The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 12, 1933, Page 4

2 a Dail orker Contra ‘ wt Party USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exeept Sundsy, af BO B. Aath St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORI Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New Yerk, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: | One year, $6; six months, $5.50; $ months, $1; 1 month, We of Manhattan and Bronx, One 6 month: Stop the Murdey of Huang Ping! ‘THE monstrous Kuomintang regime bloody imperialist masters, has re another revolutior fighter. Hua Trade Union Fede on is in the Northern Kuomintang militarist and butcher himself in a telegram to the N at this moment on his way to Nanking where any moment This is pa ernment. The By mail everywhere: exeepting Boi carrying out the policies of its | ached out its gory talons to crush | hairman of the All-China Chang Hsiao-Liang, the | ording to the admission of this | | | Students’ League, Huang is he is in danger of death at t of the whole imperialis me of the Kuomintang gov- of the Japanese drive into Jehol, which is being resisted by the and file of the Chinese troops who broke the capitulation policy of their generals—a repe- tition of the heroic action of the 19th Route Army a year ago at Shang- hai. This action of the rank and fi wn in the New York | Times dispatch of Janus ‘ hinese south gate of the walled city of § forces marched toward the gate charge that the Chinese broke their This shows that the anti-Japan uenced the armed The Ch Chinese Comm ed to occupy the | an, but when Japanese ning, the Japanese nd fired heavily.” -imperialist upsurge in North es of Kuomintang, the tool peasants, under the lead- re developing the anti-im- ership of the perialist struggle to the hi; Even ia, under the extreme terror of Japanese imper a red army 30,- anized. The victory 000 strong and seven of the Chinese anti-i the Sovie' ting in the victory of nly Japanese imperialists, but all That is why the Kuomintang hesitates against Japan. They f he further up- surge of the anti-imperialist struggle. The arrest and persecution of Huang Ping by Kuomintang lackeys are inspired by the imperialist representat Peiping, in attempt to stem the rising revolutionary wave in Chi | The imperialists “are rejoicing at this hideous act of their lackey | | | Kuomintang, because Huang Ping is not only the leader of Chinese revo- jution, but one of the leaders in the internatior liberation movement in the colonies. His réport on the co ul Jabor movement served as the basis for the thesis of the fi s of R. I. L. U. on the colonial question. He is the leader of the great Canton-Hongkong strike in rational s which lasted for 18 months and had tremendous, in i cance. Hée was Commissar of Foreign Affairs in the Canton Soviet which | was the first Soviet ever established in one of the big; cities in the Far | Bast. The anti-imperia national-liberation movement, in which | Huang Ping is one of the most hters, has helped awaken the | toiling masses in Philippine Islands, Indo-China and the colonies all over the world American imperialism fully understands the international signifi- cance of Chinese revolution. Under the repeated blows of the victorious Chinese Red Army, the tottering N: ime has thus far been able to survive because of ‘active suppo: d by the Wall Street gov- ernment. American imperialists are responsible for the execution of 1,- 000,000 Chinese workers and peasants since 1927. They are responsible for the devastation of the villages and killing of hundreds of thousands in the “red-suppression campaign” against the emancipated worker-peasant masses in the growing Soviet districts. They are also responsible for the arrest of Huang Ping. A determined mass protest from the American workers and intel- Jectuals means not only the support of the national liberation movement in China, but also a protest against American imperialism which is pre- paring to plunge American masses into another world slaughter for the Tedivision of colonies and the intervention against the Soviet Union. Only world-wide protest can save Huang Ping and force Kuomintang butchers j to free him. Protests must pour in on the Kuomintang authorities at Peip'»t and “-nking and Chinese Legation at Washington, D. C. American workers must raise such storms of protest that the Wall Street lackeys in the Kuomintang government will be forced to Hberate Huang Ping. Today’s demonstration in New York at five o'clock before the Chinese consulate must be of such a character that it will be heard in Nanking and around the world. There must be the most relentless fight to take from the hands of the Kuomintang butchers this valiant workirig class leader who has devoted his life to the. struggle for the liberation of the colonial