The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 11, 1933, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDN Scrip Plan Is| Fought by C.P.| in Milwaukee “THE SUN THAT SHINES ON MAN AND BEAST” ~By Burck FROM THE BLACK BELT By MYRA PAGE. __ ‘These sketches Of the life and struggle of Negro and white workers in the South are taken from “Gathering Storm”, by Myra Page, just published by International Publishers—EDITOR'S NOTE. ° ° Page bour 5 Dail orker’ Caress Party US.A Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at #8 B. 130% St., New York City, N, ¥. Telephone AL gonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th Si, New York, K. ¥. J se Game for aid and guidance to the ‘Trade Union Unity Council SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, 36; wix months, $3.50; 5 months, $2; 1 month, We of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreige amé ‘One year, $9; 6 months, § months, 33 By mail everywhere: exeepting Boron; Canada: nt By FRED BASSETT-BLAIR LREADY the bath houses in workers’ neighborhoods are be- ing closed down, for varying peri- IX. WHOLESALE LYNCHING IN THE SOUTH 6¢]IM, you got him?” gasping for breath He nodded, The wo- banjo, the boy swung it to *right and left. It jangled faintly as its battered sides were grabbed and tossed aside, Whipping out his revolver, one { i ° | ods; social centers will be “stag- | man pressed the blanket into his | Sleek-haired youth fired rapidly in- e€ orte OT A an onin gered” like the bath houses. Though hands. “Here, provisions. Be off,” to the four prostrate “bodies. A : cases of pellagra are appearing His eyes cast wildly around the | half-dozen grabbed at his arm. among workers on the relief list, cabin. “Whar's — whars?” Pa | «wait y f a‘: Pu q . os he though influenza and pneumonia Morgan shoved him through the | Wt you fool. They shouldn't 3 ite auvinism are on the increase, the Health doorway. “Safely buried... Run, | “ie So easy." Uncle Ben bound ; Department is cut. The “city of man, soon they'll have the blood- | but not gagged ‘was tied to the rear good sewers, clean streets and al- hounds. Make fer the haystacks of a Packard. As the car tore over IDAY the U. S. Department of Labor will take August Yokinen, Fin- | jeys” He arth 7 > ys,” as Hoan used to praise it, till nightfall. We'll blur the trail. the d hi: . nish worker, put him on board ship and deport him from the United | has cut the appropriations for As his foot-steps grew fainter, Pits gaat ag mee seageet, oe ; aaiae these items from 25 to 40 per cent. .; disappeared, the children and their | 7” RIE eg rl oo ] Behind the deportation of Yokinen is a story of struggle lasting for | The budget slashes in all depart- | elders smeared salt pork over the | @UPken yells broke upon the i @ year and a half—a struggle of the militant workers against race preJ- | ments will be at the expense of the door-stoop and up the path in the | Sleeping country-side. udice within their own rank eel U. S. government | workers in them—the highly paid direction he had gone. which swiftly c: The working class can draw th inen deportation The first is fight on all chau of the working class The Yokinen case shows tional hatred Yok- important lessons from the in its relentless ~within the ranks is correct ership of the Com- that under t so, big officials will not suffer wage- | cuts, ‘The health and living standards of Milwaukee workers cannot help suffering from such drastic cuts as are being put through in sani- tation, health and other depart- “Now, Ellie, we'll make off.” But it was too late. The sound of motor cars and barking dogs drew rapidly closer. Charlie, Myrtle—you all we got. If you love your Mammy, hide thar till I tells you to come out.” “Hell, the woman's done fer, ’*n the brats too... Now fer the nig- ger.” Those remaining behind ran- sacked the other cabins and swore at the dogs which found it hard to pick up the scent. A shack was fired, but the sheriffs soon smoth- ered the blaze. “You blasted idjits. , n ments; while their cultural and PS oer Doan you know this here is mill {) munist Party, white toilers ¢ ed out of the race prejudice ‘ ili tyo1” ¥ 3 recreational facilities also suffer Inele ; roperty? ! with “which. the. fores cation have, Imbued. thet | fereely. etmnele, Hen placed: Hs snob Metin ee Niel hs | and can become convi plete equality for Negroes. ‘The. Séhook Boardvte Gubiaamoet . I : sur; 8, = party, fin Finally, the Yokinen glaring spotlight on the Jim- | 10 per cent—meaning wage-cuts eb btualiror parts att Saeoat cot pat 'HE motor party, finally tiring of Crow role