The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 9, 1933, Page 4

Page Four Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. 15th St., New York City, N. ¥ Yorker Party USA Inc., daily except Sunday, ot BO ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-7956, Cable “Darworx.” jf | Adérese and mail cheeks to the Dally Worker, 50 F. 18th St. New Terk, ¥. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION mares: | By wail everywhere: One year, $6; nix months, $8.50; 3 months, $2) 1 mont. vs HP! excepting Boreuzh of Menhsttan and Bronz, New York City. Poretge an@ Canads: One & months, $5; 9 months, 38 —=— oe —a a Unite for Struggle on ‘in Milwaukee Imperialist War! IHE COMMUNIST PARTY, through its central organ, the Daily Worker, and in all its agitation and propaganda directed against imperialist war, has warned the American working class of the conflagration being prepared by the Wall Street government in its drive for conquest in South America against Great Britain, its main rival, and for the complete sub- | ers and peasants to its domination. even with the twists and distortions given it by the press agencies in the service of Wall Street, shows that the toiling masses of the entire continent of South America and of the whole Carribbean area, that special field of American imperialism, are menaced by the | threat of war to decide question of hegemony between the rulers, | Britain and the United States. | The American wo! ss has now to speak and act decisively | against the wars now th America which are being ex- tended rapidly. It m assistance of the Communist Partiés in South America, th of the struggle of the masses against the puppet governments of American and British imperialism, and to the | aid of the workers and peasants, who are being forced by tens of thou- sands—men, women and children— alist war machines. Dispatches today report that nc lombia (in the sphere of Wall Street dominati new military forces at Leticia, 2g bs} z ag 3 6 = g E | 5 out a troop conce General Mon ernment’s Constitutional Comm izing the conscription of wom 60 years of age. Bolivia has called up all classes of the military reserves of the 1923-29 groups. Practically the entire toiling population of Paraguay has been | Militarized. In the Bolivian-Paraguayan war for the oil-bearing Chaco region (actually British-American conflict) Argentina is carrying through & sweeping military re-organization in preparation for entering the conflict Openly. The Mexican government has just ordered the building of six- ten new naval units—financed by Wall Street as an extension of its naval forces. Imperialist war, therefore, already involves the workers and peasants of six South American countries. The difference between the wars in South America and the war against the Chinese people in the Far East, so far as imperialist tactics are concerned, is that Japanese imperialism attacks | openly with its own forces, while Yankee and British have so far been | able to utilize their puppet governments for the mobilization of workers and peasants to carry out the imperialist wai ‘The real character of these wai nust be far more clearly and widely | exposed to the workers and toiling farmers of the United States. They are the beginning, just as is the Japanese attack in the Far East, supported by the other imperialist powers, of a new imperialist world war, directed against the working class and colonial peoples, against the rising revolu- tionary struggles, against the Soviet Union, and for the re-division of the world among new groupings of imperialist rulers. The cost of these bloody adventures, according to the plans of Wall Street, is to be paid by the masses in lives and still deeper mass misery. | This is the terrible import of the South American wars. ‘They are wars that the American working class, in close fighting unity with the South American masses, led by the {Communist parties, can STOP! Support the South American Anti-War Congress, to be held in February! Organize mass meetings and protest meetings! Bring the question of the struggle against imperialist war into the shops and fac- tories, into the mines and on to the waterfronts! Stop the shipment of war munitions! Support the Anti-Imperialist League! Support the Communist Party program of action against imperialist war—join the Communist Partty—strengthen the ranks of the revolution- ary party of the working class which leads the mass fight egainst imper- ialist war! New York’s Finest CE COMMISSIONER. MULROONEY, head of the Tammany police, announces that Policeman George Kurtzke has beer. “exonerated”. In Plain words it means that Mulrooney officially approves of the bestial action of the copper who shot 16-year old