The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 23, 1932, Page 4

Seno — | | DATLY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1932 sth St., Ni w York City, N. ¥ By mail everywhere excepting Borough of Published by the Comprodaily Publishing ¢ Telephone ALgonquin 4 Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, SUBSCRIPTION except Sunday, at b@ ® 56, Cable “DAIWORE New York, N. ¥ 50 E. 13th St RATES. Soaial Fascists and Strug- One year, $6: six months, $2.50; 5 months, 32; 1 month, Te janhattan and Bronx, New York Foreign and | Canada: One year, $9: 6 monthe, $5: % months, 33 gle in Black Belt N article in the December throws additional light on the attitude of the Socialis 3 issue of New Leader t the Party leadership towards the developing struggles taking place in the South at the present time. In that article, James Denson Sayers, eulogized by the New Leader as a “veteran campaigner” of the Socialist Party, presents a conerete pro- gram for the work of the Socialist Party in the South. Sayers’ program is not an individual proposal of one “Socialist” organizer b basic line of Socialist Pa on the Negro question—it is the c¢ e application of this line to uation now ex ne South y off the TNT mine in the South for the present, .1 mean the race question. Win the white Southerner take care of itself naturally.” What is this “TNT” that It is the ris! uggles arger strata of white toilers, again: seonomic robbery as shown in the | poosa County, Alabama Against whom is this lords and capita a Pression of the troppers by the white landlords iggle ts It is clear that the Socialist question as the keystone to any It is also clear that they question as one of nationa Workers see the stru talist-landlord slav white population but as this way In working class to support the s! pressors The count volutionary ar. In tl riod of rising cle proposals” mean not only to sanction drivers, but to give active support against the Negro ma: class suppression of whit direct aid to the white against the toiling masses. At this time when more demands the closes workers gram is directed to throttle That is a prob! 5 just as our forefathers had’ to wait for riddance of their tails. . . to Socialism and the race problem will directed? brutal suppressi inst against the ¢ slavery, against the hideous lynch terror by ¥ attempts to maintain its brutal robber rule. Par consideration of to obsc’ be inevitably a than ever the ir unity of Negro and whit creasing brutal attacks of the imperialists, Mr. the revolution: m that must be left to eyolutio supported by e onal oppression and in Talla- white land- national op- of Negro and debt uling class Against the econo ain h the leaders recognize the Negro work in the South. ck cter of the Negro ey attempt to make the white gele against capi- ’ of the Negroes against the eal the interest of the ‘oes against their op- of socialist” nd Negro liber: the program ¢ to the w is quite les, these avinist companied. by reaction the vicious The Socialist Party leaders are giving slave drivers in the present acts of violence ests of the working class toilers to combat the in- Sayers’ “practical” pro- struggles of the entire Working class, of which the liberation struggles of the Negroes is an in- tegral part. The sole purpose by Norman Thomas, of the Socialist Party leaders, as openly admitted is to maintain at any oppression of the Negro people and class ensla vost the system of national ement of the toiling mass- es, black and white—to prevent a change, to “avert revolution.” And in this role of defenders of capitalism the “socialists” come forward to help the white slave drivers in isolating the- Negro toilers, in aisrupting the growing unity of white and Negro workers, in preparing the basis for lynch incitement a seek to confuse the white worker: inst the Negro mass s. They openly to perpetuate the division between white and Negro toilers and to prevent the cementing of unity of the proletariat with its indispensable ally—the Negro mas: “keeping awa In carrying out of this line class orientation is natural that is, the Negro bourgeoi Susceptible to reformist influen: Thus Sayers s: from the T.N.T.”) their trata of the Negroes— and those elements most “Propagate socialism among the educated Negroes of the South, between these two el the imperialist terror against the carry ig masses white worker: Teformists carr: both. blac! Party leaders, on the one hand, as the bearers of chau trive to aid the bosses. on agitation among the Negroes aimed at