The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 30, 1932, Page 4

ca ) DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 30, 1932 Page Four orker’ Daily, fe Perty USA. Ppblished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 58 E. 18M St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” A@dress and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATE! By wail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $5.50; 3 months, $2; 1 month, Te excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canad: One year, $9: ths, 3_months, 35 Some More Quackery on Jobless Insurance VERY day sees an appalling increase in misery, suffer- ing, disease and death as a result of the widespread and ever-growing unemployment. The additional hardships ac- companying one of the severest winters is the last straw for Workers, men and women, boys and girls—all ages— many. Swell the list of despairing suicides. Children perish of hunger, the hos- pitals receive increasing numbers of malnutrition (starvation) cases. In spite of all this, and in spite of the continued downward plunge of all industry, the capitalist class and their political vassals—especially the democratic majority in both houses of congress—do everything within their power to make the lot of the poor worse than ever. While they hand back $80,583,504 in tax refunds to the rich, they ignore every proposal for immediate relief and unemployment insurance, and they embrace every proposal for further attacks upon the toiling masses of workers and farmers and former members of the middle class who face poverty. . * . 'HEN any member of the capitalist class speaks at all about his own brand of unemployment insurance, it is only to deceive the masses and try to disperse the movement for real federal compulsory unemploy- ment and social insurance. A typical example was the proposals of Gererd Swope, president of the General Electric Company, in a speech at Atlantic City before the sessions of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Swope put forward the familiar General Electric system which forces workers of that concern to contribute to a joint fund to be administered by the management and to be used for “unemployment insurance reserves, old age pensions, death and accident benefits.” He says such a fund would take, years to start working and would be “long range in scope and be built up by contributions from both employer and employee.” Which means the workers will have the money deducted from their pay envelopes. It is obvious that such a proposal in no way concerns itself with the sixteen million now out of work. It is confined only to those now working in the industries and who contribute to the fund. Everyone who has observed the working of such schemes of group “insurance”, knows how old workers are kicked out of industry on some pretext or other just before becoming eligible for the pension that was promised them and to which they have contributed for years. At the present moment there are large numbers of workers in Schenectady, New, York, in Lynn, Mass., in Erie, Pa. and everywhere else where General Electric maintains its slave pens, who are denied any benefits at all in spite of the fact that the Swope scheme is already in operation in these places. same issue of the Journal of Commerce that publishes the story about Swope’s unemployment swindle, also carries the following ob- servations on the business situation: “National trade associations representing almost every business and industry in the country are pessimistic over the outlook for improvement in economic conditions during 1933.” This, and the scores of other facts published recently by the DAILY WORKER, must spur part-time and unemployed workers throughout the country to ever more determined struggles against wage-cuts, against hunger and for immediate relief and unemployment and social insur- ance. This means the carrying forward to higher forms, embracing larger numbers of workers, the local struggles, the county and state hunger marches. It means to enlist in the fight for immediate emerg- ency relief the masses of impoverished farmers, the pauperized mortgage- ridden “owners” and tenant farmers of the North and the share-crop- pers and tenant farmers of the South. It is only through struggle, only by the most relentless fight that the capitalist class and their government will be forced to disgorge some of their loot for food, clothing and shelter for the starving men, women and children of this country. Defeat Subway Pay Cut and Fare Increase! CONCRETE example of the way in which the capital- ist pirates place the burden of their crisis upon the backs of the workers is seen in a recent series of acts in connec- tion with subway wages and fares in New York City. The steady beating down of wages under the stagger system, the terrific speed-up which shatters and wears out subway workers and en- dangers the lives of passengers, was not enough for the rich bondholders who demand an uninterrupted flow of dividends from their investments in watered stock. A wage cut of 10 to 30 per cent has been decreed for the subway workers. That means there will be taken from these work- ers the sum of $3,500,000 in one year. This wage cut was announced simultaneously with the publication of the report of interest payment of $5,000,000. Thus there is taken away from the subway workers, already existing on starvation wages, millions of dollars to be