Joseph Buda and then when the boy, crying with pain, tried to rise, punched him in the face. The boy, with a companion, had purchased a pile of junk listed as a “used car”, the motor stalled and they were pushing it toward the Buda boy's home whén the policeman, carrying out Mulrooney’s order “shoot first and question afterward” opened fire upon them. | It is further characteristic of the bulldozi policy of the cops that | when a resident of the neighborhood, aronsed by the shot and the pitiful cries of the wounded boy being beaten by the policeman, opened his own door to see what was happening, was curtly told to get back or he, too, would be shot. ilian gov- | easure author- iption of all men up to s well as conser | iS is not an isolated case. It is the policy of the Tammany police commissioner, the poli¢y of a gang of political grafters and cor- ruptionists whose uniformed and plain-clothes thugs, continually beat, club and shoot down in the streets men, women and children of the working class. It is these same thugs and gangsters who regularly frame- up and send to jail unarmed workers and working class leaders on the charge of “assaulting the police”, while armed gangs of the criminal un- derworld protected by Tammany operate all over the metropolitan dis- trict. It is this social scum in all parts of the country that always works hand in hand with the imperialist ruling class against the working class. It was this crew of armed hoodlums called “New York's Finest” that only the other night beat and clubbed men, women and children asking for bread in front of the New York mansion of President-elect Roosevelt, while he was conferring with democratic political leaders on how to carry out'on a larger scale the Wall Street-Hoover hunger and war program | which is also the Wall Street-Roosevelt program. 3 | Such acts by the minions of capitalism contribute to the growing mass | contempt for and mass determination to fight against the whole bureau- cratic machine of capitalist government as the instrument of oppression in the hands of the parasitic Sacnwas clasa against | the toiling Masses. Follow Up Fairview Strike | Victory With Organization By SIDNEY SHETNBAUM molest But this did not work NEW YORK.—The Fairview Laun- | The workers and the children jn the strike was an outstanding neighborhood showed their support | of the willingness of in many ways. All the bundles stopped coming in. The solidarity of the Negro and white, as well as the different crafts, lifted the strike to a higher plane and guaranteed the victory. What can we learn from this strike? 1. Young workers will fight for better conditions. 2. Strikes can be won during the | ne, s to fight for better coriditions. 3 workers were called out to force ‘boss to take back a girl that he fired, and to improve conditions ‘The strike started early weeks. ‘All the inside workers, 40 per cent | ‘of whom were young workers, came @ total of 60, including the driv- who joined them a few days | crisis, | Being a member of the Y.C.| 3. The Y, C, L. should work with| U., I was called out to picket. What! the union. | The Negro workers, especially | the youth, proved very militant. What were some of the shortcom- ings? 1. Few Y¥. C. L, members were drawn into the struggle. 2. No check-up on the comrades assigned to picket. 3. No shop fraction meeting was called. 4. Neglected a fine chance to or- gahizé a “Help the Strike Children’s | Club.” Now that the strike is won, the section committee of the Y. GO, L. must take immediate steps to organ- ize a shop nucleus there. This strike | is a good beginning. Let us go for- ward. Let's make the slogan “Every Shop # Fortress of the Workers’ a sket line! First we had ten on| 4 line, then the cop said we could have six, then only four. But In the morn a of the laundry to the other. 9 and white, young and old, rs and inside workers; a fight- singing mass of workers. hen a man sent by a scab agency to enter the laundry, two of the would rush over to him, each taking hold of one of his arms. ‘one of the strikers on each side he was taken for a little during which time they ex- to him what was going on. reality. Build the Laundry Workers Industrial Union, ‘ Bey DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDA Wages in Scrip Is S.P. Plan| 1. By FRED BASSETT-BLATR | EFORE the last elections, Daniel W. Hoan, mayor for 16 years on | the Socialist Party ticket he- ralded throughout the country as one pilot who guided his ship of state—the Milwaukee city govern- ment—through the stormy seas of the crisis to a safe harbor. “Mil- waukee is solvent,” said Dan Hoan, “because of the influence of the Socialist Party, and the application of its policies of municipal Social- ism, in city