The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 3, 1933, Page 4

r ‘ots | bw | Lf b Sei. ‘ a ~~ . BY — DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1933 | “THE MARINES HAVE COMPLETED THEIR JOB!” ~By Burch Petey USA Pedtished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, ot © 19h 56, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORE.” Address end mail ehecks to the Daily Worker, 56 T, 1Sth St, New York, WN. ¥. Hi SUBSCRIPTION BATES By wail everywhere: One year, $4; six months, 35.58; 5 months, 42; 1 womth, 1s cxocpting Borough of Manhattan end Brons w York City. Foreign ané } Cansds: One year, 39: & months, 35 months, 38 Capitalism Admits Its Bankruptcy in Crisis "HE New York Herald Tribune, the metropolitan organ of finance capital (with a Republican party complexion) begins on January 1 an editorial headed “1933” as follows; “New Year's Day, 1933, arrives to find the world in a curious and perhaps also a significant mood . . . One. senses a new feeling that we are, perhaps, in the grip of forces which even the experts, those trusted messiahs of the mod- ern age, do not really u and, and the ruling of the moment $ nor confid skepticism and emotion a healthy e, but academic viewpoii but skeptic to the ro : b é at their ae on of the f- increasing rum- e rorkers to ref e capi- talist class as to the ont basis is indicative of are less capable of ruling tt death: upon the face of aes! ‘ capitalism tha in the s are ind more of such utterance to be observed uni organs of capitalism as the ctisis deepens The morale sapped by the ri Lsipcind been unable to have ation. Capitalism is hold the pos sibility of a solution. he aning. for of the great publicity and even which Technocracy has been greeted by the capital offshoots "HAT there is now tak integtation of the c termed « spiritual dis- annot be doubted. Such cold- ibune which hitherto has explained. the d around heme of “the law of supply e quote that: culties, perhaps possibly economics e in a broader and deeper it is not exclusively a que: n oO C at best but’ a partial expression of one problem of man’s relation to his unive This typically confused expression of a capita apoloy with the problem of ever increasing acuteness of insoluble c brought into sharp relief by the wo: direct contrast to the triumphant trun notes with which reactionary Papers like the Herald Tribune were accustomed to greet the New Year in “the golden age” of American capitalist economy—before October, 1929, These paens have been well described in the “Communist Inter- national,” Number 17-18: “Take for example the U.S.A., the most classical land of the dic- tatorship of the bourgeoisie in the form of bourgeois democracy, where the bourgeoisie govern without even requiring the services of their seabby social-democracy: The bourgeoisie of the United Staies prided themselves on the fact that the U.S.A. s the incarnation of reason, justice, and the eternity of the capitalist system, that all their experi- ence refuted the socialist ravings of the European fanatasts, the U.S.A. had no social problem, that it was not only the land of the highest profits, but also of the highest wages, that in the U.S.A. every European emigrant, like Napoleon's soldiers, had a millionaire’s baton in his knap- sack, that there was not, is not and will never be a class struggle in the U.S.A, that the U.S.A. had eternal prosperity. Who, even among the most shameless apologists of capitalism, would dare to repeat these assertions, which have been refuted by the whole course of events of the world crisis, in the United States today, in this land where the working class in actual fact is absolutely deprived of rights?” (We might add, not only of rights but of roofs, raiment and bread!) confronted ntradictions is now in its fourth year, i; » VES, once triumphant plutocra: confused soul-searchings these editorial on the perspective for the of it! The writer for in America is conducting serious if s—and the Herald Tribune leading year is an outstanding example the H. T., whose style is somewhat Lippmanesque, undoubtedly would like to direct the attention of the millions suffering from the crisis away from the economic a political reasons for their misery but in attempting to inject the question of “man’s relation to his universe, etc.” into the basic question of the way out-of the crisis, he Gives added proof of the uncertainty ich the rulers and their apologists confront the future. Where