put in the pockets of the banks and stock exchange mani- pulators—the multimillionaires who control Interborough Rapid Transit. EPRESENTATIVES of the I. R. T. company union helped put over this latest steal, the same as they help the capitalist class put over all their attacks against the working class. Not satisfied with taking bread out of the mouths of subway work- ers to pay millionaire’s dividends, the Tammany politicians of all stripes and their henchmen among the “labor leaders”, are conspiring to do away with the five-cent fare and put over a higher fare—probably ten cents for one fare and three fares for a quarter. This will compel millions of part-time workers to pay more millions of dollars to the parasite bond holders. The special session of the New York state legislature, called by President-elect Roosevelt in his capacity as governér of the state, paved the way for the raise in subway fares. The notorious Al, Smith aided Roosevelt, in laying the basis for this steal, ANDITRY on two fronts—against the workers on the subways and against the workers who ride the subways—sch Js the policy of the democratic party and the I. R. T., B. M. T., etc. These smashing blows against the working class of New York are arousing storms of fury. Workers everywhere are talking about it. But it is not sufficient merely to denounce these crimes. They must be fought. There must be mass protest, and decisive action against this robbery, The subway workers must’ set up rank and file committees to fight against the wage cut If they take decisive action they will be supported by millions of victims of the subway grafters and their agents the Tammany democrat and republican politicians. Unite part-time and unemployed to smash the wage-cutting conspiracy! Defeat the attempt to boost fares! Fight for shorter hours, better working conditions, a living wage. For immediate unemployment relief, for unemployment insurance! Horses for 10 Cents 17 head of hogs sold for a total of $1.75, or about 10 cents each; a binder sold for $1; a 1927 Chevrolet sold for 60 cents, harness sold for one cent a set. The sheriff was wild. He yelled at the crowd to stop its foolishness and bid up, but without result. At a cost of $29 total, the farmer got most of his tools, machinery and stock back ‘This action was urged on the farm- ers by the returning delegates of the National Farm Relief Conference GREENCASTLL, Pa. Dec. 29. — The ‘sheriff advertised. the sale of all the tools and live stock of a farmer here. Hundreds came to the sale.’ The committee elected the night before at a mass meeting of farmers approached each creditor and asked for an extension of time. One refused and the sale was begun. Then each farmer who had been at he meeting made himself a com- mittee of one, to tell another farmer not to bid. One farmer alone bid. Hovses went for 10 cents a head, 12 cows went for 10 cents to $1 each; a} ' | | | | | | | Metal Workers PARTY LIFE “Toward Ford, Detroit District HE general membership meeting of the Communist Party of Detroit, after hearing the report of Comrade Schmies on the 12th Plenum of the E.C.C.I. and the present situation in the District, | wholeheartedly adopts the resolu- tion of the 12th Plenum of the EC.CI. and pledges itself to do its utmost to carry the resolution | into practice, especially to streng- | then the work inside of the shops, with all possible energy and stub- borness, In the face of the collapse of. the “pride of American prosperity” -the automobile industry — there lays with the Communist Party of Detroit and thruout the District, the tremendous responsibility organizing and leading the Mich- igan working class, whose condi- tions are rapidly becoming worse, | to the fulfillment of the tasks pointed out in the decisions of the 12th Plenum of the E.C.C.I. TOWARD AUTO SHOPS. In order to do that, the immedi- ate task before the Party is to turn the face of the Party towards the auto shops (Fords, especially) as the key task in order to struggle against wage-cuts, speed-up and inhuman working conditions, and the strengthening of unemployed work, especially the organizational end of it, building up class battles in the neighborhoods in order to defend the workers against grow- ing hunger, for immediaie relief, against evictions and for Unem- ployment Insurance. For this purpose, the work among the foreign-born workers, especially the better utilization of the langu- age mass organizations, and guid- ing the work towards a larger mass base, is of tremendous im- portance, But first of all, new measures and methods (Michigan Worker) thereby drawing the native born American elements around the Party and into the ranks of the Party, must be put into the fore- front, GREETS NEW ORGAN. The membership meeting greets the appearance of the Michigan Worker as the fighting organ of the working class in the district and pledges its support. While there is to be seen a slight improvement in the Party activity generally (unemployed work, Mich- igan Worker, etc., which the mem- bership meeting fully endorsed) the isolation of the Party from the decisive masses, especially from the workers in the shops still ex- ists and still remains an alarming situation to the Party. The membership meeting there- fore pledges itself to plunge the Party into shop work, work among the Negro masses and the develop- ment of new cadres as one of the real tasks in order to fully carry out the decisions of the Cen- tral