and semi-colonial masses from the awful thrall- dom of imperialism. All over the country there must be demonstrations for the freedom of Huang Ping, the immediate release of Paul and Gertrude Ruegg and all working class fighters in China + Such demonstrations are of the’ highest significance today. They are a blow against the whole war program of the imperialist powers. An Indispensable Arm in All Our Work! [HAT is the best guarantee for the continuous’ appearance of our Daily ‘Worker? What are the best methods of reducing the deficit of the Daily? It is the steady growth of the circulation of the Daily Worker. How can this be accomplished? Many of the readers of the Daily have shown the way to us, that is of going to the workers and day in and day out campaigning for the Daily. It is in the neighborhoods, in the work- ing class sections that the Daily must become familiar to the workers. Here is where our street units, in order to establish themselves as the leaders in the territory, where they function, must take the Daily as one of the best weapons for mass agitation, propaganda and organization. At a time when thousands upon thousands of workers admire and applaud the heroic and determined struggle put up by the National Hunger Marchers in Washington, the Districts order only about ten thousand extra copies of the special edition of the Daily carrying the petition of the National Hunger March to Congress. This very insignificant in- crease of the circulation of the special edition of the Daily can be ex- plained not alone by the lack of enthusiasm but this failure, this apathy itself, must be explained because of political underestimation on the part | of the leading district committees. | | Often we hear at conferences that the Daily is our best mass agi- tator, propagandist and organiz: To talk this way and then not to take the slightest personal interest in building the Daily, must be con- sidered as phrase-mongering. At the recent two shop conferences, those comrades who are working in the shops and active there gave us splendid examples of the great use which can be made of the Daily in organizing the workers in the shops. Yet we must state that there have not yet been made serious organized attempts to root the Daily in the shops. A good example of this is our worker-correspondence from the shops. Al- Towing for cases of neglect and mismanagement on the part of the Daily | in dealing with workers correspondence, tt must be stated that when ‘workers’ correspondence appear the districts do not take steps to organize a distribution of those particular issues of the Daily, which carry cor- Tespondence of the shops on which we are concentrating and where can and should be developed. ‘The financial drive of the Daily which we will be compelled to start the near future should be taken up by all the districts as a major task. The circulation drive of the Daily should be taken as an part of our financial drive. The financial and circulation drives ‘the Daily will be successful to the extent that the district leaderships @ personal interest in this drive. The Daily cannot grow if it is to the activities of a few devoted comrades. We do not feel enough otion and loyalty in the daily life of the Communist Party to our organ. It is only on the basis of the political appreciation of the THE WORLD CONGRESS AGAINST DAILY WORKER, NEW YOu, THURSDAY, JANUAKY 12, 1953 The Story of Amsterdam World Meet WAR. Published by the American Committee for Struggle Against War, 104 Fifth Ave., Room 1811, New York. Five cents per copy. Special rate for bundle orders, Reviewed by HY KRAVIF, ‘ N_ historic gathering was the World Anti-War Congress which opened at Amsterdam on August 27, 1932. Its proceedings are sum- marized in this important new pamphlet. Initiated by Romain Rolland, Henri Barbusse and other world-famous intellectuals, the Congress addressed itself principal- ly to workers. All the forces sin- cerely opposed to imperialist war were represented. The 2,196 dele- gates and 1,800 visitors from 27 countries included Communists, Socialists, Pacifists, as well as over 1,000 without party affiliation. The majority of the delegates were young and were workers, Commu- nists comprising about one third of the total. Although, as the pamphlet de- clares, the Congress “was censured and repudiated by the leaders of the Second (Socialist) Interna- tional,” some 291 socialist delegates were present. Charges by socialist Jeaders of “Communist domination” were effectively answered by an American socialist delegate, Joseph Roth, in the columns of the Daily Worker, December 26. Both pointed out that “there was no indication of Communist domination”, that all shades of opinion were allowed expression. He branded the New Leader’s charge of a “Communist maneuver” as nonsense, ee