government.” But now there is a different story. The city budget for 1933 is being made up. The mayor of the “miracle city” is finding it hard to get any more cash out of the workers and small property hold- ers. He is proposing a method of meeting the city’s obligations, “in- cluding wages,” 75% in cash and 25% in scrip. Is this municipal Socialism, Mr. Hoan? 6 One tT Milwaukee Sentinel, organ of Paul Block and Hearst, com- ments sardonically in its Dec, 27 issue: “Only a year ago, the city | was being touted all over the coun- | try as having huge cash surpluses, and being, as a result of careful socialistic management (our em- phasis) in the most enviable situ- ation of any large community in the country. Now Milwaukee ap- parently is to issue scrip like some | other cities, and is proceeding to this extremity in advance of many | large cities whose condition was somewhat individually compared with ours just before the municipal | elections.” MANY PROPOSALS | The scrip proposal of the mayor | was followed by many others, in- | troduced both by Socialists and non-partisans (Rep. or Dem.) One ambitious proposal sponsored by aldermen Thompson and Brown (non-partisan) proposes to put all employees in the city—both public | and private—on scrip with the 30- | hour week and various wage-cuts. | The Socialist aldermen only dif- | | | | fered with the non-partisans as to whether scrip should be imme- diately adopted or be sent to a committee for further investiga- tion. There was some doubt in their minds as to whether it would be legal to deduct: 10 per cent from the city employees’ wages for “un- employment relief” (this was an- other “municipal Socialist” meas- ure!) when the employees were paid in script. The city’s financial difficulties were bared by the debate on this question. Soref (non-partisan) was for immediate adoption of a scheme similar to Hoan’s, because “we must conserve our cash as- sets.. If we pay part in scrip and part in cash, the tax-payers will have moré faith in us than if we pay all cash now and all scrip later. We shall have payless pay- days soon.” COMMUNIST PARTY ALONE OPPOSES SCRIP Alderman Dietz, the Socialist floor-leader (Socialists are in the majority in the Council with the help of two non-partisan) said: “We must conserve our assets. The longer the depression lasts the more we shall need them. But we must review the plans for scrip— it may do more harm than good— if we are es AR ° EE was no opposition to the scrip Schemes from the Social- ist leaders. The first and only op~ position came in a communication addressed to the Council by the Communist Party. In its commu- nication, the Communist Party pro- tested emphatically against the adoption of any form of scrip pay- ment. It pointed out the strug- gles of the American workers a- gainst scrip, and that wherever it had been in use, it was used to cheat the workers. ‘The Communist Party pointed out that scrip will mean the fol- lowing for the workers: 1. A reduction in wages for city employees, and employees of priv- ately owned and operated indus- try. 2, An increase in the cost of liv- ing, through the inflation which the issuance of scrip money en- tails. WOULD MEAN STARVATION 3. The adoption of a form of the Teagle “share the work” sys- tem. This means in essence starv- ation for all workers. It reduces the wages of those still employed to below-subsistence levels; it puts the unemployed to work at such wages, and thereby cuts them off the relief list, and forces them to | live on less than even the miser- | able relief allotments they now re- ceive. 4. The spread of forced labor (another example of Milwaukee “municipal Socialism”) to include all workers, those at present em~ ployed, as well as those on the re- lief list. 5, Along with these Huge profits will be gained by speculators in the scrip money, at the expense of the workers and small property holders. 6. The scrip proposals cannot be separated from the proposals of Comptroller Kotecki to take over millions of dollars worth of tax- delinquent properties of small holders. They cannot be separated from the proposals for the 1933 budget which are intended to raise the money for government costs from the workers and small prop- erty holders generally. (To Be Continued) LONG JAIL TERMS ELSINGFORS.