are r great industrial leaders” in the following picture?: “One finds the most conservative producing suddenly the most Yadical proposals in economics or government; one also finds the most @ecksure radicals taking on a doubting and conservative manner. It is mot'a time in which prediction in any field is possible; but it Is a time @ut of which interesting and stimulating events may be expected to ... For it is likely to be a vear of adventure and risk. The cur- tain goes up on the climax of the great depression. Let the faint- ‘The note of love of high adventure and the “the battle to the strong” on which the editorial ends is characteristic also; with which the boy keeps up his courage but at the same time it is the expression of the determination of capitalism to fight the working class for its life—it is the battle cry of the capitalist offensive. Whence comes this confusion, doubt and hesitation regarding the future of American capitalism? It derives from the fact that it has, ‘as noted above, consistently denied the existence of the growing con- tradiction between social production and private ownership of the huge mass of goods produced. It has insisted that what was being created in America was not a working class, in the Marxian meaning of the term, but a middle class—worker-capitalists. Suddenly it finds itself con- fronted with the situation which Marx foresaw in 1849 with all the sharp features made keener by the world crisis — and by the fact of the ex- Zstence of a Socialist country, the Soviet Union, holding out of the of capitalist robbery one-sixth of the earth’s surface. Marx wrote din one. of his best known and brilliant passages) : “In addition, the working class is also recruited from the higher strata of society; a mass of small business men and of people living upon the interest of their capitals is precipitated into the ranks of the working class, and they will have nothing else to do than to stretch out their arms alongside the arms of the workers. Thus the forest of ontetretehed arms, begging for work, grows ever thicker, while the arms themselves grow ever leaner . Finally, in the same measure in which the capitalists are compelled . . . to exploit the already existing gigantic means of production on an eyer increasing scale, and for this purpose ‘mn motion all the mainsprings of credit, in the same measuse do they the industrial earthquakes, in the midst of which the commer- world can preserve itself only by sacrificing a portion of its wealth, its products and even its forces of production, to the goods of the lower short the crisis increase. They become more frequent and if of uo other reason, then for this alone, that in the same qmeayure in which the mass of production crows, and therefore the weeds for extensive markets, in the same measure does the world ‘market shrink ever more, and ever fewer markets remain to be exploited, ‘ gince every previous crisis has subjected to the commerce of the world -@ hitherto unconquered or but superficially exploited market.” | The Herald Tribune editorial is a fitting welcome to the report of ‘the Hoover Research Committee on Social Trends and its futile con- clusions regarding planned economy under capitalism as the way out of the crisis. HE ROUT THE NEWS REELS) *¢ awake enough to listen to Com- THE HUNGER MARCH| ™™ aevy, as A aa A COMMUNIST FOR 6 YEARS. Many workers saw how the Newsreels showed films of the \ Hunger Marchers *: Washington ecompanied by vicious slanders against the unemployed. | "No applause greeted their vicious | attacks. The people of this city | ve now suffering more than ever. | = the dole | dole has | | | “Hanger,” the Workers’ Film | and Photo League moving picture of the National Hunger March, and the conditions that led up to the struggle of the unemployed, was recently shown in New York. Workers in other cities should ar- range to counteract the poison- ous propaganda of the boss-con- trolled newsreels by arranging for showings of this excellent film. Write to Workers’ Pim and Photo Leagne,.13 W. 170 St. New York. EDITOR'S NOTE. ‘ is | e and of his own ideas about it.” | it is the whistling | Science In the Service of Labor-- By D. SASLAYSKY HE large hall in the House of Culture of the Vyborg district is full of people and light. Slogans printed on red material speak of the aims and tasks of today’s gathering. The words: “Science” and “Labor” are repeated in vari- ous combinations. The orchestra is playing, there