defeating the yes, but quietly, through the medium of native Southern Negroes.” holy alliance” between the There is a division of labor ‘@ the common aim of helping S of suppression and white. The Socialist c and On the other hand the Negro growing unity of Negro and white workers. It is no accident that William Pickens and oth r top leaders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People have recently joined the Socialist Party But the Socialist Party leader: Sues ow facing the Negro and class struggle itself the best ‘These struggles prove conclusi of the Negroes are indissolubly toilers. Thi recognized by eve of Tallapoosa County, ho came Negro croppers hunted down b; pitched battle at Notasulga la: Tealizing that they cannot hope was forward to the Monda to achieve suc d up with the str uceced in befuddling the is- The living reality of the white and Negro toilers. ational libe Jes of the white of white croppers and defense of ng number: rescue ite toiling masses are even in their immedi- ate struggles against the capitalist offensive—not to speak of the victory of Socialism—without consistent and effective support of every struggle of the Negro masses against national oppression. ‘The victory of the proletariat dema: ids the formation and consolida- tion of the united front of the oppressed Negro people and the white working class. Such a united front can be formed only on the basis of direct support and participation in the liberation struggles of the Negro people with the full understanding that “a people which oppresses an- other people cannot itself be free” (Marx). tion of this fact by the white It is the increasing recogni- rkers that alarms the Socialist Party lackeys of capitalism and explains the present frenzied attempts to dis- Tupt the growing unity of whit march of ths American work and 's—black .and white— and will go forward to powerful revolutionary stru; Negro toile But, the historical gaining momentum ‘les under the lead- ership of the Communist Party, for the final elimination of national and class oppression in the United State: Dramatic Story of THE BONUS Morrow. MARCH, by Felix International Pamphle: No. 31, Ten cents, Reviewed by GRACE LUMPKIN (Author of “To Make My Bread”) IN RUSSIA before 1917 there were numbers of police who took part in the revolutionary movement. They were Czarist spies. During the Bonus March last summer, the head of the Washing- ton police, General Glassford, took off his coat and in his shirt sleeves —a democratic gesture—fratern- ized with the hungry, homeless ex- soldiers. In secret sessions he met their “leaders.” He played a t similar to that of the famous Czar- iss spies, Asef and others. Only—as becomes democracy— General Glassford’s double role was played almost in the open. For in a» democracy with its people - saturated with the belief in “lib- erty and justice for all,” a police officer’ ‘may “becdme” a’ police ‘spy almost openly—with little more ent or, indignation—gt first | , —on the part of those betrayed than one of them would give to an. actor who plays the role of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde on the screen. That: the: B. E.: P) has leerned something from the betrayal of Glassford and Waters is proved by the facts given in Felix Morrow's new illustrated pamphlet, The Bonus March. This pamphlet gives the straight happened in Wash- of what leet summer, Tt clears up 4 4 | | Research | contained ) which the Bonus March All in the Name of Marxis “Only Those in Bastilles Know,” Writes Mooney IN and again Tom Mooney rites to the International La bor Defense to tell us how he ap ates the pledge of solidarity this organization of the lass gives him. He tha us, too, for material aid. Here is part of his latest letter “Only those langui capitalist bastilles on behalf of their class, fully appreciate what it means to receive from their comrades on the outside some concrete proof that they have not been forgotten—some token that their comrades are thinking of them and working for them. Class war prisoners are always stimulated and heartened by such comradely greetings. Proletarian revolutionary greet- ings, TOM MOONEY ‘Tom Mooney believes in the In- ternational Labor Defense. Help him along with ILD by supporting the Prisoners’ Winter Relief Cam- paign, by the Winter Relief cou- pons! Sell them to your friends. Send all contributions to: ILD, 80 E. 11th St., New York City, Room 430. CAPITALIST CRISIS TIGHTENS ITS GRIP. or EDITED FIRST Socialist Party Increases Use of “Marxian” Left