The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 21, 1932, Page 4

8 Page Kot DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESD. DECEMBER 21, 1932 ynchers Take Huge Toll in 1932; Facts Show Negroes, Whites Fight Lynch Terror Mr. Ham Fish in Debate: Ajj ly Portrait of a Demagogue | Perty U.S.A Pablished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 58 © 1sth St., New York City, N.Y. Telephone ALgonqnin 4-796. Cable “DAIWORK Adress and mall checks to the Daily Worker New York, N. ¥. 50 EF. 13th St | SUBSCRIPTION Rares | By mail sverswhere: One year $5.50; 5 months, $2; 1 montis, He ae! Stories from Boss) se Press Reveal 37 : Only Mass Struggle Can ress Reveal 37 6; wix months exeepting Bofourh of Man % n and Bronx Canada months Lynchings in Year} ~ Compel Relief NOW PYVHE democratic press, especially that section of it that calls itself liberal. is carrying on a nation-wide campaign to try to arrest the mass struggle against the hunger and war program of Wall Street by trying to make it appear that nothing can be done until Roosevelt is inaugurated in March. This is clear! jose of trying to en- able the capitalist class to carry through ft > cuts and hunger drives against the workers this winter. It ttempt to head off BULLETIN. This. article was written just before news arrived of the murder of six Negro share-croppers in the Ala- bama Black Belt by sher- iffs and other agents of the white landowners. The NEGRO SHARECROPPER By NANCY F. LARGE man, Ham Fish. So tall he has to raise the micro- phone each time he takes the floor to speak. A large man, somehow hollow-looking. Like a hay-stack, tied in the middle, Ham Fish. But the breath of life has been breathed into this hay-stack,.and this hay- he?), listen, Ham—what in hell did you mean telling us the Commu~ nists are anti-religious, and NOT atheists? Do you call that fair? Anti-religion, it would seem, means that we're kept pretty busy just worrying about it. . .. The million unemployed aren’t exactly worried about whether our crowd are re- ligious or not. Maybe a guy who's fierce class battles in every part of the country by trying to fool the enormous number of lynch- stack swaggers, swings its arms and R workers into peacefully submitting to starvation in the expectation that |; i : ynch ste Tor ait the world like a human | been thrown. on the skid road after Roosevelt will do something to relieve t officially | gs and police murders of being.. But what is this it is say- | thirty years (you yourself told us takes office Negroes in 1932 has as one ing?. “Answer these questions, Mr. anu ba wh eyes ie °. ry ° " legis a or not he laborer is “wot of is nies uranis(etan ntate core: chain of | Of its main objects the Nearing. Do you give allegiance to |), y. as on staff cor ai Oe) = the ‘Red Flag or to the American ire. papers, Ray Tucker, on December crushing of the attempts at ve Flag,” Why, it’s not a human be- There are one or two other mat- “The barren of virtually organization on the part of HE RIGHT ing after all, it's Ham Fish acting like ters I'd like to clear up, too, Ham, You're against dictatorship, You 0 ructi " ve e vi Torquemada _impersonatin 4 constructive ac ative aaa | the starving share-crop- tg Han ane ‘Well, well, Sait a pd | said so yourself. You're against pees iihereaie pers. all thought we were going to hear | the kind they have in Russia and a deba the kind they have in Italy, aren’t By ELIZABETH LAWSON. — | We came to hear Communism | YoU? But how about our own dic- What the it admit { THE lnchers again took a huge blasted all to hell and the world | ‘#torship? You didn’t know we s of Frank are in control of U toll in 1932. saved (in the vaults of the National | had one? Come, come, such ne house of representatives—both houses of cor ‘There were definite reports of 37 | | City Bank) for the peepul and the | M#ivete from a college man! a position today to carry out the program of the Demoer: ‘ases in which Negroes (and in two | working man. hat’s that, you fe they are c ng out its real pre m, at the same tin tances whites) were lynched by say, hoYow man? “I believe in the ‘OU made one concession, though, into effect pre-election pr Roosevelt | more or less organized groups. people’g right to revolution? Ham. We liked that part wou! aU e a “new gotten A careful study of the records of Mighty white of you, Mr. Fish. | where you toid about telling the shibboleths to catch he dis- lynch-law for the year shows a | Next time we're in Washington | socialists that if they did have a ndignant at the and starva- number of facts of the utmost. in- we'll ¢all on you, You can nurse | revolution