of the U its Department of for the teachers, refusal to give gan stepped out upon her door- their game, bore Uncle Ben’s , stoop. “What you-all want?” she yi ‘Labor. free hot lunches and milk to the demanded. Her face was yellow, woot (oabice sare noise ae August Yokinen is a member of the Communist Party. In March, | children. drawn, but her figure stood erect, | he had stumbled on Martha's body. 1931, he was publicly for prejudice against Negro workers. Sea a ts defiant. “Mebbe you come to see | Should they hang him or burn. Yokinen, as a member o! nish Club in Harlem, had failed to make | NOTHER institution of “muni- Gis what that Haines bastard did to him, they argued among them- Negro workers welcome a at the club. Later, he stated that | cipal Socialism” in Milwaukee | my gal?” Pa Morgan stepped close selves. Finally a rope was tossed he did not wish to associat intimately and on terms of | is the city attorney’s office—now beside her. over a limb and around his neck, equality. run by Max Raskin, elected on the | The crowd snarled, surged for- | “Now pray, you gol dam nigger. The Communist Party decided to bring Yokinen to trial—a public | Socialist ticket. He has many | ward. Only a few wore masks. All | Pray.” Popped against the trunk, trial that would educate the workers in general, and the Negro SeS, as to the meaning of race-prejudice and that it would make clear the position of the Communist Party on the struggle for Negro liberation. Several thousand people attended the trial which expelled mass ‘Yokinen from the Party, until he could prove that he had overcome his | other Socialist lawyers, including William Quick, whose son is a prominent Ypsel, assisting him in prosecuting unemployed workers for fighting for bread. The city | attorney's office receives a raise of Technocracy: Aid to of the business section of Green- ville had been mobilized, as well as the mill and county sheriffs. “We come fer that nigger. Whar is he?” Two men in dress suits his eyes closed, Uncle Ben pressed his lips together. “Then dance, you black-faced devil.” They drew their guns. When he did not move they fired at his legs, breaking his attitude. By this trial, the Communist Party did two things. It made Jumped on the door-stoop. “He shins. With a moan, he tipped clear the anti-working-class character of race prejudice. Second, it | $192. ain't here, 'n he ain't been here,” | forward. “Here, quick, or we'll be showed that it will not tolerate any form of race prejudice within its | Six million dollars of the budget she told them. too late.” ‘The body was tossed own ranks and will fight tooth and nail to root it out of the working class as a whole. At the trial, Yokinen acknowledged that in succumbing to the in- fluence of race-prejudice, he had committed a crime against the working goes to pay interest and principal on the city’s bonded debt—to the bankers of Wall St. This debt “must be paid” by the Socialist leaders, who loudly shout at Wall | By BILL DUNNE. ® Capitalism in Crisis it, Russia found itself compelled to inaugurate an industrial era under a Communistic price system chine for the suppression of one class by another—this, in a demo- “That's a-lie. You god dam nig- ger, we'll make you talk!” Pa Mor- gan raised his shot gun, but it was smashed from his hands, and aloft, and Uncle Ben Morgan— banjo picker, mill hand, 4nd story- teller—kicked feebly, thén hung limp while bullets rained into his face and sides. class. He pledged himself to the struggle for Negro rights. He began to 'ECHNOCRACY is peculiarly a i rita oe “ ; * study the nee of Negro liberation. A few weeks after his expulsion, | Street—while they recommend, doctrine of the technically train- | --0f production with insufficiently | ¢ratie republic no less than a mo- | twelve men bore him to the ground, Jim, however, robbed the mob of ‘ He was one of the leaders of the first Scottsboro parade in Harlem. | | along with their non-partisan | ed section, now largely disinherited developed energy resources and narchy—Engels “preface to Marx” | kicking at his ribs, head, and sexual | their prey. When the dogs had ith an order of de- ed by agents of the ed to repudiate his The government answered Yokinen’s plede portation. The very day .after the trial, he was Sei Department of Justice and held in jail. He was Communist views. He refused. ‘The U. S. Circuit Court of Appeals, in upholding Yokinen’s deporta- tion, said frankly that it was Yokinen’s promise to overcome his anti- Negro attitude that led to his deportation. The decision said: “Yokinen ‘was charged with white chauvinism