Committee and the Plenum resolution of the E.C.C.I. | Hail the “Daily” By J. LUSTIG. (Organizer, New York Local, Metal * Workers Industrial Union.) IN NORMAL times there are about 200,000 metal workers employed in. the light and heavy metal shops in the city of New York. The great majority of these metal workers at the present time, due to the eco- nomic crisis, are unemployed, the rest are working part time with heavily reduced wages. Even at the height of prosperity, only a very small fractiomof those work- ing were organized into A. F. of L. organizations, Since the economic crisis, a great number of this small fraction dropped out due to the fact that they could not pay dues, and the inability and unwillingness of the A. F. of L. leadership to lead these workers to struggle againot the wage-cutting campaign of the bos- ses. T the present time there is only one organization, the Metal Workers Industrial Union, that is organizing these workers in the struggle for unemployment relief and insurance, against wage cuts, the Hoover stagger system, and for better working conditions. The approaching imperialist war makes if an urgent task for the labor movement as a whole, and for the Metal Workers In- dustrial Union, in particular, to organize the workers of the light and heavy metal shops, for these shops can be transformed into amunition and poison gas fac- tories overnight, 8 ee ‘HE Metal Workers ‘Industrial Union has carried on a number of strikes during the past few months, and is preparing a number of other strikes in the near future. In the past struggles, our union found the “Daily Worker” to be an effective weapon in the struggle against the bosses. The members of the Union are convinced that a strong “Daily Worker” will be one of the best in- struments in their hands in the future struggles to fight against wage cuts, long hours, speed-up, mass layoffs, and other grievances of the workers. This knowledge of the metal workers is & guarantee that they will do everything in their power to participate in the celebration of the 8th Anniversary of the “Daily Worker,” the only English-speak- ing, working class daily newspaper held in Washington, D. ©. Deo, 7.{ in the United States in | | TWO SIDES OF “OUR” CAPITOL By SADIE VAN VEEN HE story of Cumberland is not a story of battle, but a story of determination on the part of the 1,700 marchers who passed | through Cumberland on the way to Washington, and a story of trickery and brutality on the part of the police on the march back to Cumberland and westward. The Mayor of Cumberland, re- cently elected, stated that Cumber- land would be “properly protected from the marchers” and made el- aborate preparations in an attempt to terrorize the hunger marchers and the representatives of the na- tional committee of the Unemploy- ed Councils. Through the news- papers, Cumberland was told that every police would be on duty; that hundreds of special deputized police as well as Maryland state troops would be mobilized to pre- vent the marchers from entering the city. In the meantime a farm house and barns had been donated by Cumberland workers and farmers and preparations went steadily forward to feed and shelter the marchers. The police and deput- ized unemployed were mobilized. State troopers came to town. On Saturday the day of the arrival of the hunger mrachers the city bristled with police and troopers, machine guns and clubs. They lined all the roads leading into the city and the roadway leading to the farm where food and rest awaited them, MARCHERS ENTER CITY On came the marchers. They entered the city—60 trucks and cars filled with courageous workers delegated from all over the West and Middle West. They came into Cumberland past the groups of police stationed at in- tervals through the line of the march. The Cumberland authorities had declared war on the hunger march, but they did not carry out their threats. ‘The police did not dare to start a battle. As in Washington, they hoped either to prevent the arrival of the marchers by terror or to provoke them into anger as an ex- cuse to attack them. Thy did not sueceed in either case. They were deterred by the discipline and the courage of the 1,700 hunger fighters, men and women, Negro and white. . Be precisely because the victory went to the unemployed, that the Maryland and West Virginia authorities wanted revenge and con- nived by trickery to “get” the marchers, on the way back and here we were at fault, for the marchers, feeling that they had weathered the worst of the battle, were not so keenly on the alert for the enemy as before. ‘This enabled the Maryland and West Virginia state police to break up the march and separate the oncoming groups. Leaving Washington, the West~- ern contingent scheduled to pass through Cumberland came on in two parts. The first group was es- corted by Virginia troopers, and when they got within 50 miles of Cumberland they were tricked by the police who took them round- about so that they never reached Cumberland at all. POLICE SEIZE TRUCKS ‘Two trucks were taken away from the marchers by the police and the workers told “to keep on walking.” Another truckload were arrested and lodged in the Cumberland County jail. Several trucks got into Cumberland during the night and maypaged to reach the farm where they had stayed enroute to Wash- ington. Another group of 15 were taken to the city jail at Cumber- land but released the following morning on the promise that