is loud applause at the appearance of venerable, elderly, gray-haired peo- ple who take their seats at the tables on the platform covered with red cloth. There are dozens of them, some in old fashioned clothes, as they were worn in pre- | revolutionary Russia: | THE ACADEMICIANS They are the academicians. All of them are very learned people, | some with a world reputation. Among them are representatives of various branches of science, mostly natural science—physics, chemistry, geology, biolo; tronomy, botany Every one of them is an institute in himself. credit long years of scientific work, the publication of dozens of works, important discoveries, The academicians sit at the tables on the platform. The hall is filed with workefs. It is the meeting of two worlds, which, prior to the proletarian revolu- tion, could never and nowhere meet, which do not meet any- where in the capitalist countries, Cl Lay he HE Academy of Science has ex- isted in the old Russia almost 200 years. It was by its nature a t institution. Relatives of the were its presidents, the Acad~ emy of Science was open only to savants who were loyal to the Tsar and capitalism, There were prom~ inent savants in Tsarist Russia, such as Mendeleyev and Mechni- kov. | out the world | Mendeleyev’s works created an epoch in chemistry, and his “peri- odical system” is known to every | chemist, even to beginners. But there was no access for Mendeleyev | to the Russian Academy of Science. He was kept out of it by learned | narrow-mindedness which only thought of distinctions and decora- | tions. | Not a single prominent progres- | sive writer has been a member of | the Academy prior to the revolu- | tion. On the eve of 1905 Maxim Gorki was elected to the Academy. He was already famed then. Tsar | | Nicholas II ordered him to be ex- | | pelled as 4 revolutionist, and the | learned academicians carried out | the ordet like obedient lackeys. “GENERALS OF SCIENCE” There were prominent sayants ‘There were prominent savants also among the old academicians. | But they regatded themsélyes as | the generals of science, they did | not want to have anything in com- | mon with the toiling masses and | plumed themselyes on their social | standing. In science, they repre- sented the most reactionary insti- tution. | | | the term “academism” has been | given the meaning of scientific re- | action, backwardness, routine and fustiness. In the highest repute were literary, and so-called humani- tarian sciences, especially sciences on antiquity—archaeology, ancient literatures, history of ancient times, etc. Natural sciences were of less repute, and much less space was allotted to them. | It is an Academy of Science of this kind which the October Revo- lution inherited. The working class ruthlessly destroyed ali the old nests of the nobility, the mon- archy first of all. But the Academ, of Sciences were treated very cat | tiously by the workers, Even if | political enemies had their seat | there, these enemies possessed a weapon, necessary to the prole- tariat: superior knowledge, ie eae) | : bees working class knows the value of science. It respects theory. | In the factory, the worker has be- come accustomed to the idea that productive processes are founded on phenomena which must be stud- ied. The majority of the old acad- emicians hated and feared the proletarian revolution, but the workers, having assumed power, did their utmost to protect the Academy of Science. In the civil war years, in the midst of hunger | and devastation, the working class | endeavored to create favorable con- | ditions for the work of the acade- | Inicians. | — Only a small number of the old academicians went immediately with the workers, giving them wil- lingly of their knowledge and help- ing them to build a new country. Some of them took refuge abroad, and even now carry on there a frenzied campgign against the | Soviet Union. They shout through~ | out the world that science is de- | stroyed in the Soviet Union, that the working class is unable to cre- ate its own scientific forces, and keeps the old learned intelligentzia, in a state of slavery. This slander is of the same value as that about “forced labor” in the U.S.S.R. But, | of course, the working class. finds it most difficult to create its own highly scientific cadres. One can educate in ten years one’s own en- gineers, physicians, and generally speaking, workers of practical pro- fessions. But in all branches of knowledge, high