Phrases to Cover Up Further Treachery Against Workers sm among the | ation struggles | several important points that were not clear at the time, Waters was not elected by the B. E. F—(more democacy.) The pamphlet tells just how Waters did get his high post, which Jed him to think of himself as another Mussolini, or another Hitler, Robertson, one of the leaders of the California group, betrayed the men he was supposed to lead. As soon as it was possible, for the men possessed a real fighting spirit, Robertson led them into a vacant lot, and the police helped him keep them there. Robertson was Glass- ford’s man, 'HE pamphlet tells of the mutiny of the marines in the company which was ordered out, and why “the troops that were later used against the veterans were picked tor their extreme youth, none out of his teens, and the marines not used at all.” Felix Morrow has told the story clearly and forcefully. The Bonus March was of nation- al, international importance. No one should overlook this opportu- nity of reading the inside story in The Bonve March is No. 31 in the Inserna- tional Pamphicts Series, and pre# pared in collaboration with Labor Association, The price | for this illustrated pamphlet is ten cents. Order at special rates for bundle orders from Workers’ Lib~ rary Publishers, Box 148\ Station D, . York City \ « By SAM DON 5 base Socialist New: Leader in the last ew months is making he- roic attempts to become “Ma: ist.” Why this maneuver? Or is our statement, as Oneal, the offi- cial S. P. “theoretician,” would call it, but another Communist “slan- der?” Maybe it is not a maneuver at all. Perhaps some of the new gentlemen “Marxists” of the So- cialist Party have had a real hon- est-to-goodness “change of heart.” Let us meet the issue. In 1930 Norman Thomas wrote a book; America’s Way Out. In that book he has a special chapter aiming to prove that Socialism can do with- out Marxism; in fact, that Marx- ism is a burden to Socialism. To pick out one of the gems in his | book: “Not only is the concept of economic determinism (a perver- sion of historical matei‘alism of Marx with vulgar economic de- terminism—S.D.) inadequate to the weight Marxists have’ put on it, but so is the more vehemently held dogma (!) of the class con- flict.” (Page 138. Our em- phasis.) So the class struggle, the class conflict, is for the leader of the Socialist Party a dogma! ONCE “OLD STUFF,” NOW “INDISPENSABLE GUIDE” Compare this statement with an article whicla appeared in the Noy. 19th issue of the New Leader. First, the writer, Mr. Gibson, begins with a confession that when Marxism first came to his attention “it was most old stuff, antiquated.” But now “Marxism remains an indis- pensable guide.” He already speaks in the terms of “we Marxists C. We shall not enter into a sion of his various old revisionist conceptions of Marxism. We shall merely emphasize the somersault | from the official denial of Marx- | ism, not only on the part of its presidential candidate, but on the part of its 1928 convention, which deleted the class struggle clause from its platform, to the present-day attempts on the part of the Socialist Party to proclaim its adherence to Marxism. ‘The writer of .the above-men- tioned article goes so far as to state that “it (Marxism) will make us see the necessity and the in- evitability of the coming social revolution (!) and it will make us willing to participate in it.” Here we see the harmony between the talk of peaceful revolution to the chatter on the part of these “Marx- ists” of the “inevitability of the coming social revolution.” Why these left phrases? Because he further on lets the cat out of the bag: “America needs Marxism.” Translated into the language of the class struggle, this means that under the pressure of the crisis the | Jaws established by Marxism be- come ever more obvious to large masses of the workers. That, with the sharpening of the class strug~ gle, with the workers becoming ever more radicalized, the phil- osophy and teachings of Marxism are being embraced by larger sec tions of the American working class, Only a few years ago the Social- ist Party, in order to become more “American,” eliminated from its constitution the words class strug- gle. Many articles were written by Socialist Party leaders, includ- ing the above-mentioned book by Thomas, to prove that Marxism is un-American and the Socialist Party must be purged of Marxign ideas (as if it ever suffered from Marxian ideas!). But now, as part of its maneuvers to continue to appear