and tried by a mass jury of his ‘party, found guilty and expelled. It is enough that the alien Yokinen ‘pledged himself to perform certain tasks prescribed by the Communist Party in order to secure reinstatement. On this ground the relator is deportable.” In November the U. S. Supreme Court upheld the Jim-Crow order of deportation. Thus the government and its courts showed themselves to be true uphclders of the system of national oppression of the Negroes and of that race-prejudice whose purpose is to keep the workers divided. aie IOMRADE Yokinen since his trial has been persuaded by the Com- munist Party to reconsider his attitude, to study and to take active part in the struggle for Negro rights. And just before his deportation, Yokinen made the following declaration which gives the workers @ splendid example of how a sincere revolutionist-Admits and corrects his errors: ’ “I have been ordered “deported: Only after I had denounced the race hatred that capitalism breeds, and pledged myself to carry on a relentless fight against this race-haired, did they find me an ‘undesir- able alien’. If I had been a coward or if I had gone conirary to what I believed to be true, I would not have been deported. On the contrary, the bosses would have received me with open arms. “I am thankful that I have been one of the many millions of workers who have carried on a relentless struggle for the freedom of the nine innocent Scottsboro boys, whom capitalism wants to murder in cold Blood in the electric chair. “The Communist Party wages a bitter fight against race hatred. The Communist Party will not tolerate race discrimination. A Communist must be true to his Party and carry out its principles mbt only in words but in deeds. I have carried out these principles. I -would rather be deported than be falsé-to them and lose the trust of my comrades. Without reservation, I trust and believe in the Commu- nist Party and all its principles, including the principle of complete sconomic, political and social equality for the Negro masses.” The deportation of Comrade Yokinen again shows in all its hide- ousness the despicable policy of American imperialism in trying to force foreign-born workers to accept without protest or struggle its whole hunger and war program. The capitalist class and all its agents hate and fear the growing unity of Negro and white, foreign-born and native- Born, employed and unemployed, men, women and youth in the struggle against hunger and wage cuts. They see in this unity the seal of their own doom and they fight against it. i ‘ In answer to this deportation there must be more determined united fights against deportation. Such outrages must be stopped and can be by relentless struggle against capitalism and mass defense of its intended victims. United Fight Against Labor Racketeering ge fighi initiated by the Negro workers in the American Federation of Labor locals against racketeering in the building trades is an emphatic repudiation of the lie that Negro workers are held back by fear from fighting on their own against the tyranny of the bosses and the @buses of their agents in the unions. This particular vile form of labor- faker racketeering—the extortion of money from workers under threat ‘depriving them of work, and the forcing of workers to slave below = scale—aroused the Negro workers in Local 10 of the International odearriers and Common Laborers, and started the exposure. While wretending, under mass pressure, to fight racketeering, it was evident that the A. F. of L. officials were trying to sabotage it and prevent a exposure, by hiring a lawyer who would do what he could to Eateet the facts coming to light - ‘The workers, Negro and white, . repudiated him and ‘The re- was the building of a united front against racketeering, against the 4 and grafting officials, against the bosses and their Tammany henchmen. ‘The fight is being raised to a higher stage and there is joint action + not only the racketeers, but against jim-crow practices and dis- Negro membership in the A. F. of L. building trades ‘The job on which this racketeering took place Is the jim-crow the 369th Infantry regiment at 143rd Street and Lenox Ave., to take place a mass demonstration at 8:30 this morning ns whole program of jim-crowism and racketeering. On that im the actual struggle, there is being cemented a closer unity of workers against the common enemy. - Letters from Our Readers DS TOO LONG IN THE | £004 times Arkansas workers got only 20 cents to 30 cents an hour, aLY”; reer Sat cate and now they get even less—sev- Be 0. eral complain that it’s too