theory requfres prolonged and deep study. That is why the bourgeoisie regarded the Academy of Science as its own stronghold, and academic science | as its own monopoly. (To Be Continued) REVIEW OF “TO MAKE Because of the publication of the last instalment of the article on Alabama by Comrade Nat Rosy, the review of Grace Gumpkin’s “Te Make My Bread,” which was originally announced for publica- tien today, will appear in tomorr- row’s issue of the Daily Worker. long frock | coats, waist-coats and watch chains. | It is not for nothing that | MY BREAD” TOMORROW Every one has to his | ‘Their fame spread through- | like rays of light. | Leadership in the Struggle of Alabama Sharecroppers ORGANIZATION. IS SEEN AS THE MAJOR TASK In the previous two articles, Comrade Ross described © the background of the recent battle in Tallapoosa County, Ala., re- sulting from the attempt of the white Kfadlords’ sheriff to seize the mule and cow belonging to Cliff James, a Negro share-crop- per, In yesterday’s article, the writer dealt with the manner in which the District leadership of the Party reacted to the situa- tion, Now continue: Se he By NAT ROSS TIL. Another serious mistake made wag that the District did not pre- pare for the struggle which was clearly ahead and therefore lost all direct contact because the mail was held up in the first days of bloody struggle. We also failed to prepare the croppers to carry on @ mass protest campaign and to be able to work under the most savage terror. Another of our District comrades, on reading a batch of letters form the croppers and farmers, did not try to sense their mood for struggle but thought they were not politically “devel- oped” because their language was not on a highly Marxian plane. And finally, there was resistance from one of our comrades the first day or so when we said that even from lying press reports it was obvious that the most historic achievement was the unity of the black and white toiling farmers. Here it might be mentioned that | | | the extent to which news about | revolutionary struggle is distorted is seen in the fact that the final returns for Foster and Ford given out by the Associated Press for Alabama was 240 votes but on Dec. 21, the press issues a statement that in Elmore county adjoining ‘Tallapoosa, Foster and Ford re- ceived 275 yotes, according to of- ficial returns! . . 'HE Reeltown battle shows the correctness of the Communist line. The struggle and all its many concrete manifestations be used as an where the masses can learn in simple .fashion the Communist position on the Negro question, the struggle for self-determination etc. It must be used to expose all the fascists ‘and social fascists and in particular the treacherous role of the Negro reformists Socialists and leaders who declare that the Communist method leads to “race war” in the Black Belt. Well, Mr. Norman Thomas, your friends, the landlords, sheriffs and the entire. lynch press tried their best to please you but the masses instinctively and under conscious guidance took the Communist way of struggle, the Way of ‘united struggle of Negro and white toiling must | farmers against the landlords and their lynch mas in @efense of the oppressed Negroes, right in the heart of the Black Belt. It is nec- essary to explain the whole ques- tion of. seigure of the land, land tenure, withdrawal of the armed forces, the right of the Negro ma- jority to decide for themselves the form of government they want in the Black Belt, the drawing in of historical laburatory | | a decisive role under the guidance of the Communist Party. From the moment of the outbreak of the Reeltown struggle the Party led the advanced industrial proletariat of Birmingham to support and actual guidance of the: toilers in the Black Belt in their fight for their immediate agrarian and na- tional needs and for the right of the Negro people to complete liberation. ‘The ruling class rec- ognized this, which resulted in the frenzied attack on the Party lead- ership in Birmingham and even the silent Sheriff Young curtly blurted out, “I’m already being bothered by telegrams from Dir- mingham Communists.” These are a few of the lessons that we must bring to thé Party throughout the South in particular. BIG ORGANIZATIONAL TASKS ‘There are immediate big organ- izational tasks. It is imperative now 6 redouble our efforts in building the Share Croppers Union. We must build the union on a stronger basis in the scene of strug- the white