as a Party of the work- ing class, it is also attempting to dress itself in Marxian phrases, If we wish to get an idea of what this “Marxist,” Mr. Gibson, had in mind, you can see it from his stale~ ment that “Marxism is not a final formula,” that “Marxism is far from finished,” Behind these phrases lies the conception that you can accept Marxism without following all its teachings, and particularly its revolutionary con- clusions. Mr, Gibson refers con ever, as a great thinker is for the purpose of robbing Marxism of its most important element, namely, revolution. It is not an accident at all that Engels in his famous speech at the grave of Marx, in referring to Marx as the greatest thinker, emphasized the point that “above all else, Marx was a reyo- lutionist.” In 1930, Thomas in his book Stated: “Wokers of the world unite, you have only your chains to lose and a world to gain—is a magnifi- cent slogan. It is not an exact statement of fact... . The idea of the class struggle is a very effec- | tive organizing ‘myth’ to hold the workers together.” But, in the fourth year of the crisis, it is a bit too dangerous to attempt to appear as a Party of Socialism and at the same time say that the class struggle is a myth and the international unity of the workers is not “an exact statement of fact.” Left phrases and left maneuvers must be used in order to retain their treacherous leadership amongst the workers. Therefore the “sudden change” from the above statements of Thomas to a declaration in an article in the New Leader in the December 10 issue that “Marxism is the livest force in the world today.” If we want to get some idea of this Marxism of the Socialist Party, let. us consider for a moment the article of A. L., evidently Algernon Lee (New Leader article, Dec. 17), which winds up with a call for the study of Marxism, but begins with the insinuation that the Hunger March is the work of stool pigeons, of hehehe MORE exact idea of the “Marx- ism” of the S. P. can be ob- tained from an article on’ plan- ning which appeared in the Dec. 17 issue of the New Leader. Mr. Douty, the writer of the article, gives us the idea of the S. P. of. how the workers can gain-power. He says “before we can have gen- uine Socialist economic planning, the workers and farmers must gain control of the factories, mines, rail- roads—of the vast productive ap- paratus of present-day United States. The precise method needed to accomplish this end will depend on the course of historical events.” (Our emphasis—S, D.) Talk to the workers about the need of gain- ing power, but leave out the “dan- gerous” aspects of how to gain it! This “Marxist,” Douty, leaves to fate “the precise method” of gain- ing control of the means of pro- duction. Of course such a maneu- ver on his part is not accidental. ‘The workers, becoming more rad- iealized, seeing more plainly the control of monopoly finance cap- ital, become more convinced of the need of bringing about a new so- ciety. On the one hand, left phrases by the S. P. leaders about. “gaining power” and on the: other hand holding back the workers as to the “precise method” of doing away with private property.. Marx and Engels have certainly Browder on “Leninism and War” Is Feature in D. W. Anniversary Issue established the precise method, They have established the fact that only through the dictatorship of the proletariat, only through the establishment of a proletarian state can we achieve a classless Social- ist society. PRECISE METHOD IS ESTABLISHED The writer of this article says further: “The ownership of indus- try must be taken from the cap- italist class and vested in society.” | But how, by what program, by what method? This he leaves to the “development of historical events. ...” He even winds up his article with a call for the estab- lishment of a classless society, but here, too, we are left in the dark as to how it should be done. Per- haps Mr. Thomas's scheme of rais- ing bonds to buy out the industries from Mr. Ford, Morgan and Rocke- feller; to a classless society not through proletarian revolution but by purchasing the industries from Rockefeller! This is the “Marx- ism” of the Socialist Party! For Marx the class struggle was not an organizing “myth.” The historical slogan of the Communist Manifesto—Workers of the World unite—was for Marx indeed an ex- act statement of fact. Marx said that “the class war indispensibly leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat. That this dictatorship | is only a transition to the destruc~ tion of