—Last .week .the Lappo courts in Finland imposed hard labor sentences totalling 35 years against revolutionary work- ers. Six of these workers were charged with having distributed Communist literature. Since Jane uary 1, 1932, 300 revolutionary work- ers, both men and women, have been sentenced to a total of ever “WORKERS—GO THIS WAY!” Y, JANUARY 9, 1933 PRISON LABOR IN U.S.A. Huge Fortunes Made Thru Exploitation of Jail Victims By W. C. McCUISTON. OST of the penitentiaries, work- houses, reformatories, prison farms, etc., in the U. S. manufac- ture for the open market various products that compete with so-cal- Jed free labor. Outstanding exam- ples are the San Quentin jut pro- ducts, cotton seed and farm pro- ducts from the Texas prison farms, coal from Kansas, Alabama and other penitentiary mines, furniture from Michigan and Maryland, clothing and textile from most. ern penal institutions and con- struction and leather from many others. The most vicious form of prison labor in the U. S. is “Contract La- bor” which, despite published sta- tistics, to the contrary, continues to thrive in many cities and states, and particularly in the smaller penal institutions such as city and state reformatories and workhouses. FORTUNES ACQUIRED THROUGH PRISON LABOR This system of contract prison Jabor has built huge industries and fortunes, the largest perhaps being the W. T. Eldridge holdings in Sugarland, Texas, accumulated di- rectly, from cheap contract prison labor. The Eldridge holdings in- clude large malls, farms, town- sites, and formerly the San Antonio Uvalde and Gulf Railway. The rail- road was recently sold for a huge sum to the Missouri Pacific sys- tem. ‘The Eldridge holdings are in the heart of the Texas prison farm belt. Official contract prison la- bor has been abolished in Texas, but it is significant to note that the Eldridge interests still employ thousands of paroled convicts at a starvation wage. These suppos- edly paroled workers are still living a convict life with the prison guards replaced by slave-driving foremen and overseers. The slight- est infraction of the company’s rules is adjudged a violation of parole and the worker is returned to prison. This explains the large number of paroles and pardons issued while “Ma” Ferguson was Governor of Texas. We can look for many more of these parole slaves in the near future, as “Ma” Ferguson has been elected governor once more. ‘The contract labor system in the Baltimore, Md., city jail is typical of the viciously corrupt penal sys- tem in this country. Inside the walls of the city jail is a privately owned factory known to the pub- lic and advertised as “The Gatch Brush and Wire Goods Company”. The address of this factory is 801 Buren St. This is also the address of the Baltimore city jail. This factory employs several hundred workers. With the excep- tion of the company officials, a stenographer, bookkeeper, shipping clerk and five shop foremen, they are all prisoners, serving from two to twelve months on misdemeanor charges. | prea giei the general slump in the world industry this factory does @ capacity business. AS @ philanthropic gesture the prisoner- workers are given a merchandise check for fifty cents weekly. Late in October, this year, over half OB Pemiwerey cut tee oer: © week. Specially skilled workers are put on piece work. By slaving at top speed nine hours a day they are able to make between five and eight dollars a month. This money, however, must be spent in the company store, where prices fol- low the regular company store scale, about double the outside prices. ‘The Gatch Brush and Wire Goods Company manufactures every type of wire products from potato mash- ers to elaborate display stands, trash burners and giant rubbish containers. They manufacture a complete line of paint brushes and over two dozen varities of fly swat- ters. These range from the humble wire swatter to the elaborate, mo- dernistic cellophane swatter. Their trade covers a range greater than any competing company, and their most famous products (rat and mouse traps) are exported to all parts of the world. Products are manufactured to company specifications and bear the copyright names of the companies ordering from the Gatch me and Wire Goods Company. The Ja- cobs Brothers Co., located on Washington Street, Brooklyn, and | Greenwich Street, New York City, buys specially made products from Gatch, and distributes them as of vermin. They are never aired and seldom cleaned. Health is given no thought by the officials, “A few C. C. pills” is the invari- able prescription for every ailment. manufactured by themselves. Ac- | The guards are drunken bullies tually they maintain warehouses and the warden, Harry G. Martin, and salesrooms only, and do no is a democratic ward heeler. The manufacturing. Every Kresge, Kress, Woolworth, Montgomery-Ward, Sears & Roe- buck, and Butler Brothers store in the United States has on sale and display articles manufactured by the Gatch Brush and Wire Goods Company. These and many other large corporations have contracts with the Gatch company, know- ing that they are buying forced labor prison made products. The company also sells to