masses on the basis of | gie. White farmers must be drawn equal rights for all toilers: to concertize on the basis of this new historical struggle, the meaning of | | not possible, white farmers should the Communist slogan, “Absolute Equal Rights for Negroes and Self | ion. for he Black Belt.” The mediate burning needs of the toll- ing Negro farmers and their basic revolutionary needs stood out in the war. unity between the im- battle of Heeltown. The Lenin Memorial campaign must be used especially for political clarity. It is necessary to go into detail on the Leninist principle of the hegemony of the proletariat over all strata of the tolling population. In this respect the black and white proletariat of Birmingham played Ballad of the Sharecroppers ,By HARRY ALAN POTAMKIN, In Tallapoosa County and in County Lee, Black and white sharecroppers join in solidarity. ‘The Sharecroppers’ Union met at Camp Hill meeting-place “We want our food allowance and a little garden-space!” Refrain: Never sing hosanna! never hallelujah! ‘The landlord of the manor is only here fv Yoo! ya! The white folks’ landlord gentry have grown mighty rich, ‘When a man gets wealthy he has got that greedy itch. ‘They've gobbled up the acres well-nigh a hundredfold And say, “Just to the landlord may the cropper’s pick ke sold!” ‘The landlord makes division leaving cropper bare, Black and white sharecroppers'rose demanding of their share: “You cut us off at July until September comes, * And then we're torn from root and roof and all we get are crumbs!” ‘The sharecroppers say, “Yes, for cash we'll sell our pick. No planter'll pool our cotton, where’t grows there let it stick. And we demand schooling nine months out of the year For children of the croppers and a ‘bus to take ’em there!” The white lords did not like to hear those croppers talk, Through planters’ Alabama the “nigger hunt” did stalk. ‘They slew Ralph Gray, a comrade, and four more disappeared, Because the landed gentry that Sharecroppers’ Union feared. From the jail at Dadeyille they took the Union men And those four brave comrades oh! were never seen again. It’s now Cliff James they murdered ‘cause they coulda’ have his mules, He ran inio Tuskegee, where the black reformist rules. Cliff brought his wounds for healing to men of hils race, They gave him to the planters to win their master’s grace. ‘The black and white sharecropper they both now know their friends, And they will fight the enemy until oppression ends. tn Tallapoosa County and in County Lee, In Chambers, Macon, Blmore and in Montgomery, ‘The Sharecroppers’ Union is holding to ite stand For right of evry cropper to his Utt}e patch of lend’ into the Union locals (meeting sep- arately in cases) and where this is be drawn into committees of ac- | ton. The organized unity of Negro and white farmers will raise the whole struggle on a higher plane, will force greater concessions. The union must not be confined to the five or six counties in Alabama but must spread throughout the Black Belt. We must find ways and means (and they can be found) farmers, especially since the Reel- town struggle has found the first page of most southern papers. It is of first importance to build the I. L. D. on a bigger scale. This must be done in connection with the defense of the Alabama crop- pers. The I. L. D., supported, by the masses, must force absolute release of all croppers, punishment of the sheriffs, demand an inves- tigation into the murders of un- known croppers, demand that the county and state government give relief to the families of dead and wounded croppers. It is necessary to link up this defense struggle with the fight for the Scottsboro boys and make it a permanently increasing struggle against the whole system of lynching and Negro oppression. Especially must the ILD. come out using every avail- able worker and intellectual in the fight for free speech, not only in Brmingham and in Atlanta (Hern- don case), but in the Black Belt as well. Already the sheriffs of the three counties in the Black Belt have stated that they have made plans for extensive under-cover work, not only to prevent the dis- tribution of propaganda but the apprehension of those who attempt it.” In this respect mass meetings called by the ¥. L. D. in the larger Southern cities will be a big step BOVE all and standing out as t the decisive task is the building of the Communist Party. Particu- larly in the South, only the con- scious, relentless, bold