, are described. by R. Pitcoff and by Bob Strong. An iron miner, R. Kova, tells of the situation on the Iron Range, where the first Mayor ia ie dl { The “Conservative” Farmers in Action Militant Action Is Result of United Front on Burning Needs of the Farmers By J. LANKY T the recent Farmer's National Relief Conference the delega- tions fro mPennsylvania, New Jer- sey, Nebraska were considered “conservative” in comparison to the farmers of the revolutionary United Farmers’ League of the Northwest. Many times during the conference the farmers from the “conservative” delegation showed the existence of deep-rooted illusions (the hope that the progressive Congressmen would help them, the waving of the red-white and blue, the ap- peal for supernatural aid, staté- ments that “thére is too much criticism of the government here,” etc., Debate at the conference often times was sharp. This, however, did not stop the “conservative” farmers from voting for a militant program and also for resolutions, demanding recognition of the Sov~ jet Union, for unemployment and social insurance and against im- perialist war. URGE UNITY WITH WORKERS Of great significance was the popularity of the idea of unity with the working class and unity with the Negro share croppers. Almost every delegate who spoke brought these subjects up. Many times provoking applause. ‘What have these “conservative” farmers done since they went home? The Nebraska farmers started the ball rolling by spread- ing the mass fight against sheriff sales to such an extent ds to make it a matter of national importance. ‘These struggles were under the lJeadershi» of the Nebraska Holiday Association (which sent delegates and supports the conference pro- gram). The central Pennsylvania farm- ers under the leadership of the Pennsylvania Protective Association (also represented at the confer- ence) were the next to fall in line. Several hundred farmers turned out for a sale and allowed no one to bid but the elected committee of action which bought back the farm for $29. The eastern Pennsylvania farm- ers under the leadership of the United Farmers Protective Associa- tion (also represented at the con- ference) took up the challenge and successfully saved two farmers from losing their farms in two successive days by mass actions involving over 600 farmers. ape nels 2 'HESE are not spontaneous out- breaks as the capitalist press is trying to make them out to be. Nor are these actions passive (ask the Iowa lawyer who foolishly tried to bid at one of these actions). These actions are the result of organization along with agitation based on a broad united front for the immediate burning needs. of the small and medium farmers. The following quotations show the state of mind of these “conserva- tive” farmers: “I've never been in jail in my life but if I get 30 days for this, I won't mind.”—(A Pennsylvania farmer just before a sale. This is the best day’s work of my life."—(The same farmer after’ the sale was stopped.) “Some folks say this is Com~ munism. If this is Communism. I'm proud to say I am for it.”— (A mennonite farmer who had been warned against “the sinister influence of Communism creeping into the organization.”) ““To prevent unison between the poor farmers, to keep their scheme of sowing race hatred working, the landlords are trying to bust up any trace of a farmer's organiza-~ tion. This is the real reason for the murderous attack and con- tinuous persecution of the mem~- bers of the Share Cropper’s Union in Tallapoosa County”—(From the “Organized Farmer” organ of the United Farmer’s Protective Asso~ ciation (Eastern Pennsylvania). “The farmers learned their lesson now, as everyone can see, The farmers know the bankers are their greatest enemy, We will organize and fight untit we gain victory.” —(Song sung to the tune of ‘Solidarity’ on sale in easterm Pennsylvania.) “Its hard times in Nebraska Our crops are rotting there While workers starve on slop lines: And their families despair Our taxes and our interest Cannot be met this year In this land of wealth and plenty Jn this land of Wall Street rule.” —(Song of the Nebraska Holiday Association, sung to the tune of ‘Springtime in the Rockies.”) “This (The Farmers’ National Relief Conference) is the beginning of a new era of cooperation be- tween the working people and the farmers that is going to wipe out th profit system so we won't have to work for Wall Street any more” —(A native-born, Anglo-Saxon, farmer from New Jersey sims up the Farmers’ National Relief Con- ference.) These are indications that the solid “conservative” American farmers are now becoming the reserve army of the American Proletarian Revolution. UNITED FRONT--A CRITICISM By SAM STEIN Steve Katovis Branch, LL.D. |AVE New York comrades, par- ticularly those of the District International ‘Labor Defense, learned anything from the smash- ing success of the united front tac- tics utilized by the Chicago Un- employed