high— of Daily Worker, 3 cents for a four-page paper. Dear Comrade: Zam the Daily Worker newsboy 3. Sameness of each issue—not enough variety. ‘and have a few criticisms and Hons to make for building 4, Nothing to interest workers— they know all about starvation but want a way out. The “Daily” doesn't show the way out of the crisis clearly enough. The workers are ready for struggle, but the iiss averase Southern worker understand the big words such as “bourgeoisie,” prole- friends, most drastic cuts in items affecting the workers. Pi ‘© sum up—the debate on the | scrip system and the proposed city budget of Milwaukee for 1933, bring to light several important things for the workers: 1) The city government is pass- ing into a state of bankruptcy— “Municipal Socialism” did not save it from the fate of other large cities. 2) The Milwaukee bosses, through their Socialist-controlled city government, are preparing drastic wage-cuts for city em- ployes, are intending to lay off thousands of public workers, are giving up all pretense of “unem- ployment relief.” At the same time, they are linking up the at- tacks on the city workers with the attacks against the standards of living of all workers in Milwau- kee. And the Socialist officials propose and carry through their plans. 3) The health, living standards, cultural and recreational facilities of the working masses (the boast of Milwaukee “Municipal Social- ism”) are to be attacked for the | sake of saving taxes for the big | bosses and the wages of the higher | public officials. | 4) The city is going to dispos- sess thousands of small property holders for delinquent taxes—to expropriate them brazenly in order to spare the big property holders and the high officials. 5) The bosses expect the work- ers to struggle against these at- tacks, and are preparing their forces of repression—police, courts, etc. 6) But open terror will not be enough. The “beneficial influence” of the Socialist Party leaders, par- ticularly Mayor Hoan, their most influential one, must be main- tained, and his salary even must not be touched, to make sure of his loyalty to the bosses. Upon the Milwaukee Communist Party rests the task of mobilizing the workers and small property holders against the infamous scrip system, and the intolerable condi- tions that are bound to result from the budget slashes in the items affecting the lives of the workers. The Socialist Party leaders, and the leaders of the A. F. of L. have completely accepted the bosses’ program of starvation and terror. The bankruptcy of Milwaukee “Municipal Socialism” is now ex- posing itself. Only the Communist Party will give leadership to the workers in resisting these attacks of the bour- geoisie and will carry out the task of defeating them. It calls upon the rank and file Socialist. work- ers, and supporters of the Socialist, ‘arty, to desert the traitorous leadership” of Hoan, Raskin & Co., and join’ in a united struggle against the bosses and their agents, to fight the budget cuts in social services to the workers, and the police terror being prepared. (THE END.) POSTPONE PROHIBITION ACTION WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 10.— Disputes between the Senate and House democrats as to the form of the prohibition repeal resolution, to- day, gave clear indication that the present session of Congress will ad- Journ without taking any definite ac- tion on the question. Opposition to the present form of the proposed re- peal action is being led in the House by Speaker Garner, WRITE ABOUT THE DAILY The Daily Worker asks all worker correspondents and other workers, to send letters telling what they think of the Daily Worker, or of how the Dally Worker helped them to win by the economic crisis, of the mid- | dle class. Yearning for its former privileged position in industry and the social structure, a small group of the more articulate of these en- gineers have worked out a formula by which they hope to restore the economic bonds with the capitalist class. They seek to prove to capi- talism that without more power be- ing given to technicians, @pitalism is in grave danger, that only the engineers can save capitalism. CREATE NEW ILLUSIONS Technocracy today is chiefly val- uable to the capitalist class in cre- ating new illusions as to the pos- sibility of peaceful ways out of the crisis towards a society of leisure and plenty. So acute is the capital- ist crisis, so clear is it becoming that the capitalist solutions tried, have failed and others are doomed to failure, that the press agencies of capitalism and the ever hesitant but hopeful