in 10,000 years, the jon policies as carried out by the Hoover administrs ese deceptive terest to the revolutionary work- our wounded for us, Mr. Fish, and | Communists would take it away slogans were used then to cripple the struggles of the worke: nd farmers ers and to the Negro masses. The maybe. . + What's that? You maybe you'll buy us a sandwich, | trom them the next morning. That was pretty cute of you, Ham! 10,000 and ex-soldiers for unemployment relief and insurance, for aid to the | Negro masses have fought harder y impoverished farmers and for the soldiers’ bonus. During the cam- | against lynchings; the white work- don’t want an imported revolution. years is a nice comfortable dis- paign, when Roosevelt was assailing Hoover in words, he and his party | ers, in increasing numbers, under * Oh, don’t worry about that. Mr. | tance off, isn’t it? And in the were doing everything in their power to assist in carrying out the Hoover | the leadership of the Communist ‘ * ea wee give you ee nuns EAR Ene te that eat nee srogram. ‘They are still playing the same game because they are both | Party and sympathetic organiza- | “WE W. ‘ s TE!” RR made-in-America revolution. n ance of the unemployed. parties of Wall Sireet, ‘The same policy now in effect will be continued | tions, have entered the fight | ibe ee Bei a tg _ Bu Burck | tact, we're getting it ready for you | someone trom a jail ance wrote te under Roosevelt if they have their way | against lynching and for ro | — Selo stgme gag right now. | Odd McIntyre, “That red you see There is one thing only that will turn the tide. the thing most feared by the whole capitalist class—the one thing they desperately sirive to prevent—mass struggles of the toiling masses against their pro- gram. Every effort must be made to arouse to action the workers in in- ‘dustry, in the neighborhoods, on the bread lines, the impoverished farmers all over the country, the ex-soldiers—in a word the toiling masses, Negro and white, native and foreign born, and unorganized, in mighty mass struggl NOW to come thru with immediate relief for the starving masses. hat Social Insurance and rights. CHARACTER OF LYNCHINGS DIFFER. The character of the lynchings, also, shows a marked change. The lynch-crowds were smaller in num- bers, and of a more organized art-time and unemployed, organized | character than previously. In many to compel the capitalist class | cases they were led by public of- ficials; there is much evidence that the poor whites had little or noth- ing to do with their organization in the majority of cases. There were, also, Obvious attempts to R all these reasons, it is un- questionable that many lynch- ings were prevented through fear of the wrath of the Negro and white. workers. In at least two instances, orga- nized groups rescued Negroes about to be lynched and set them free. The first instance was the ease of Alex Dorsey, Negro miner and organizer for the National Miners Union, who was torn by rank and file miners, Negro and white, from the hands of two car- of masses of white workers into the anti-lynching struggle this last year, under the leadership of the Communist Party and other mil- itant organizations; the growing unity of Negro and white workers in many struggles, gave the lync?.- ers good reason for their fear. WHITEWASHING LYNCHINGS. Official bodies, from coroners’ juries to the national government, have carefully whitewashed lynch- ings that could not be altogether kept from the world. Very few “Scottsboros’ in many places, A follow-up of court proceedings in these cases would undoubtedly show swift death sentences or long jail sentences on no evidence. The murder of Isaac Mims and Percy Irvin in the death chair in Ala- bama in March for the theft of 50 cents, is such a legal lynching. POLICE MURDERS. If the murder of Negroes by po- lice, jail guards and white “citi- be included in the lst of H liked the way you played up We liked the way you complained about never knowing where the Socialists are. | thought we detected a bit of a sneer when you called us comrades, Mr. Congressman. But we're a bit supersensitive. Maybe we just remember nightsticks and tear gas and Tom Mooney, too well. Maybe we're just a little edgy about guys who sit on plat- relish your calling us comrades, we | to us in the gallery, Mr. Fish. | Of course, we didn’t | maybe | in the sky ain't all sunrise, mister.” And that line about “it’s the same old depression” wasn't bad. But it’s different people who are ex- periencing it, Ham, new people; psople who have been made lit- erate. People whom your class has socialized, at the machine. People who have been