hea) TAPANESE imperialism wages its robber war in the Far East. The conflict between British and Amer- ican imperialism reflects itself in the butchery in the Chaco. The capitalists continue their war prep- arations against the Soviet Union. With all these things, and more, in mind, the keynote of the assembly in the words of Rolland, w “Ae~ tion is the end of thought.” And as @ result of the movement set on foot by this body, a student's Anti- ‘War Congress has already been held in Chicago during December; a South American Anti-War Con- gress will commence on February 28, in Montevideo, Uruguay. In addition to the report and manifesto of the Anti-War Con- gress, this pamphlet contains the address of Romain Rolland, and excerpts from speeches of various delegates including the Japanese revolutionary Sen Katayama, Marcel Cachin, French Communist leader, Hugo Graef and others. This pamphlet should have the widest possible support and the American Committee for Struggle Against War should be vigorously supported in all its work. New York work- ers will have an opportunity to show their support by attending the protest meeting against the bloody imperialist wars in South America to be held this evening, Jan. 12, at Irving Plaza, Irving Place and 15th St. Speakers will include Robert Minor, Joseph Free- man, Robert W. Dunn, Alberto Rembao, Mexican writer, and others. ‘financial and circulation drive. practices against will make up the entire Correspondence Section on , Jan. 20, We want particu- accounts of discrimination bived by the A. F. of L., by the Party leaders, and of the attitade of bourgeois Negro ns toward discrimina~ Organizations and Party Dis- or fnandies fer special , on the basis of creating real devotion and loyalty to the Daily, same devotion and loyalty which the thousands of letters that come © the Daily from workers express, that the basis will be created for mobilization of the Party and the revolutionary workers for a success- ATTENTION PHOTOGRAPHERS Worker Correspondents — The Workers’ Film and Foto League of the W.LR. will cooperate with all workers who send in pictures with their stories to the Worker Cor- respondence section, Many pic- tures will not be used in the Daily due to space requirements and technical defects, but will be used in other medium by the Nat'l. Comm. Film and Foto League of the W.LR. The League will cor- respond with the photo-eorres- pendents and help them *mprayve. “4 “ph of He Borde Entox Lettersfrom Our || Readers CRITICIZES WRONG ANTI-WAR SLOGAN Edjtor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I wish to call your attention to an item appearing on the front page of the Daily Worker of Jan. 10 in- tended to report a protest meeting against the South American Wars to be held at Irving Plaza on Thursday, Jan, 12. The item is worded: “You don’t want to be shot? Come to the Anti-Imperial- ist War meeting, etc.” This method of conducting anti- war propaganda is both flippant and incorrect. The flippancy is self-evident; morever, the Daily Worker certainly does not intend to give workers the illusion that -by attending protest meetings against. war they will save themselves from “being shot.” We know that or- | ganization of the struggle against war Will impede the capitalist plans to slaughter millions of workers in a new world war. In the course of | such a struggle the masses will re~ alize that without the overthrow impossible to LD. of capitalism it is eliminate war. Special Edition This Saturday Tt Special Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition will ap- pear on Saturday. It will include a number of out- standing articles as well as varied features, photographs and draw- ings. The articles include “Leninism and War,” by Earl Browder; “Nine Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Struggles,” by Bill | Dunne; “Leninism and the Growth of Socialism in the Soviet Union,” by Moissaye J. Olgin, and “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” by H. M. Wicks. Among the features are hitherto unpublished excerpts from “Mem- ories of Lenin,” by Krupsaya, “Outstanding Events in the Life of Lenin,” compiled by Alexander. Trachtenberg, and the first install- ment of the narrative, “Bolsheviks On Trial.” In addition to photographs and other illustrations, the Edition will | contain reproductions of three bril- liant cartoons, dealing with sub- jects of especial interest to Ameri- can workers, from “Pravda,” offi- cial organ of the Communist Party j “BOYS, THIS MAN’LL FEED YOU!” The ‘UNKNOWN SOLDIER’ Speech of J. W. Ford at Graves of Hushka and Carlson (The following speech was made by James W. Ford at the grave ef the Unknown. Soldier, in Washington, D. C., on Dec. 15, 1932, on the occasion of the me- morial tribute to Hushka and Carlson. Two hundred ex-ser- vicemen