hundreds of smaller merchants, manufacturers and jobbers, Who do not know that they are buying prison-made ar- ticles. No cases, cartoons or articles, in- cluding those exported, are marked as made by prison labor. No re- ference is made in any of the company’s correspondence to prison labor or the location of the fac- tory. These facts are concealed from the public. VILE CONDITIONS IN BALTIMORE JAIL. The Baltimore city jail, built years ago to hold 600 prisoners, was overcrowded with 950 in Oc- tober, 1932, It is known as the dirtiest, lousiest and worst feeding jail in the U. S. Blankets, beds and the canvas pads the prisoners sleep on are infested with all kinds warden’s job is his reward for po- ‘litical work, of course, The prisoners are jim-crowed everywhere except in the factory. There black and white must pro- duce alike for the company’s pro- fits. Prisoners ate allowed one bath each week and are given one vagged pair of denin pants and one ragged shirt to wear each week. These articles are manufactured in the state penitentiary, which ad- joins the jail. RISONERS are allowed to write one censored letter a week and week. Prisoners must furnish their own soap and towels. can be made at higher prices than those outside from the store con- cessionaire, who only pays $500 company supposedly pays the city forty cents a day for each man doing over 90 days. For the others they pay nothing. To those boss propagandists who raise a hue and cry about “forced Jabor” in the Soviet Union it might be suggested that. the Depart- ment of the Interior can find ample room for investigation in the ex- | ports of the Gatch Brush and Wire Goods Company and other firms. ‘Every Factory Our Fortvess’ With the Workers in the Shops The 12th Plenum Resolutions of the Communist International em- Phasize that the main link in winning the American working,class for decisive class battles, is the development of struggles around the ele- mentary needs of the workers. The Shop Conferences held in New York and Chicago on Dec. 81, 1981, and Jan. 1, 1932, dealing with the experiences of our Party in ‘conducting shop work, should be utilized by every member of the Party, every member in the trade unions, to improve the contehts and methods of our work in the factories. We urge all comrades to. send in articles on the basis of their own experi- ences, as well as questions on problems which confront them (which will be answered in this column), and thus further develop this inter- change of experiences in this, our most important, task. These articles should be read in connection with a thorough study of the 12th Plenum Resolution on “Lessons of Economic Struggles” and editorial and ar- ticles on the 12th Plenum in the January Communist, ask for a raise.” I asked him: “Are you going to do that, too?” He said: “I went three months ago, but ‘the boss ignored me.” I told him: “If you had not told me that, maybe I would go. But-since you told me I won't.” He said: “What are you going to do?” I said: “I am going only when you and I and Editorial Note:—This experi- ence shows in the most decisive manner that an individual com- rade can conduct effective work in the shop. Here, a comrade, vi close contact with the work- speaking to them, raising thelr immediate grievances, was able to win the confidence of comrade of our Party working in a shop ca™ also build shop or- ganization, providing he bas the correct approach? A further les- son brought. ont in this experi- ence is that language is not a barrier to winning American ele- ments for organization. Nieittanreat prove that this man will say the same thing about you as you say about -him.” 5 I went to this man and he wouldn't talk very much. Then I began to tell this worker that I . Mee felt tired. He didn’t answer. I EVENTEEN months ago I came asked him: “Do you feel tired?” into the Party; Iwas an unem- | He said: “Well, what are you go- ; Ployed worker, Since then I have | ing todo?” T said: “No one says | carried out some work outside, but | anything here.” And he said: “No, | recently I succeeded in' getting a | everyone is a bunchecf damn | job in a factory after about 14 | fools." I said: “Did you hear months’ unemployment. I got a that?” It happens that this mau Job in a fur factory. In this fac- gets only 20 cents an hour. He said: “How much do you get?” I said I got 35 cents. He replied: “Yes, I know, but I got a big fam- ily; if I say anything they will kick me out. Isaid: “What about you and me and him and the girls and the others getting together and talking about it?” WE GET ANOTHER WORKER Another worker was hired “the day after myself and he got 20 cents an hour, By Saturday he had worked more hours than my- self and he got less money. He