leadership of the Party can smash through the outbursts of savage terror. At this time, when tens of thousands of people are’in motion as a result of the Reeltown struggle, our first duty becomes the drawing in of hundreds of these elements in the Black Belt, in the large Southern cities, into the Party. A strong Party, composed of the most mili- tant section of Negro and white tollers, is the only guarante? that the croppers’ struggles’ Will be raised to higher levels, that \the Black Beit wiil wiunr batiles. which will tusn the siraggie for iminediate needs into the st.ug- gle for power of the Negro majority. In this way the Negro people will form an ever stronger ally of the revolutionary working class, unit- ing with the white toiling masses tor the main struggle, the setting up of a workers and rs i. ernment in the United States.. (THE END, . to organize the toiling | ed | old tins These sketches of the life and FROM THE BLACK BELT By M¥RA PAGE, struggles of Negro and white workers in the South are taken from “Gathering Storm,” by Myra Page, just published by International Publishers.—EDITOR’S NOTE, . . . a. ACROSS THE MILES “(OME on, Charlie, let’s go to the | crik,” Myrtle’s tightly braided | pigtails popped up and down in an | excited way. The creek flowed through a shad- lane of over-hanging trees. Birds trilled lazily as Charlie and Myrtle sat on the bank, and con- templated the cool mud oozing up between their dusky toes. “Look,” Charlie pointed, “‘there’s two lil’ white kids a-comin’ this way.” He had spied Billy and Sam on their daily trip for a wade in the creek. “Uh-huh,” and Myrtle pushed the wooden craft she had fashioned out of a stick with its twig mast and scrap of pink coticn sail, fur- ther out into the stream. For a while the four paddied around in the water, in opposite directions. Billy and Sam eyed Myrtle's small craft enviously. ‘Their's had no sails. “Mebbe we kin make sails too,” and Billy tore a square from his ragged shirt sleeve, and set to work. Following their crafts as they floated down-stream, the four chil- dren came alongside one another, ee ee Presently Charlie, tiring of this sport, had a bright idea. “Say, Myrtle, look at that thar bank. Les’ play slippery slicks.” In a flash they were carrying water in or broken bottles tl found nearby, to wet the slope’s sides. Then, solemnly they stood at the top of the bank, and quick- ly slid to the water's edge. Giggl- ing, they started back up. Fas- cinated, Billy and Sam followed sult. This was a new game to them. Then Myrtle hit upon the idea that one must earn a slide down, by crawling up the slippery slope on hands and knees. There were many slips, tumbles and laughs before the top. was reached. But now the slide down seemed twice as sweet. This, was the beginning of the friendship between Charlie Myrtle, and Billy and Sam. Every- day, while their elders were at work in the mill, unknown to them, two tow heads and two kinky ones would spend happy hours along the creek’s bank, floating boats on its muddied waters or sliding down its inviting slopes. For children, like nature, know no color line. Humans are humans to them. Of race and caste they know nothing “What! You Play With and | and care less, until thei elders, out of their worldly wisdom, take then in hand. | Bee and Sam were sitting, very | uncomfortable on the stiff- backed bench in the Baptist Sun- day School of the village church, owned and operated by the com- pany for its white mill hands: The teacher, a poor third-cousin-one removed of Mr. Haines, who made her living by teaching in the vil- lage grammar school week-days and all-year round in Sunday School (looking upon it as mission- ary work), was now holding forth on the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man. Her text was “Little Children, Love One An- other.” She had explained how the mill owners and workers were really one big family, of elder and | younger brothers. “Miss Houghton, is black and white folks brothers, too?” Billy interrupted to ask. Miss Houghton gave him a sus- It was clear, however, child was not trying to trap her} but was in earnest. * “Of course not. That is, in ‘the sight of God, but not... . Billy, | What makes you ask such a ques- | tion?” | “Wat” Billy squirmed, suddenly | self-conscious. “I dunno. 