middle class are im- pelled to grasp at anything that seems able to postpone the day of final accounting. This is today one of the points which make Technocracy of use to capitalism in the fourth year of the world crisis. $5 ye. Loe ECHNOCRACY leaps to and holds the front page. Cartoonists of the capitalist and middle class press weave it into their drawings. Almost overnight it becomes “big news.” All sections of the press of capitalism devote columns of space to the statements of its leaders, to dispute over it, to explanations of it, to support of or opposition to its analysis, predictions, claims and proposals. Another point which makes Tech- nocracy valuable to American capi- talism is that it rejects, derides and slanders the only force which to- day challenges and is a menace to capitalism—Marxism-Leninism, It performs the same service for Am- erican capitalism in regard to the only country in the world where Marxism-Leninism and its theory of the state has been victorious— the Soviet Union—the only coun- try where, in the building of So- cialism, the unity of technicians and manuel workers is being con- summated. AGAINST “ALL POLITICAL SYSTEM” In his official statement publish~ ed in the Living Ave, Howard Scott; théoretical leader of Technocracy, comes out categorically against all political systems “beginning with Aristotle and up to and including Marx.” In an article In the November issue of the New Outlook (Al Smith’s magazine) which gives an exhaustive description of the theory of 'Technocracy and quite obviously written with the approval of its publicity bureau, the statement is made: “Our present system, it tells us, is fit only for the same museum in which are housed the patheti- cally inadequate political and eco- nomic theories of Plato, Marx and the great host of other diagnos- ticlans and prophets who could not conceive of such a highly in- dustrialized society as that in which we find ourselves today and Fascism, Communism and So- cialism are likewise wholly inade- quate to cope with our problem.” Further: “Technological advancement in the past twelve years has defin- itely shattered all social theory, . from that of the ancient Greeks through Karl Marx up to Veblen.” And again: “Russia, with its much vaunted Communism (only liars or idiots claim that the system in Russia is Communism, which is classless society (B. D.) is but a Slight variation of the American price system . . . with 92 per cent of its population tillers of the soil, inadequate personnel. It was forced to call upon the outside world for technical assistance to set up in Russia obsolescent fac- tories from an obsolescent price system.” “Russia, in its Parthian retreat from canitalism,” says Scott, “has scored but a Pyrrhic victory. It mistook the name tag of a phase of the price system for its en- tirety. It left the tag and took its essential mechanics. A social approach based upon tht substi- tution of a Hegelian dialectic for an Aristotelian dialetic may be an interesting intellectual pas- time but of no functional im- portance, an example of the re- erudescence of philosophic fu- tility of European tradition.” (This is the language of paranoia. —B. Dd). Still again: “This physical concept and energy yardstick transcends all political doctrines. When applied to the North American continent they reveal clearly that commu- nism, socialism, fascism and other Political systems are entirely in- adequate to cope with the needs of a new state of civilization.” ISSUE BETWEEN CAPITALISM AND COMMUNISM. Since socialism is a transition stage to Communist society and fascism is a method of capitalist dictatorship it is clear the issue is between capitalism and Commu- nism, that is, Marxism-Leninism, the Marxism of the period of im- perialism, of “the period of wars and revolutions”, as Lenin put it. It is clear that whereas, in the literature of Technocracy capital- ism escapes with a criticism of its inability to take full advantage of technicians, “energy sources”, and modern — technological _ processes, Communism and the Soviet Union receive the heaped up measure of scorn and, are the real target at which the Technocrats aim — with their aim given the greatest pos- sible accuracy by such modern ‘technological processes as are used in modern printing plants owned by capitalists. HE contempt which Technocracy evinces for political systems— but especially for the proletarian state,—a contempt implicit in all its publicity—is likewise a method of trying to discredit the Commu- nist party program and tactics— which point out and prove that the capitalist