were present (B.'E. F., Khaki Shirts, etc.) as well as some army officials, regular army soldiers on duty, visitors and newspapermen.) ae Comrades, Fellow Ex-Servicemen; The brief remarks which I will make here today will be different from any remarks heretofore made at this grave. We are here to pay tribute to an “unknown” soldier. We have just come from the graves of our comrades Hushka and Carlson who were murdered by the police of Commissioner Glassford and Pres- ident Hoover, on July 28 of this year, at the time that thousands of ex-servicemen came with their wives and children, were ejected from Washington at the points of bayonets, with tear gas and rifles. These ex-soldiers were in Wash- ington demanding a just back pay, for participating in the World War. At the graves of Hushka and Carlson we paid our respects and pledged to carry on the struggle for the aims for which they died. We did not make sentimental tribute to them as individuals and I am sure they would not desire such a tribute. And we are not here at the grave of the “un- known” soldier to make useless in- dividual tribute. To do so would be to no purpose. We are here at this time to make fitting tribute and declare for a larger purpose in line with the desires of millions of ex-servicemen and workers, as well as this “uriknown” comrade. WHY WE ARE HERE It is necessary, therefore, for us in this brief moment to pick out these values, and to estimate our purpose. We are here and have far beyond in significance to those far beyond, in significance, to those already made at the graves of our comrades Hushka and Carlson. Notwithstanding the circumstances of their death, Hushka and Carl- son, just as you and I, might to- day be in this grave. We should not allow others to have the il- lusions we once had. I declare that no doubt this “un- known” soldier buried here went to France and into the World War with illusions, just perhaps as mil- lions of men did. The chances are that he was a worker. We can, I am sure, declare here with greater assurance than the capital- ists who try to claim this soldier for their purposes, that this Un- known Soldier represents a cross- section of the American working class, Negro and white, foreign- born and native. He symbolizes the oppressed of this country. He was told that he was going to fight “to make the world safe for Democracy,” “to make the world a better place to live in.” This was an illusion, especially for the workers, This war was a cap- italist war. And today throughout the world toilers are chained as a result; of the treaties arrived at,’ and impoverished as a result of the economic crisis that grew in the wake of the war. ae eS am THY were the lives of over 1%,~ 000,000 of the best of the work- ing class, farmers and toilers, kill- ed in this capitalist war? Why were mapy more millions wounded and incapacitated? We know now. We know that the war was fought for profits and greed, for the di- visioning of the world by the cap- italist nations. We know that the lives of these men were sacrificed for the interest of bankers and in- dustrialists, the same people who today refuse to do anything for the destitute veterans and their dependents, but who order them shot down and murdered when they make demands for their just back pay and wages. CALLED TO CARRY ON | STRUGGLE We are therefore called upon here today, comrades, to carry on in a stsuggle which should be the high- est aim of every man or woman, that is a struggle against capital- ist war; a struggle for a really better world to. live ip, that: is, x against starvation and misery which is the lot of millions of People in this country today. This was, no doubt, the real aim and desire of this “unknown” soldier. No better tribute could be paid to him and to our own desires than to make fighting against war our concerted daily task. Why are we here today, did we not come to fight for our Bonus? We are seek- ing a way out of misery. We are here also because we have begun to see through the illusions created by the ruling class. Certainly, “Bloody Thursday” blasted many illusions and showed us the real role of the ruling class. During the world war some of our “comrades in arms” were faced with these same questions. They got tired of war and hunger. They found a way out. Our offi- cers told us that they “deserted” the cause, “became traitors.” But the simple fact is that they set out to put a stop to war, and misefy and hunger. THE RUSSIAN PATH I refer, comrades, as no doubt you already infer, to our Russian comrades. These same comrades are today on the road to a@ better world. They are showing us that a better world can be built by workers. Before our very eyes these comrades are building such @ world.in Soviet Russia. They found their path, it is true, in the midst of imperialist war. But