they take the next freight out of Cum- berland. This brutal maneuver of the po- lice in separating the marchers caused illness and suffering because it prolonged the exposure of the marchers to the bitter cold of the Allegheny hills, ee Skies THE Stranded marchers with dam- trucks cam) all night on the hillside with fire for warmth over which tone, CHARLIE, q UR TAX Nieebate! The Story of Cumberland, Md. and the Hunger Marchers to cook coffee, The Cleveland group had lodged the women in a barn for shelter while the men stood guard about the fire. Our car coming alongside with timely provisions brought them renewed courage, for their stock was running low. And in this way we came to the aid of several groups to cheer them with food and help them to get their trucks re- paired, Had the columns not been inter- efered with all this would not have happened. Many of these groups have some interesting stories to tell of how they stood their ground against armed state police who, amazed by the cool courage of the marchers, pocketed their guns and retreated. TWO-FOLD LESSON The lessons to be gained by the workers from Cumberland and from the entire march are two-fold. First the workers of this country have seen what can be done by solidarity, organization, determina- tino and mass action. Second, the workers have exper- ienced once more the brutal action of the ruling class against the un- employed. The workers have seen that not only the rich rulers and their gov- “ ernment don’t want to be foiced to pay out real unemployment insur- ance but that they have soldiers and police and guns ready to shoot down the hungry workers at the first opportunity. This the march- ers did no; give them, although the ‘Washington authorities did every- thing they could to provoke it, oper ent 'HE treatment accorded the bonus marchers last summer in Wash- ington; the attacks upon the un- employed all over the U. S. in the past three years and the callous and brutal reception given to the hunger marchers in Washington on December 4th and 5th—all this is proof enough to millions of the un- employed of the class character of the government. The fight for Unemployment Insurance goes on. (From the speech by Anna Williams, Negro delegate from North Carolina, at the National Conference on Unemployment on the Washington-Baltimore Highway, outskirts of Washing- ton, Dec. 5, 1932.) pn pne TVA | By ANNA WILLIAMS AS one of the backward Negro workers from the South, I am here before you to let you know that the workers in the South might be “backward,” but they have sense enough to know that they have hunger. And, after get- ting hungry, the workers in the South are not willing to starve and they have proven it by or- ganizing and fighting for relief. You know how the working class suffers in the South—the Negro and white workers. We ‘in the South are in the majority. Here in the South the boss class has a new way of oppressing the work- ers, You find he has an easy way in order to lower living conditions of each worker—he uses the Negro against the white and the white against the Negro. But, fellow- workers, I am glad to think how that sheet which the boss class has been holding up between us—there is a big hole torn in that sheet. Here in the South, fellow workers, this Jim-Crow, where the Negroes are not even allowed to be caught sitting in a room with the white workers, the Negro and white workers have broken through by organizing. UNITY GROWS The white worker is not willing today to leave the Negro worker on the outside. So, fellow-workers, down here in the South, where you know that the working class as a whole has always been scared to death of the policeman and jail house, today they realize that the jail house is built for—for the workers. And so today when the boss yells jail house, the workers shout back they are not afraid any more, eo 8 “e IN Charlotte, the biggest city of North Carolina, where there are SOUTHERN MARCHER SPEAKS 19,000 unemployed workers, here where they tell the workers that the government is providing for them to live—this is the same place where the worker gets his “food,” where we are forced to work for 50 cents a day. And then we do not get the 50 cents a day. We only get free coal after working five days and standing in line on the sixth day for this miserable sum of 50 cents a day. We might be backward down here, but the workers are organized and burning to fight for the means to live. And the workers down here know that when you call a Hunger March we will always be with you. ‘I Owe the Storekeeper $29,00” Writes Wife of Framed-Up Va. Miner “I haven't got a penny to buy the kids food .. . I owe the store keeper $29.00. He has been on to me two or three times about it so I don’t know what I will do if you people quit sending to me.” ee Ow aT 1O writes Dora Allen, from Pe- troleum, W. Va. Here husband, Lawrence Allen, a miner, is serving 2 ten year sentence on a frame-up charge in connection with the dynamiting of a coal mine during a strike in W. Va. Since 1927—five long years—he has been locked up at the West State Peni- tentiary at Moundsyille, W. Va. His family, as you see from the letter, is barely getting along. Show that you remember him by writing him letters, and even more, by helping his wife and the “kids”. Buy the “Give That They. May Live” coupons of the Prisoners’ Winter Relief Campaign. Sell them to your friends, support this important part of the work of the International