said; “I don’t come to this job any more.” I took me about two hours to convince the worker that he should go back to the shop. 1 tory there were 130 workers, 30 of them organized by the left wing Industrial Union, For seventeen “years this shop had been unorgan- ized. ‘Another comrade was work- ing in the shop for six months. His department had only seven workers. He told me when I came into the shop that almost all of his department was organized by him. All agreed to stick together | when the time comes for future struggle. “THEY'RE ALL DUMBELLS” When I went into the factory the boss paid me 35 cents an hour. A young worker came to me and asked me: “How much does he pay you?” I told him. He said: “I work here three years and I get } 17 cents.” 1 said: “T was going to said I got. two more workers, and you and I make four, The boss fooled you and 30 we are going to van have one visitor every other | Purchases | yearly for the privilege. The Gatch | Establish Intimate and Permanent Contacts | native-born and Negro workers, everyone goes.” He said: “You organize them for struggle and can do nothing because eryone build the union and Party in the | are dumbells.” | said: “I don't | shop. Is not this experience | think so.” T then said: “Who do | convincing proof that every | you think is the worst man here?” and he pointed out one man named | I said. “I am going to | ‘These sketches of the life and struggle of Negro and white workers in the South are taken from “Gathering Storm”, by Myra Page, just published by International Publishers. TEUELOR! 'S NOTE. vil. ae . By gorry, he’s right. pa pent yeaa’ t -_ I'd do the same in his place.” PTERMA Bl AFTERMAT Bi “Yah, I reckon. Even though HILE Charlie and Myrtle clung | port get, strung fer it,” to her ample sides, Ma Morgan | * * . sab rocking back and forth staring | Q@ILENTLY they rejoined the othe ahead at some fearful spectre. Miss ers'and the group started to- Lancey, Aunt Polly and the Hughes | ward Back Row, bearing their bure women crouched nearby. The oil | den. As they neared the shacks, lamp sputtered and flared, casting | Uncle Ben halted. “Ma... this'll weird shadows on the wall. Ma |...” “Yah, Uncle Ben, you: go Morgan loomed like some grotesque ahead . .. We'll come later.” Slows giant, making mysterious passes in | ly. the ‘stricken man dragged “hime the air. Once in awhile some one | self on. The sky was growing yele broke the heavy silence to advance low in the east. Was it only, last another reason why Martha might , be late—any reason but the one at | Week he had played for the young hich Ma Morgan stared so hope- | folks, and they had frolicked bee neath the moon? Now..-+ Jessly. Ma Morgan, at the first faint Qne by one the reasons were ex- hausted. The muffled sobs of the : children grew louder, songs of ponds ee Sat np ad foo ae weeping and praying broke loose in Ae ee, ir and rush: pen then : ed forward to meet him, v8 'HE dance at the Country Clue was at its height when Jim crept along the shrubbery, across the dim lawn and into a clump of bridal wreath bushes which stood against the building between an open win- dow and the wide veranda with its high, colonial pillars, Complete- ly surrounded by their white blos- oms, he crouched on all fours and struggled to quiet his hurried breathing., His brain was on fire, yet. cold and hard as the steel plow Uncle Ben and Earl Perkins were the ones who several hours later stumbled over Martha’s body. One swing of their lan- terns over the swollen face and mutilated form, and Uncle Ben dropped beside the dead girl. His body writhed, his hands clutched and tore at the mossy earth. The others, roused by Earl's hoarse ery, came running. Jim, for 2 moment not realizing that Martha was dead, gathered her in his arms, pleading, “Marthy | Which he drove up the furrow. sweetheart —here’s your Jim, Through the open window and come to take you home .. Marthy, | into the sultry night. drifted the can’t you hear me?” ‘The men | tones of a wailing saxaphone, “You turned away, muffling their sobs. | Made Me What I Am Today, I Roused, Jim reached for one of the | Hope You're Satisfied.” lanterns propped against a tree a 4, trunk. AS he raised it in the air, | ,,3m feeched tn his overall pogkess the shadows about him lifted. ‘ Throwing it from him in horror | His aim at the foxes who came fore aging among the farmer’s chickens had never falled him. Surely. it wouldn't fail him tonight. he turned to his feet, his rigid arms holding the girl's body high above their heads. “Whar's the white beasts that een done this? Whar is they?” ence ay he drew back the ushes and looked through the win- “The bastards—the cowards— | gow into the ballroom. Where, among the whirling