Councils in victoriously fighting a 50 per cent cut in relief for the unemployed? TI believe not. The I. L. D. has utterly failed in leading an effective mass struggle on the issue of Fascist Polish pog- roms against Jewish workers and students and 2 persecution of other national minorities. New York has a population of 2,000,000 Jew The Jewish work- ers of the city have been aroused over the recent daily outrages in » Poland. Despite these conditions the I. L. D. managed to bring out only 800 workers at the demonstra- tion it led before the Polish Con- sulate. ‘Almost without excep- tion every one of the demonstrators ‘was a revolutionary worker. Prac- tically no outside elements were drawn into the struggle. FAILED TO RALLY MASSES Considered from the viewpoint of masses rallied around the issue and of organizational results gained, the demonetration was a failure. There are lmadreds of Jewish mutual aid and fraternal aid societies in New York, whose membership is based on the fact that the workers are natives of the same town in Poland. These organizations could have been drawn in. The same is true of the workers’ clubs which are part of the City Council of Work- ers’ Clubs, a sympathetic group. The rank and file membership of Zionist organizations should have been appealed to. The membership -of the Socialist-controlled, Jewish Workmen's Circle should have been approached on the united front basis. (All this should be done with the idea clear in mind of the united front from below.) All Polish branches of the I. L, D. and International, Workers’ Order should particularly have been brought out in this fssue. eee H hgh of leaflets printed in Jewish and English should have been distributed. Par {cular attention in the. distribution of the leaflets should have been given to the YMHA., Y.W.H.A, Jewish theatres and Hebrew parochial schools. Section protest. demon- strations should have been staged, preceded by parades on the Lower East Side of Manhattan, the Bronx and Brooklyn, all heavily populated by Jewish workers. The Polish Workers’ Club (non- Jewish) should have had a branch banner in front >f their body’ of marchers reading: “Polish Workers’ Branch of I. W. ©." or whatever the case would be.’ The Polish workers should have carried plac- ards denouncing the Fascist Polish government terror against their fellow-workers of the Jewish and other national minortties. Appro- priate placards, of course, should, have been borne hy the other marchers. After a few Jewish and English speakers, a Polish worker should have spoken in Polish. Many Jewish workers who migrated from Europe understand Polish. Thou< sands of Polish Jews present also would understand the language. Polish speakers should have de~ nounced the Fascist’ Polish pog- roms against Jewish workers and called for unity of Polish and Jew ish workers against Fascist terror. These sectional demonstrations would haye led to a huge and ef- fective mass protest: demonstration. before the Polish Consulate, The National Student League, an organization which is not as old and experienced and has not the forces of the I. L. D. or some of our other mass _ organizations, staged a real united front demone stration before the Polish Cone sulate on Dec. 22; three organiza- tions, two of which were conservae tive Zionist groups, were drawm into the struggle. 4 Comrades, I am comparatively & newcomer in the revolt movement. But I believe my ree marks on this question are in ore der, for the revolutionary press constantly emphasizes the need for self-criticism and, particularly of late, has been emphasizing the utilization of the united ‘front, ‘WHY THE DAILY WORKER. DOESN’T GROW FASTER?’ Bellaire, Ohio, Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I received your letter considering the situation of the Daily Worker and existence of the same, so I would write you personally my own way that we should study the matter why the Daily Worker is not getting more readers. Because the “Daily” {s printed on poor paper and small print, that many workers cannot read and ane other thing that the “Daily” does not print much news about Euros pean countries, and we foreign workers like to hear much news from the old country. : Also each article or news should have @ separate headline, not one headline for many news articles and not articles to be a mile long that workers cannot what he read when he and that he can't tell to anotheg worker what he saw in the D.W.— and to print more single and double columns. If possible to ha’ all articles or news finish on front page. To use one full page for workers’ correspondence. (If you send @ their news from locality where he lives, I am sure you have one of D. W. full correspondence) and pictures from bread line, soup line, how each city gives relief; we read in the D. W. about national work ers, not locally. ee arena dra ath ie ie D. W. to get more readers and to kcep readers when we get them, j e,