Labor Defense! Send all contributions to the I. L. D., 80 E. 11th St., New York City, Room 430. USSR” in on “Leninism and the Special be published Jan. 14. Article by Olgin on “Leninism and “Daily” Special Edition OISSAYE J. OLGIN, editor of the “Morning Freiheit” and author of numerous studies on czarist as well as the U.S.S.R., will write the Growth of Socialism in the Soviet Union,” in Daily Worker Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition to Other leading articles in the issue, which will be illustrated with photographs and drawings, include “Leninism and War,” by Earl Browder; “EFight-Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Strug- gles,” by Bill Dunne; “Lenin and the Daily Worker,” by Robert Minor; “Leninism and Our Fight for the Majority of the Workitig Class,” by Jack Stachel; “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” by H. M. Wicks; “The Study of Leninism in America,” by Sam Don. issue. _ Workingcelass to send in at once, All greetings must be in no later than Janu- Workers’ Democracy in Railroad Union in USSR Contrasts With U. S. Slogan: “Pay Your Dues| And Keep Your Mouth Shut! Tv. By L. MARTIN. opay. your dues and keep your mouth shut’—that’s about as far as “industrial democracy” goes on American railroads. The union member who kicks about conditions or about the grafting autocracy that rules his Brotherhood is warned by his “leaders” that he is likely to find himself out of his organization and out of a job if he keeps it up. If he writes to his union journal or to the paper Labor about it, his letter will serve to line a wastebasket, if it is not, used as evidence against him, It certainly won't be published. The American railroad industry js owned by Wall Street and run from above. And the Brotherhood leaders — who model themselves after the railroad presidents in- dustrially, just as they ape Wall St. financially (with the members’ money)—run the railroad unions from above. But it makes a world of differ- ence when the working- class has taken over the industries, as in the Soviet Union, and is running them. in the interests of the whole toil- ing population. Then at last you can g€t some real workers’ demo- cracy, This difference in ownership and control is, of course, the big- gest and most significant con- trast between American and Soviet railroad conditions. It is the decisive factor which deter- mines thé opposite directions in which the two industries are moving. It is responsible for nearly all the contrasts in con- ditions which we have noted in earlier articles. Any American railroader who looks into Soviet’ working condi- tions at all closely will see a hun- dred evidences of the difference between workers’ control of an industry and capitalist control. ie: Sees One of the first things he will note is the absence of slaye- driving and the freedom of speech and behavior which the workers enjoy on the job. All those with whom we talked in shops, depois, toundhouses, yards, said what they pleased about conditions no mat- ter who was around. If they had complaints to make, they didn’t seem to care if any foreman or official overheard; in fact, they were all the more vigorous in criti- cism if a functionary was present whom they considered in any way responsible. This condition is partly due to the little fear there is of losing a job in a country where there is no unemployment, but even more to the fact. that every possible ef- fort is made to draw the Soviet worker into active participation in running his industry and his country. WORKERS IN CLASSES In the first place, educational work is a big part of every job. At the Oktyabrskaya terminal and shops in Moscow, for instance, we found that as many as 85 per cent of the railroad workers were at- tending classes. Besides the tech- nical training, there are classes in Russian, arithmetic, politics, geo- graphy and other general subjects. The classes are so arranged that the workers may fit them in with their 7-hour workdays, without overtiring themselves or taking up too much time, Then there are many union and job meetings of an educational character.. Job problems are fully discussed by the workers concern~ ed; they participate in drawing up all plans concerning their work; and they are also drawn into dis cussions on the wider problems of } the industry and their relations ta | building Socialism in the Soviet Union. On job bulletin boards we saw notices of workers meeting on such subjects as the railroad elecs trification program, the apportione! ment of man-power on the rails! roads under the Second Five-Year! = Plan and similar current questions. | Ee ee H i t “THE only army in the world that knows what it is fighting for/? is the proud slogan of the Red Army. And the same may be said for the Soviet army of industrial workers. The American railroader is not supposed to know or have any coneern with any more than his particular job or trade—“his not to reason why.” The Soviet workers, on the other hand, are free men who know what they are | working for. They are not wage ; slaves who are mere cogs in an in- dustrial machine operated by thet masters, as in America. : Another feature of working class rule is the decisive part played by the union. Practically all the rail- road workers belong to it, the mem- bership is not compulsory. ‘The union not only works to improve job conditions and the workers’ welfare generally but participates actively in running the whole