couples, was his man? Girls with dazzling white arms and necks, be-jeweled women in their satin evening gowns swung past, their marcelled heads pressed against the white bosom fronts of their swallow tailed partners. Along the walls stood stiff palms and three equally stiff and dowdy chaperones, At both ends of the hall were tables containing large bowls of heavily-spiked punch and whar is they?” Uncle Ben crawled to his knees. “Jim. :. Jim... wat they done to our lil gal.” His yoice broke, he slipped back toward the earth, but Earl grabbed at one of his hands, wrenching loose an object which glistened among among the earth which hé had torn from the sod. “Look,” he gasped, “they musta dropped this.” By the dim light of the lantern he made out BACK ROW the lettering on the fold handle of the pen knife: To Elbert Haines, From Mother, Xmas, 1915, & With an oath Jim forced the body into the kneeling man’s arms afd started running toward the road. The Hughes boys raced after him, calling, “Jim ... Wait... Wait . Doan do nuthin’ rash ., Jim . . By the time they reached the road, his powerful figure was a mere speck of the white stretch before trays of wine glasses. Obviously mere than one couple had inbibed too freely, for many lurched slightly as they shuffled around the floor, collided with other dancers. and clutched one another in éver amorous embraces, half-leaning om their partner or any who came within reach. This was the cream of Greenville society. A branch across -his chest end covering his face, with only his eyes glittering through, Jim peered about for his man. them. “We'll never catch up with him, Gawd, what if he weren't hetel now.” (To Be Continued) Ps [BROWDER ON “LENINISM AND WAR” IN ANNIVERSARY ISSUE | Npuen BROWDER, Secretary of the ‘Communist Party of the U. S. K, writes on “Leninism and the Struggle Against Imperialist War” in the Speciré Daily Worker Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition next Saturfay, January 14. gts “The smouldering ruins of the city of sthnhaikwan, amidst which . lie the shattered bodies of several thousand Chinese men, women children, give the tone to the opening of the year 1933,” writes Browder. Other important articles will include “Nine Years of the Daily. Worker in the Struggles of American Labor,” by Bill Dunne; “Lenin and the Daily by Robert Minor; “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capi- icks; “The Study of Leninism in America,” by Sam veninism and the Growth of Socialism in the Soviet Union,” by Moissaye J. Olgin. ‘There will also be biographical sketches of Lenin, and the edition will be illustrated with photographs and cartoons. fool him. “In that case I will come back to the shop,” he said. I started to work very hard, especially when the boss came. The worker said: “You talk too much, and now you work more than anyone.” I said: “Tomor- row I will tell you why I work so hard.” Tater I talked to the boss I told him I have # friend, his wife is very sick and he has a big family and he is not working. And the boss said if he is like you, then he can come in. ment in the morning. 1 didn’t sleep all night. I thought: I have ten workers, but there are nine more there. Maybe the others don't want to come out. I went into the shop in the morning. I said to the workers: The union backs us ‘up, what about it? The workers agreed, We went to the other nine workers. We told them: “We are on strike, you should stop. The workers agreed, So we went on strike, The other comrade came along, all. alone. So I said to the worke: “We. arr, got another worker with us.” Then’ pictorial T comeouts wits I got still another. His ‘father, a oa . foreman, went to the hospital. He And we started. After two days was replaced by someone else. ‘This boy doesn’t like the foreman because his father cannot go back on the job. I speak to him. He said: “If you think we can do something I stick with you.” So we got together about eieven workers. I immediately sent to the Party headquarters and first to the section organizer, The sec- tion crganizer gave me instructions which I carried around in the shop, A STRIKE 18S CALLED 4 white workers. ones and put them on the leader- ship, like one American fellow, who is a Party member new, chair- man of the shop. We elected him chairman of the Strike Cummitiee, and another Negro comrade, tco, and in this way we succeeded. in, haying now in that shop a nucleus The day came when the boss composed of 16 workers; 9 Party tried to do some trick among the | members and 7 Y. C, L. member® organized workers. The union n There are six Americans, four Ne~ groes and two white se workerty called a strike, “Tf you want,” T ‘told him, "I will pull the depart- ’ Ba 3 x FROM THE BLACK BELT | 4 2