is it not a fact that the capitalists are preparing a new war now, while we, starve? While this very war is being pre- pared and is actually going on and millions being spent for war, we are forced to fight for relief a- gainst starvation; for unemploy- ment insurance against unemploy- ment; for the Bonus (back pay), against destitution for ourselves and dependents. We can there- fore commemorate the memory of our “unknown” comrade by re- doubling our efforts in these tasks. cer ar) E ARE here at a monument erected by war mongers, by murderers of Hushka and Carlson. The capitalist politicians come here to this, grave from time to time to pay “tribute” to the “unkonwn soldier” in order to perpetuate sentiments of patriotism that will keep alive the desire for capital- ist war and to keep national chau- vinist sentiments uppermost in the minds of the masses. These are the same people who profit by war, who profited before and who re- fuse to do anything for the vet- erans today, Are they not preparing for new imperialist war? Indeed has war really ceased since the war treat- ies? Is not war going on through- out the world, in China, in Latin- America? Are these wars not kept up by the profit makers for more | profits? Are. they ndt dividing China and trying to throttle the revolutionary workers and peasants movement? Yes, comrades. And, | most of all, are they not feverish- ly preparing for war against the country of our comrades, Soviet. Russia, our fatherland? Yes, com- rades. In order therefore to pay a fitting tribute to our comrade here we must be prepared to fight against imperialist war. We must make it a daily task to fight a- gainst capitalist war. We are how- ever, for class war, that is the war against our class enemies, the bankers, industrialists, and in case of war, declare war against our enemies and fraternize with the soldiers of the opposing armies, turn capitalist war into civil war, into revolution! A “HIGHER MONUMENT” Comrades, we have already de- clared at the graves of our com- rades Hushka and Carlson to set. aside July 28 a National Day of Struggle; we declared to avenge the death of our comrades; we de- clared to continue the struggle for the needs of the veterans; we de- clared our solidarity with all the oppressed. We declared to raise @ monument to these murdered comrades and to make this monu- ment a fitting contrast to the aim of the monument raised here by the capitalists. ‘We declare now for a_ higher monument to the memory and sentiments of these known com- rade. We shall make thom pay dearly who try to block our aims. We shall continue the struggle to make this country, with all of its rich resources and ‘skilled workers, a place where all the workers and oppressed shall enjoy the full fruits of their labor. We declare war a- gainst the capitalist system. Comrades, this is the tribute I offer to this comrade buried here as “an unknown soldier.” May we all be enthused and inspired to varry cn-in the tasks that are be- fore us—for the defense of the Soviet Union, for the defense of the Chinese people and against plunaerous war in Latin America, for the Bonus and ‘defense of the interest sof the Ex-Service men. ‘Every Factory Our Fortress’ ' Establish Intimate and Permanent Contacts | With the Workers in BUILD “STICK-TOGETHER” CLUBS | The 12th Plenum Resolutions of the Communist International em- phasize that the main link in winning the American working class for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around the ele- the Shops | mentary needs of the workers. The Shop Conferences held in New York and Chicago on Dec. 31, 1931, and Jan. 1, 1932, dealing with the experiences of our Party in conducting shop work, should be utilized by every member of the Party, every member in the trade unions, to improve the contents and methods of our work in the factories. We urge all comrades to send in articles on the basis of their own experi- ences, as well as questions on problems which confront them (which will be answered in this alan and thus further develop this inter- change of experiences in this, our most important, task. These articles should be read in connection with a thorough study of the 12th Plenum Resolution on “Lessons of Economic Struggles” and editorial and ar- WANT to tell you about a certain without developing a strike in a shop in the Philadelphia district. This shop I am working in is a big shop that employs about 20,000 workers when it works full time and 5,000 workers at present. There are many grievances around which struggles can be developed, but these are big grievances that em- brace all the workers, such as wage cuts that effect all the workers in that shop, In this shop there is practically no organization or union and to develop any fight against this wage cut, we as yet have no