ownership of indus- try and natural resources is main- tained by political power, that is, the capitalist state, “the executive * committee of the capitalist class.” | (The state is nothing but a ma- | 5 | “THE BOLSHEVIKS ON|| TRIAL” BEGINS IN|; ANNIVERSARY ISSUE|| first installment of “The Bolsheviks on Trial,” a fascin- ating account of the methods used by the Bolsheviks when caught in the net of the czarist police, will begin in the Special Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition, this Saturday, Jan. 14. This edition will contain a num- ber of important articles, includ- ing: “Leninism and War,” by Earl Browder; “Nine Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Strug- gles,” by. Bill Dunne; “Leninism and the Growth of Socialism in|’ the Soviet Union,” by M. J. Olgin; “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” by H. M. Wicks; and “The Study of Leninism in America,” by Sam Don. ‘The special issue, which will be illustrated with photographs and cartoons, will also contain hitherto unpublished excerpts from “Mem- ories of Lenin,” by Krupskaya, as well as “Outstanding Events in the Civil War in France.) All revolutionary experience has proved that criticisms of capital- ism accompanied by ridicule and denunciation of the Communist program and _ tactics—Marxism- Leninism—are merely disguised at- tempts to assist and strengthen capitalism. It is a method of dem- agogy used by both fascists like Hitler and social fascists like Kautsky, Hilferding, Bauer, Hen- derson, Brockway, Hillquit and Thomas to cheat the growth of Communist influence and preserve capitalist illusions among the work- ing class forces. is is necessarily so because Communism (Bolshevism) is ac- knowledged by the capitalist lead- ers themselves to be the only real enemy of their system. MARX POINTED OUT CON- TRADICTIONS OF CAPITALISM. It was Marx and not Technocrats who first pointed out the inescap- able contradiction of capitalism. In the Critique of Political Economy Marx wrote: “At a certain stage of their de- velopment, the material forces of production, in society come into conflict with the existing rela- tions of production or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with the property relations within which they had been at work before. From forms of development of forces of pro- duction these relations turn into their fetters. THEN COMES THE PERIOD OF SOCIAL REV- OLUTION, (My emphasis.) It is this revolutionary Marxian conclusion from increasing perma- nent mass unemployment, from the crisis and the misery, from the evi- dences of the decay and decline of capitalism, that the Technocrats are aiding the capitalists to hinder workers from drawing and acting upon. ie so ‘HE COMMUNIST PARTY has no quarrel with engineers as engineers, but it will do all in its power to stop a campaign which is designed to set the engineers and technicians off from the working class, to enlist them permanently upon the side of the capitalists, to prevent their being won for the so- cial revolution as many of them have been and others will be. But it must be said that while the engineers cannot make a revolu- tion without the working’ class, the working class and its allies can make the revolution without the engineers. It would prefer to have them on its side but they are not decisive in determining the rela- tionship of class forces. WHAT CAUSED CRISIS. It is not the machine, clectrical and chemical _ processes, marvelous technique of modern in- dustry that has caused the world- wide mass misery in the United States and other capitalist and co- lonial countries. ‘These factors are not responsible for the stagnation and decay of capitalism. It is the ownership, bulwarked by the suppressive machinery of the capitalist state with its pro- paganda agencies, ifs police, troops, arsenals, etc., of these machines and the natural resources by the capitalist, class, that, is responsible. To change all this is a political act to be carried\through by the working class headed by its Com~ munist Party. To change all this in favor of the working class re- quires “social revolution”. Techno- eracy does not like Marxism be- cause of its proletarian revolution- ary content. In trying to divert attentfon from these basic facts of the revolution- ary struggle of the American work- ing class by its sneers at “European political systems,” meaning Marx- ist-Leninism, Technocracy serves capitalism well. This accourts for the way the avenues of capitalist publicity have. been opened for even its most absurd Statements, or the ® organs. As his wife bit