around, maybe, and heard about the Soviet Union. People who know about class struggle when they strike, when they march, when they go to meetings. Different times, Mr. Fish. And, by the way, Ham, when cover up many lynchings, and the Pe : Sti a lynchings for 1932—and these mur- whitewashing of lynchings that | 1284s of lynchers at Bridgeport, | arresis were made. With the ex- | Gers are, in truth, lynchings—then | forms and “bury the hatchet,” so | arc you going to get around to could not be entirely kept from the | Ohio, in June. | ception of a light sentence in one | tne number reaeites well into the | SPortingiy. Maybe our guts are too | answering Nearing’s question. ‘The fine art of the local and national | 8" farmer, got into an argument | extremely light sentences in the | 4 terrinc number of such cases. But, listen Ham (@ comrade can | “What has ‘capitalism to offer the governments. with a white man while his farm | cases of murder of Negro railway- | more is, however, no adequate | Call you by your fitst name, can’t worker in the future?” HERE is no social insurance in the United States a profound ‘ect upon workers and their families. Practically every working class family at this monent faces actual poverty or is haunted by the fear of poverty. When wages stop the worker and his family are at the mercy of the professional charity-mongers. Aside from the fear of being deprived of any income through unemployment, workers face sickness, disability, old age—nightmares which constantly beset the lives of workers and their dependents For decades the American capitalists ‘succeeded in maintaining il- lusions that blinded the bulk of the workers to the danger of the absence af social insurance. The wi believed in permanently improving pros- | | | | | | } At the same time, there was a noticeable attempt on the part of the lynchers to use the court-room for “respectable” legal lynchings; the number of such legal lynchings was large this last year. same time, police terrorism, in- creased; and large numbers of Ne- groes were shot down by police and other officials. TE word “Scottsboro” is written At the | was being sold at auction. When | a lynch crowd gathered, two poor | white farmers appeared with level- | led shot-guns and drove the lynch- ers off. ORGANIZED CHARACTER OF LYNCH-CROWDS. ‘The character of lynchings, also, has shown a marked change dur- ing the past year. In a large num- ber of cases, it was evident that the lynch crowds. had been care- men, no convictions were obtained. | We cite here a few instances of the fine art of whitewashing as practiced in 1932: The lynchers of Luke Murray, in Ohio, with one exception, went scot-free. The death of Shad- rack Thompson by lynching was termed “suicide” by the coroner. In the investigation of the mur- der of Negro firemen, the prob- lem of who organized the mur- record of this phase of lynching, sinee, in the first place, the shoot- ing of a Negro by a white police- man is so common as to be hardly “news”, and, second, there is a definite attempt to cover up the facts of these killings. It is ex- tremely significant that the nine cities highest in the homicide list for 1931 are all southern cities. TERRORISM ON THE INCREASE. J. Louis Engdahl-A Tribute to a Revolutionist By BILL DUNNE. ‘HE death of Comrade J. Louis Engdahl is a tremendous loss— not only to the International La- «proletariat left by the death of Comrade Engdahl must be filled by fresh forces from the ranks of the working class which he loved, for perity; they believed in their ability to meet emergencies with savings; | - he : | der ring and paid for the kil- EIN : ; i he 1 a they believed that sooner o1 ir uncertain workers’ existence would | shinee: ene mason for these | fully organized by business men | tings was carefully side-stepped. | ,, Hishly organized terroristic aciiv- | bor Defense but to the entire revo- | Which he fought, which he did so be replaced by the economically more secure existence of petty capital- gro and white workers didoli wh - | and public officials, such as sheriffs. In almost every case, coroners’ | ities against Negroes was reported | jytionary movement in which he | ™uch to train, organize and lead— sa 1 sy Berane ers displayed in | tm many cases the lynching was | juries reported that the lynched from almost every nook and corner | spent his adult years. in whose cause he died. ac | feet eg ge) gs had the ef- | committed by a sheriff's posse. The | Herson had been killed by “per- | Of the county in 1992. We men- | Comrade Engdahi died, exhausted | By the death of Comrade Eng- But now. the dreams of permanent prosperity are