forces in there. On that basis, we considered what could be done in that shop. ticles on the 12th Plenum in the January Communist, struggle that was carried on_ velop small struggles where the comrades are working, I want to relate one experience where we got certain organizational results on the basis of small struggles. In the place where I was work- ing, we worked" on a. belt, that is, every worker did one operation on the belt. On this belt, every worker has to do a certain operation; he cannot go away from that belt while working because if he goes away the next worker can’t do his work and so on. When a worker has to leave his work for a minute, a relief man has to do that opera- tion while he is away. “RELIEF” ONLY FIVE MINUTES. ‘These workers for a long time were getting \five minutes relief in ‘The method we adopted is te dee | the morning before lunch and five FROM THE BLACK BELT By MYRA PAGE. These sketches Of the life and struggle of Negro and white workers im the South are taken from “Gathering Storm”, by Myra Page, jest published by International Publish * SOLIDARITY FOREVER ARLY the next morning the Picket line assembied and start- ed for the mill. Many carried ban- ners which they had made by crude Jettering with stove polish on strips of old sheets and pieces of card- board. On the one which Mare and Ruth held between them were the words: “We've slaved long enuf for you, Mister Jenkin: Dolly, her two oldest clutching at her skirts, bore a sign which she had made from the top of an ancient hat-box: “Milk for our. Babies.” Phil’ and Red headed the march, proudly carrying a banner which they had worked over, far into the night: “All mill-hands join the National Textile Workers Union.” Underneath in smaller lettering was written: “No more stretch- out.” “Shorter hours, higher pay.” Tom, seeing the small group of Negroes keeping to themselves near the rear of the line signalled to Jem and the two dropped back to join them. Jerry and his wife Nancy had brought a sign that they had made according to Uncle John's directions: ‘In Union there is strength.” George also had his, stating, “There’s no race lines in this Union.” He grinned at his friends. “Pretty good turn-out, eh? Boy, did we have a time, per- suading the Hollow that the whites really wanted ‘em to come, Jerry’n I’ve been roundin’ ‘em up since four this mornin’.” “Yah, it’s a good turn-out, ‘n spirits are runnin’ high.” Tom however, was worried. He drew George to one side. “It ain’t right, the way the two races are keepin’ separate, We gotia get ‘em more united. “Sure we have,” George retorted, “but you know what the first move’s gotta come from—from the whites. 'N look at ‘em!” “Gol dern, doan T know it. All *cept a few holdin’ off. Dam their fool notions.” “Say,” Jerry called testily, time we got started.” “All right,” Tom answered, Jerry, you 'n Jem step over kere a minute. You see how it is—blacks “t's i Solidarity minutes in the afternoon. ‘These workers were very dissatisfied and thought this wasn’t enough time, and were kicking about it all the time. One day we made a sug- gestion that all the men on that particular line should take fifteen minutes relief instead of five. All agreed to that, that every one would take 15 minutes it would be easier to get away with it than if only one worker did it, because if one worker did it the boss could do something—lay him off for a week and so on. I immediately seized that opportunity and pointed out to the workers that this was the only way we could get some- thing in the shop, if, we all stuck together, and the workers agreed. next time when the relief man came around we told every worker in that particular group, when he goes out to stay out for fifteen minutes. This relief man relieves one worker, then the next one and so on. We told the work-, ers to stay out for fifteen minutes and not to come back until the 15 minutes are up. The workers agreed and they did it. The reljef man was very sore and when he got through with this group of workers he took down all the names and took them to the foreman. But when the foreman saw ‘the long list he had and all the names, he didn't even come over to tell the workers about it. This way we gained the 15 min- utes in the morning and 15 in the afternoon. TI pointed out to the workers that this should convince them that only if we stuck together could we get anything. I told them if we were organized in some form or other we could get many other victories against grievances which affect all the workers in the shop. MANY GRIEVANCES And there were many grievances there on the job and the workers agreed to that, and right at the place there we decided to form a “Stick-Together” Club. Many workers had the habit of telling the foreman of different things the other workers did. We decided one of the things we should do is not to be squeelers, and the workers agreed to it. And the workers took the organization as their own be- cause this organization arose on the basis of their own experiences and they knew it was their own organization. Of course, this organization, after it was established, was very loose. Only one group of workers in one particular section, who saw each other every day, and talked things over. We had no regular meetings or any thing of the kind. But I had the perspective of broadening it out, consolidating it, making it the organizer of struggle, and then pushing it into a form of union or- ganization. But shortly afterwards a lay-off came and this organiza- tion did not function for some ers.