any classes and to society without classes. ‘The “Marxism” of the S. P. is a “Marxism” for bourgeois democ- racy and against the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a treach- erous program which has abso- lutely nothing in common with Marxism-Leninism, For the 8. P. some of its preseni left maneuvers, its chatter of classless Socialist so- ciety, is only a cover for growing treachery. Wooo, ok ‘OR the Communists the class struggle in the words of Marx leads indispensibly to the dictator- ship of the proletariat. The Soviet Union is already realizing the teachings of Marx “thresgh the dictatorship to the establishment of a classless society.” Thomas, in his book, America’s Way Out, declared: “The at- tempt to derive the Socialist an- swer solely from Marxism (!) is not only to waste energy but to deepen the gulf between theology and the practice of the Socialist Parties.” (Page 140.) For the purpose of lef{ maneuvers, the S. P. has decided now to turn revolutionary Marxism into. the- ology. The gulf between left phrases and the practical treach- eries of the S. P. now is wider than ever before. In the name of Socialism, forced labor is. prac- ticed in Milwaukee, In the name of Social’sm the breaking of strikes and the leading of strikes to behead them. In the name of Socialism, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation is declared a sign of nationalization. It is “Leninism and War,"—in relation to the present tasks of the Amer- ifean working class—will be the subject of an article by Earl Browder, member of the Secretariat of the Communist Party of the U.S.A., which will appear in the special Daily Worker Anniversary and Lenin Memorial Edition to be published on January 14, : , Other articles will include: “Eight Years of the Daily Worker in American Labor Struggles,” by Bill Dunne; “Lenin and the Daily Worker,” by Robert Minor; “Leninism and Our Fight for the Ma- jority of the working class,” by Jack Stachel “The Socialist Press in the Service of Capitalism,” by H. M. Wicks; “The Study of Lenin- ism in America,” by Sam Don; “Leninism and the Growth of Social- ism in the Soviet Un‘on,” by Moissaye J. Olgin. Published in sgecial supplement form in order to enable workers to read and preserve it, the anniversary edition will undoubtedly be one of the best yet, published. once, a a | greetings and bundle orders in at noe wonder then, that Algernon Lee declared recently in the New Leeder that Socialism can be built. only when the capitalists will get out of the crisis! Help the capitalists get out of the crisis by accepting their murder- ous attacks upon the working class and then we shall have Socialism! A leading editorial in the New York Times, in its Dec. 18 issue, also helps to explain this attempt to dress up the Socialist Party in Marxism, to make it appear more a8 a party of the working class, to make easier its treacheries and crushing of the growing struggles | of the workers. This editorial can- not find words enough to shower praises upon Thomas for “stand- ing by his Socialist guns’—Social- ist guns that will never strike at capitalism, This New York Times editorial is one in connection with the articles which appeared in the Nation on the future of the So- cialist Party. Thomas, in his ar- ticle in the Nation, refuses to ac- cept the advice to abandon the name Socialist Party. His answer is in substance that now more than ever before it is necessary to re- tain the name of the Socialist Party. He rebukes his advisers for “their dislike for the practical con- tact with these same working masses”—contact necessary in or- der to deliver the workers to the bankers! |S. P. NEEDS LEFT PHRASES If the Socialist Party ' to live up to its role as the third party of capitalism, as the social-fascist. party of American capitalism, it must retain its left phrases, appearance as a working-class party, and by all means retain the traditions connected with the So- cialist Party name. That is why the New York Times speaks of Mr. Thomas's article in the Nation on the future of the Socialist Party as one which answers his advisers with “a great deal of force.” It agrees with Norman Thomas that the name should not be changed, as the program of the Socialist Party “is of great benefit, particu- larly to the working classes.” The organ of finance capital in New York City keeps its party on the right track. The New York Times is also against changing the name of the S. P. The Times is also anxious that the Socialist Party should maintain its “practical” contact with the masses. Because only such a Socialist Party can really be useful for the capitalist. class. Such a party, by its pres- ence within the ranks of the work- ing class, with the aid of left phrases, will help finance capital to put the burdens of the crisis on the shoulders of the workers, Rl ete HE recent 12th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International pointed out “only by directing the main blows against social democracy, this social mainstay of the bour- geoisie—will it be possible to strike out and defeat the chief class enemy of the proletariat—the bourgeoisie.” ‘The line of the 12th Plenum resolution in our fight against social fascism must be taken up as the very basis in de- veloping our fight for winning the majority of the working class and Overcoming our isolation and sec- tarianism, The recent Marxian dressings of the Socialist Party are part of its left maneuvering. MUST POPULARIZE MARX'S TEACHINGS the widest campaign must be un- dertaken to popularize the teach- ings of Marx, and its application in this period of wars and revolu- tion—Leninism. Our campaign for popularizing Marxism and Lenin- ism can only be successful to the degree that we specifically apply it to the United States, and at the its | \ | Maxim Gorky and the Cultural Revolution Workers Will Honor Revolutionary Writer at Central Opera Festival Tonight By PHILIP RAHY VROLETARIAN reality. literature is a The working class the world over is seething with new creative powe courageously and passionately striving to express its dynamic, world-changing thought and feeling in the language of art and literature. Maxim Gorky, | ! | | j | | | | whose fortieth year of participa- | tion in the struggle on the cul- | | | tural front we are now celebrat- ing, is the leading figure to whom the proletarian and revolutionary writers of all countries owe a great debt of gratitude, for Gorky is the father and teacher of this new ar- tistic articulation. Gorky’s whole life as artist, | journalist, editor, leader of | proletarian literary movemer | fighter against imperialist war and capitalist intervention—a lifetime of intense and manifold class ac- tion dedicated to the interests of the proletariat—is a living symbol of the cultural revolution, a banner of victory in the hands of the class to whom the future belongs. Lenin clearly perceived the immense class value of Gorky’s creations: “Gorky,” he said, “is the greatest representative of proletarian art. He has accomplished much, and will accomplish even more... . the doman of art Gorky is doubtefily an authority.” PROLETARIAN ANTHOLOGY In 1914, on the eve of the im- | perialist war, Gorky edited the first. anthology of proletarian lit- erature ever published. At that time even many of our own comrades considered proletarian | art to be an idle dream. Gorky, | however, was pulsing with faith | and enthusiasm for the creative | potentialities of the toiling masses. | “T am firmly convinced,” he wrote | | | in the preface, “that the prole- tariat is capable of creating its own imaginative literature, just as it has succeeded in creating—through great toil and colossal sacrifices— its own daily press. This convic- tion grew in me on the basis of my constant observation of hun- dreds of workers and peasants | who, with the greatest stubborn- | ness, have attempted to put on | paper their thoughts about life, | their experiences and feelings.” | The publication of this anthol- | ogy, a pioneer effort, represented an act of Bolshevik will and or- | ganization on the part of Gorky. And the workers have not failed to realize that Gorky is one of them, a marvelously potent creator wlio | translates their daily struggles and | aspirations into the imagery of art. | Statistics show that in all work- ers’ libraries Gorky’s books are the most popular, most in demand. This attitude of the workers to | Gorky bespeaks a singularly tender feeling of pure class love. | Sani esr ati R forty years Gorky has been | creating works of enduring | power. In these we discern the | three great elements of the prole- | tarian consciousness: the power of | Labor, the power of the human mind and the power of the collec~ tive. Hatred of the bourgeoisie, relentless opposition to the world of capitalism is another principal factor implicit in each and every one of Gorky’s works. “If the enemy will not surrender,” he wrote, “we will destroy him.” The white guard writers, the so- cial scum littering the capitals of Europe, have time and again pro~ MAXIM