shattered. The sav- | fect of preventing many a lynch- | jynchers could no longer rely on | sons unknown”. Four white | ton only a few instances: | by his ceascless labors in the cause | dahl the Communist Party, the In- ings are either eaten up or, in most cas have been liquidated by specu- lating bankers, by deflated real estate values and by foreclosed home mortgages. Meantime the wage slashes also destroyed all hope for future savings. Workers no longer dream of climbing upward into the capital- ist class: they see too many of the petty capitalists, shopkeepers, farmers, Sliding down into the wo! g class. The “Dole”, that terribly “unamer- | | | ing. The Scottsboro case has edu- cated large masses of white toil- ers who are realizing for the first time that the struggle of the Ne- gro masses is their struggle, is part of the larger struggle of the working. class. Hence, again, the mgsses of white ‘workers, their minds inflamed with the boss poison of race hatred; for these white workers are learning, under the leadership of militant work- ing-class organizations, that their lynchers who murdered a Ha- walian native in Honolulu, were freed by pressure of the U. 8. government after they had been found guilty. This year saw also the official The attempt to terrorize Negro railway workers by the murder of some of their number. The ter- rorization of the Negro farmers near Dresden, Tenn., by organized bands of “night riders”. The flog- of the oppressed Negro masses, at the end of a phase of struggle in the Scottsboro campaignwhich dealt deadly blows to American imperial- ism throughout Europe and brought partial victory. ternational Labor Defense, the op~ pressed Negro masses and the en- tire working class, have lost a skill- ed and courageous fighter against the daily encroachments of capital- ism and for the World Revolution. ican” unemployment insurance, now shapes. itself, in the eyes of the 5 Soe interests lie in joining hands with | whitewash of three lynchings that | Sing of highway construction Comrade Engdahl died in Mos- His memory is graven deep in workers, into a necessary life saving instrument, Social Insurance thus ean nea: ere ie | these Negro toilers whom they had | took place in 1931: the whitewash | workers near Starkville, Miss cow, the capital of the World Revo- | their hearts and his name will be becomes the all overshadowing issue of the day. forts of the Iunchers to Lide ana | °nce been taught to hate. of the Salisbury, Md., lynching by | From every part of the country | lution. inscribed high in the list of those . © . forts of the lynchers to hide and ‘The character of such organiza- , come reports of the revival of the I believe he would have chosen who helped to build the American sections of the workers recognized whitewash lynchings before a com- tions as the National Association the county grand jury and the re- fusal in West Virginia to indict | Ku Klux Klan. It is obvious that such a place and time if he had revolutionary m@yement which wilt 'VEN before the present cris — s , r rs *: E the need for better there was no social in- Hoya se ad eet they feel | for the Advancement of Colored | the men areste? in connection | the increasing militancy of the Ne- | had to bargain with a death that | free them from the horrors of capi- sufance, they organized themselves for mutual insurance. But the capital- ? OY ane. People, is nowhere shown more | with the lynching of Tom Jack- | Sf masses is leading the white | would not be denied. talism and erect the Soviet United fear ists took over the leadership of these Mutual E ‘ieties. Instead of being emergen measures for the workers until they could get the protection of social insurance, the Mutual Benefit Societies became a means of helping the capitalists defeat social insurance. The capitalist leaders of the many mutual benefit organizations used their influence to prevent the workers from fighting for social insurance, though <ocial insurance really was the only effective form of solving he problem that forced the workers into the mutual benefit societies, and although it is clear that mutual benefit societies cannot effectively solve A study of the records of lynch- law for the year, as compiled by the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, reveals the following facts: THIRTY-SEVEN LYNCHINGS REPORTED. There were definite reports of 37 cases in which Negroes (and in two instances whites) were lynched by more or less organized groups. clearly than in their attempt to deny the character of “lynchings’ to lynch-crowds organized by sher- iffs and other public officials. The N.AAC.P. is interested