—EDITOR’S NOTE. ‘n whites walkin’ separate. ‘We gotta mix ’em.” oF te ERRY “Can't do it. Not so quick. You know the way the white folks are, ‘n George here knows what a time we had, gettin’ the Hollow willin’ to come et all. Sure as you start @ Tunrpus, they'll make off.” “Even goin’ in the same march is somethin’,” 4em argued. “Things doan happen so quick, Tom. This here'll take a lotta ejication. We gotta be practical. If we ain't to the mill soon, itll be past startin’ time.” Ri ¢ ®, shrugged his shoulders, ~ “Those of us what ain’t scared or backward about marchin’ toe gether,” Jerry proposed, “The rest, | you gotta let ‘em go the way they are. They woan go no tother way.” “Come on, let's start.” Marge, spying Tom’s worried face, and guessing the reason, handed her side of the banner fo the next in line. Her face crimson, but step firm, she dropped back until she stood next to Nancy. Everyone stared. A white woman marching with ... what'd happen next! The line started toward the mill. “You work at Corey’s too?” Marge asked her companion. “Yes'm. Cleahin’.” “What'd they pay you?” “Four dollars.” Four dollars! Why, seven was hard enough—four dol- lars! “You're Tom’s sister, ain't you?” Nancy inquired. “All the Hollow likes Tom. He's “bout the first white man to—you know, act like we was folks. If ‘all hands were like him—’n you—it’d be all right. But they ain't. They're pesky to us. Look down their noses our way, the most of ‘em. As if they warn’t as common as us Col- ored hands, any day!” Marge writhed. She felt guilty for her kind. “Yah, we're all in the same boat, only not many see it thataway yet. But this here strike'll learn us somethin’.” Nancy suryeyed her companion. A change went over her. “I reckon it oughta.” ward. “T reckon it oughta.” (THE END.) time, eel oies, ci FTER we came back, we tried to revive it, but ¢ould not do it on the basis of nothing at all. But certain grievances came up, which revived it. One day, one of the workers forgot to ring up his card, and he was docked and he was sore. The same question came up where the foreman came to collect money for the Red Cross. This was sup- posed to be voluntary, but it was not. When the workers refused, the foreman wrote in the name, and the workers had to contribute. ‘The workers did not like it and we utilized this to establish the “Stick- Together Club”, and our problem is to broaden it out and try to es- tablish some stronger form of or- ganization where the workers would be able to carry on work on a wider scale. So far it involves one department and only young workers. But I want to say that one thing we have learned is that when I try to car- ry on work in that shop on the basis of direct Communist propa- ganda, bringing in newspapers to the workers, these workers were prejudiced against the Commu- nists, No matter what I told them, the propaganda sof the capitalist press was counteracting our propa- ganda, but on the basis of such a thing, we would establish a form of organization and the workers recognized it as something that they organized, decided on, and that it was on the basis of their own experiences and grievances. and they knew it was their own organization. ea 8 EDITORIAL NOTE: This report shows the possibilities of uniting the workers around their imme- diate grievances in large plants. The development of such broad united forms of organization in the departments should be uti- lized for strengthening the fight- winsing teat tex’ cegunioed for , struggle against the continued attacks. The point emphasized by the writer that the first ap- | proach of direct Communist pro- paganda brought no results em- phasizes the need of approaching the workers first of all with their Propagamia, but the methods of presentation, its complete disassociation from the actual conditions of the workers in the plant. . It is neces- sary constantly to link up the immediate grievances of the workers with the broader political issues facing them, drawing the Proper lessons from each small gain made, and in this manner raising the consciousness of The line started for- » ‘| a