GORKY., claimed. the end of Gorky as @ creative writer. The proletarian class purpose of Gorky's writings heats the foe's blood to the boiling point. But Gorky cannot but leok with disdain at the vain and im- potent outcries of a Merezhkovsky, of a Zinaida Hippius, the lackeys of the Russian aristocrats, mer- chants and manufacturers whom the iron broom of the revolution has swept out of the Workers’ Fatherland. The revolution hat not weakened but deepened Gorky’s genius. His last work, “Klim Samgin’s Life,” paints a gigantic social picture; in it hun- dreds of psychological portraits are drawn and an entire class is ana- lyzed in a concrete, historically in- tegrated manner. This work ex poses the class enemy. With “Kline Samgin's Life’ Gorky participates most directly in the struggle led by. the Communist Party. GORKY FESTIVAL TONIGHT In the United States also we are at present witnessing the rise of a proletarian literature. A host of new young working class writers are coming to the fore, armed with revolutionary class consciousness, fighting capitalist: ideology in the domain of art. These writers must Jearn from Gorky how to apply the method of dialectic materialism and the Marxist-Leninist concep- tion of the world to the problems of artistic creation. Tonight, at the Central Opera House, a huge Gorky Festival, held under the auspices of the Revolu- tionary Wrfiers’ Federation, will take place. Joseph Freeman, Mcissaye J. Olgin, Michael Gold, John Dos Passos and other speak= ers will dwell on different facets of Gorky’s career as’ writer and revolutionist. All workers and revolutionary intellectuals should participate in paying homage to Maxim Gorky, the great leader of the cultural revolution. To Maxim Gorky Gorky—the trumpet of our Socialist Fatherland.—Karl Radek. By A. B. MAGIL You now a soldier, in your old age young, in your sunset armored with light, fighter, hater of the world where I'fe is bought and sodl. Have come home now, home with the breathing tide that hammers against the old world’s crumbling shores: home to Lenin’s Party, te. . Wane Yau now a trumpet, voice of ost eurt ‘ > msat men s Mi, metal out of the hearts of millions, tongue of the new world calling to the final battle, Take root here and broad leafage, in the birth of the new world yourself reborn: spanning the earth. your word a hammer, your name a sickle Letters from Our Readers Trish Worker Pays A Glowing Tribute to Comrade J.L. Engdahl > New York City. | Editor, the Daily Worker: Dear Sir: It may seem a little late to offer condolence in behalf of Comrade | Engdahl, but I assure you it was not only a personal shock when. the news reached here, but I ven- ture to go so far as to take the lib- erty of offering the sincere sym- pathy of the liberty loving ele- ment of my race, the Irish, wheth- er Communist or not. Comrade Engdahl embodied all that was great as a lecder of the proletariat. In fact, his early death showed his unselfishness. Indeed, he may be ranked as one of our martyrs. Others more skilled may eulogize him, but I, in my own little way can venture him as the very essence of tolerance and sin- cerity. Perhaps I just heard him once, and that was in the Bronx Coliseum when Tom Mooney’s mother and. the mother of the Scottsboro boys were guests of hon- or, That night I was convinced that he was a great man, worthy of respect and a champion of all races and creeds. Too bad more like myself did not hear him, Un- fortunately, many do not know such characters and are ever ready to libel them simply because they are Communists, Too bad so many of the Irish were absent on that Spouters on March 14 and the pro- fessional politicians. It is high. time that they get acquainted with men who have their cause at heart, and who are trying to get a little. more for them than “parties and salt” which they had in the old world but may not have in the hew: We can all unite in saying that JO owooape stuspsuy opemmgD” honesty and rugged tolerance can the down-trodden of all races, his be the guiding stars leading the workers on the way to their great destiny, SMe Sincerely Ss JATRICK J. CLARE (Irish Workers Republican Alliance). os P. S—yYou may insert if you desire, and by all means have my permission to use my name in full, Praises Daily Worker for Defending Rights of Hunger Marchers Editor Daily Worker, : Dear Comrade: Hearty I myself am unemployed, and _ used to be a subscriber to Daily Worker, but being short money, I had to drop my subs scription, however, when at & news: ~ { | “eens NEES