in- dustry. Foremen, managers and- other work. directors who break any of the trade union rules governing working conditions are punished with the severest penalties. . RUN AFFAIRS OF UNION While American rail workers are , muzzled and gagged by bosses and union officials, the rank and file Soviet worker is encouraged in. every way to express his complaints. and suggestions. Not only can he do this at job and union meetings, but there are wall newspapers at every shop and depot to which any worker may contribute unsigned, articles, knowing they will receive attention. . Then there is the great daily newspaper of the railroad union, the Gudok (Whistle). The Amer- ~* ican rail union paper Labor is run exclusively for the benefit of the union officials. It indulges in ful- some flattery of tie most notorious bureaucrats and grafters, makes propaganda for all their reaction- ary policies and suppresses any , voice of protest from the rank and file. Gudok, on the contrary, gives full play to the rank and file. The most obscure worker may write in with full assurance that vigorous complaint against officials will not prevent his letter from being pub- lished. ee eer sles receives as many as 300 letters a day from railroad work- ers, and every one of them is given. due attention. The whole of the fourth page of each issue is de- yoted to such workers’ correspond- ence. When there are many let~ ters on one subject, they may be woven together into one article and cause the launching of a specia? campaign. Side by side with the workers* Jetters published,-is a section tell~ ing what is being done about the complaints and suggestions they contain. If some grievance is not straightened out—even if it be that only of an individual—Gudok starts to raise hell with the proper au- thorities. It will often ksep after some official for issue after issue until action is taken, Letters from SAVED INSTALLMENT. OF “GEORGIA NIGGER” Editor, the Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I wish to thank you for having serialized John 1, Spivak’s book, “Georgia Nigger.” My son, a high school student, cut out the instal- ments of that story and pasted them in a book, and now he is lending this book to his friends who read it with great interest. I hope you will continue to serial- ize important material, dealing with the class strugle and other interesting works, and thus give these exposes the widest circula- tion among readers who cannot afford to buy books. Incidentaly, I should like to see “One-Sixth of the World’s Surface,” which was mentioned in today’s Daily Worker, published serially. Hoping that you will do this, T am, —S. F. “TOO MUCH LIKE COW'S ‘TAIL—IN SOME THINGS” Hammond, Ind. Dear Comrade: I received your letter about the subscription drive—-but haven't heard a word about it from this district. I think this district is too much like a cow's tail (always behind) on some things, especially literature. We usually hear about these campaigns after they are over. Another thing I suggested to the bookstore in Chicago (and to which no attention was paid) was that when shipments of new literature, new pamphlets, etc., are received in Chicago (district head- quarters) they should send a bul- letin out to the outlying sections letting them know about the new material on hand, so they can put in their orders before the stuff is too old or is out of date. For in- stance, the pamphlet, “Culture and the Crisis,” did not reach us till after the election. The same thing was true of the one called the “Socialist Party,” by Olgin. All wonderful ammunition, but we were expected to be on the firing line without ammunition. T think this business of always being behind with all our material Our Readers — for campaigns—always getting df-% rections for campaigns needing weeks for* preparation at the last | minute—is a weakness in all our { work. LEONA JOHNSON, EX-SOCIALIST WRITES TO THE “NEW LEADER” NEW YORK.—In answer to card askng him to subscribe to New Leader, organ of the Party, John R. McMahon, an Socialist and friend of the late Ryan Walker, wrote this letter: “I must decline with thanks your » invitation to renew sub. “About a quarter century ago T helped to found your predecessor, the New York Call, contributing to it both money and articles, “The Socialist betrayal in the World War took away my active faith in the Second International, yet from habit and lack of clear understanding I continued to read the Socialist Party press. The light of Soviet, Russia shone more strongly, illuminating the fog of psuedo-socialism. Your paper bee opened and unread for weeks. It was full of empty words, reforme ism, opportunism and mere confu-, sion. Then came the Daily Worker What a contrast! Idle chatter and. a bugle call! Pious mumbling of deception and a stalwart militancy! “Ryan Walker, my old comrade, broke away from the generated S, P., turned Communist and happily died in Russia. Ane other old colleague, known as @ Marxian scholar to many thous sands, tells me that he now see@ the true path in Leninism. My own conversion from the fraud of cialism,” now become social-! was completed by reading the six. volumes of Lenin. I found that | Lenin was simply a true socialist, You of the S, P, are neither true. nor socialist, “Therefore, please do not send the New Leader. The Daily Wé gives me the vital news of working class, while the New ‘ Times supplies me with ample r gan to lie around the house, une * \ j t { j #