1 jes'—” Sam tried to help him out. “You | see, Charlie ’n Myrtle’s colored, 'n | I guess—” | “Who,” demanded Miss Hough- | ton, scenting trouble, “are Myrtle | and Charlie?” | “They lives over to Black Row, ‘n their Ma ’n Pa works at the mill. "N we-uns plays slide togetha.” “What! You play with litte niggers!” Her scorn withered the two boys. All eyes were on them. Some one sniggered. Miss Hough- ton, very red in the fave, said a Good deal more, about Anglo-Saxon purity and white supremacy and a lot of words that Billy and Sam couldn’t understand. But one thing he did make clear. They were in ful thing by playing slide with Charlie and Myrtle. Miss Houghton lost no time in making a trip to the Crenshaws, and informing Sal of what had happened. Sal in tears, gave them a good talking to, and had Uncle Mat administer a good thrashing. For weeks Billy and Sam never went to the creek. (To be continued) Little Niggers?” By QUIR: Letters from Our Readers ABOUT TECHNOCRATS Atlanta, Ga. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: * I see by the papers that. the Technocrats have dug up the facts which they expect to peacefully transform unemployment and pov- erty into universal prosperity and happiness. Well, they must first deal with the landowners, mine- owners, millowners, powerplant owners, owners of transportation and communication, bankers, brok- ers, stock exchange wolves, politi- cal thieves, harpy clergy, lying law- yers and other beneficiary hangers- on. ‘The Technocrats may have vol- umes of valuable information, may have all the facts; but, if they be- lieve that. these gangs of stony hearted carnivorous blood sucking vampires are going to loosen their hold upon the toiling masses with- out a fight, then, I believe that the ‘Technocrats must be both an ex- tremely. hopeful and an entirely hopeless lot. Of course I only have the information. furnished by’ the newspapers. Comradely, ‘ eo6 The Technocrats are NOT try- ing to help the masses:of toilers to “prosperity and happiness.” They are trying to find a way to strengthen the bond between declining capitalism. and the hundreds of thousands of unem- ployed engineers, chem’sts, etc. (the American middle class pro- fessionals). They are trying to SAVE capitalism and thereby what they conceive to be their own class interests. This is the danger in their theories and pro- paganda, with which the Daily’ Worker will deal soon ‘n a series of articles—EDITOR'S NOTE. PAST LOSING PAITH IN N.Y. “HOME RELIEF” Bronx, N, Y. Editor of Daily Worker, Dear le: ¥ I urge you to print this in large type and where it can be seen. First, there is not doubt, or suspicion, “Eme! the Bureau,” 2 ; Comimittee, maintains a “suite of royalty” in the “mansion” at 70 Pine St. Nor is there a single doubt at to who the “gallant” supporters of this farce are. But there is no doubt of the skepticism. in my mind, as exists in many other uneasy heads, as to whether, we unemployed, will receive aid, “beautiful benevolence” of our Democratic and Republican “guar- dians of the American people and American interests.” A more personal note. IT was told by a man at 70 Pine Si. that. I should write and state my case to the bureau at 297 Fourth Ave., which I promptly did. As I re- czived no answer, I visited them (that is, I tried to). I was met at the entrance. by two burly guards. They told me to go home and wait tor further notice. I. argued and told them that my father died last month and that my mother, brother, sister and I were urgently in need of some sort of relief. Protest as much as TI might, I could not gain admission to their “great secret,” their Ree lef Bureau. I hung .around for a while, but I could not get inside no Ynatter how hard I don the outside. Believe me, I wag not alone! All I heard was, “Go home and write a letter.” “But I wrote several.” “It ‘takes a while, ‘you know.” “I'm sorry our funds are not up to par yet.” And’ such’ and suta. Some got in and more did not. Those that had the good for- tune to get in must have waited many weary months, ih I know that about six or eight months ago, perhaps more; I ‘ap- plied for relief -ag the ‘very same place and was turned away with the same polite but indulgent but wit the funds st be apovopriated and I will gain the ‘much desired in- terview. You see, I don’t mention reliet—it’s just the interview. I hope, before it is too late that all _ Workers will have as littié faith as T haye'in “Relief.” ate pa whether a job or just charity ands just when we will receive the \y ® picious glance over her spectacles} that the) disgrace. They had done a shame-" ee Cent ( 4 sean ene ERG oe Ae © i 1 \j