desper- ately at the wrists of his assailants, a white man with a curse brought the butt end of his gun down against her skull. Screaming, Myrtle and Charlie rushed from the cabin, Grabbing his father’s WHOLESALE LYNCHING once more picked up his trail, and he found fifty armed, frenzied men closing in on him, his gun emptied of all but one shot, he turned the last on himself. “You'll never hang this nigger,” he yelled, “my turn at a nigger joke,” By QUIRT ‘On the Chain Gang’-- a New | Pamphlet by John L. Spivak ON THE CHAIN GANG, by John L. Spivak. International Pam- phiet No. 32. Price 5 cents. Reviewed By HY KRAVIF. IN his novel, Georgia Nigger, which was published: serially in the Daily Worker, John L, Spivak gave us an unforgettable story, docu~ mented and containing startling photographs. Without resorting to the fictional medium, in a new pamphlet, On the Chain Gang, Spi~ vak gives a first-hand account of conditions which he personally witnessed—and has evidence to prove—of the tortures Negro work- ers are forced to endure. It is the first pamphlet-about the unspeak- able chain gang. This old Southern institution is used to keep propertyless Negroes —and whites too—enslayed under one pretext or another, They are thrown into forced labor to the profit of the state, private land- owners or industrialists. Once on the gang, sickness, disease, the kill~ ing pace, nothing is permitted to interfere with the execution of the labors assigned them. For “talk- ing back,” “fussing with meals,” physical inability to perform “task,” or for: any number of sim~- ilar reasons, these workers, mostly Negroes, are forced to endure al- most unbelievable tortures and are even murdered. To some of. these tortures Spivak gives graphic description when he writes: “I saw the Spanish, In- quisition of 300 years ago. IT saw men chained by the neck like gal- ley slaves. I saw men with mon- strous bayonets riveted around their feet so they could not sleep without waking when they turned. I saw men trussed up like cattle ready for slaughter and ants crawl- ing over their helpless bodies. I saw men hanging in stocks such as the Puritans used in their cruel- est days. I saw men’ broken on the rack as they broke them under the Spanish Inquisition. “Tisaw these things and photo- grapbed them—not in a forgotten dungeon in ancient Spain, but in the United States—in Georgia—in ¥ gangs are located, all the condi- tions which Spivak depicts are not peculiar to Georgia alone, a fore word by the Labor Research Assn. correctly explains. They prevail throughout the South, an establish- ed institution of capitalism to hold poor Negroes in submission, Workers are aware of the fact that only the Daily Worker and other working class journals have ripped the lid off these horrors. The entire capitalist press, signifi- cantly, has remained silent in the face of Spivak’s unanswerable evi- dence. On the Chain Gang, there- fore, should be given the widest possible distribution. It is No. 32 of the International Pamphlets, 796 Broadway, New York City, and sells for only five cents. Bundle orders may be obtained from the Workers» Library Publishers, Box 148, Station D, New York City. RS OTE a ThegStory of Joe Abrantes, Tampa CRS are hard for the tobacco workers in ‘Tampa, Fla. Here is’ what happened to Joe Abrantes. Born in Cuba in 1898, he was brought to America by hfs parents one month later, He never le‘t the U. S. until December, 1932, When he was deported as an “un- desirable alien,” Why? Because of his militancy which léd to his be- ing arrested twice, the second time in September, $932, resulting in his deportatim: aftér three months in jail He left behind him a wife and three children, one ‘Six months old, one \six years and the third aged eight. They remain in Tampa supported by the few dollars which the other tobacco workers are able to scrape together for them. It is up to you to help by buying and selling the Prison- ers’ Winter Relief Coupons of 5, 10, and 25 cents. Send all contri- ” and if the language were | “Daily” is lagging behind, workers over for the movement. with meager technical facilities Life of Lenin,” compiled by Alex- } this year of our ‘civilization’ 19321” | butions to LL.D., National Office, tt would sell better. Comradely, Write not only for the Daily and “more musicians than tech~- ander Trachtenberg. (Articles on other phases of ‘The sweat box stockades, the pol-| Room 420. 80 E. 11th St. New York ~J. RY. bat aloo abont the 2 nologists.” as Mr. Scott expresses ESS a, —‘Technocracy will appear shortly.) sonous swamps in which the chain } City rei pits sy