only in preserving the present system; it is interested in having lynchings committed according to legal form. It is anxious to soft-pedal the crimes of the white ruling class son and George Banks. OFFICIALS PREFER LEGAL LYNCHINGS. An enormous number of “rope- and-faggot” lynchings were pre- vented by officials who believed that a legal lynching by judge and court would be far more safe in view of the rising resistance of the land-owners. and bosses to try to crush their spirit by organized ter- ror. LYNCH .FRAME- The attempt of courts and of- ficials to murder the nine Scotts- boro boys has continued through 1932. Other outstanding instances of lynch frame-ups are: Euel Lee in Maryland; Jess Hollins in Okla- j ITH tireless energy, Comrade Engdahl worked and fought in the class struggle with a burning enthusiasm which came from his revolutionary anger at the robbery and oppression of the working class and his hatred of the capitalists | and their, institutions, HELPED TO BUILD States of America, Letters from Our Readers Praises New Features mun e = pangs is " Included here is the lynching of a agains’ Negro people. What must be noted ma: } r i the problem of complete loss of income of the ers in case cf unem ety Raa : against the Negro people; for when ero people. ist be | | homa; Angelo Herndon in Atlan- | PARTY * . * \ ployment, old age, or ss and disability. The capitalist coy Sees Hawaii and the murder | inese crimes are laid bare, the Ne- | ®bOut these near-lynchings is the | ta; six Negroes in Washington, D. With his entry into the Commu-_ | and the Editorials in | Jeaders also use their leadership to fill their own pockets ab thé expense | Qf Seven Negro firemen in the | gro masses—and the white work- | following: in practically every ease, | C. (Logan Circle case); Willie | nist Party, his work on the weekly |the ‘Daily Worker” | worker members, This was proven only recently when it was uth. ers—learn the need of a deter- | the officials persuaded the lynch- | Worker and later | y ot the ghown that a former cabinet minister, Senator James J. Davis of Penn- sylvania, and a close advisor of the president of the United States had stuffed his own pockets with hundreds of thousands of dollars by means of a Charity lottery swindle. workers centered activ- They have begun build- Only in recent years have the class conscio' ities on the field of mutual benefit organizations. ing the International Workers Order as & proletarian fraternal order. The | But this total is far too low. To say that only 37 lynchings took place would be to cover up some of the most important facts in the lynch-record of the year 1932. The fact is that 37 lynchings came to light. Many lynchings were not reported in the press; there were mined struggle against the very system and government that is re- sponsible for lynching and discrim- ination. ‘Therefore, whenever the leader of a lynch-crowd can show a sher- iff's badge, the N.A.A.C.P.. denies that the lynching was—a lynch- crowd to give up its victim or vic- tims on the promise that swift con- viction would follow in the conrts —in other words, that there would be a@ legal lynching. This has un- doubtedly led to the repetition of Brown in Philadelphia. wre oe How shail the workers fight lynching? This vital question will be dealt with in an article soon to be published in the Daily Worker. on the Daily Worker, of which we were the joint editors at various times, Comrade Engdahl began a new life. Freed from the strangling reformism of the Socialist Party and its hamper- ing influence in the struggles of the working class, Comrade Engdahl threw himself into the work of Detroit, Michigan Editor, Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I want to write you a few lines in appreciation of the improve- ment in the Daily Worker, not only, the contents, but the way it is writ- ten, especially the last page with abd ic ernat) Yorkers Order is to organize for the masses of | definite attempts to cover up lynch- | i 5 | Fee ee ee etre erin the -teet effective anntoal aid. | /in@ee CAO etnis stdbal ieehity tists ee ake : i. building a mass Communist Party | the editorials and ficiion like \ workers who are eligible for membership the mos mutual a The militant working class de- | e l NL wcance 0 in the United States. (oe oe es rn at the lowest possible cost; at the same time, while organizing mutual | enormous number of police mur- | yics that a lynch-crowd led by a ‘ ‘ He. was, a; eomrade. who realized Mesut neds GhOntasa? on re waive the right of the it. consid its duty to fight to help the workers in emerg- 1 condition which would prevent aid-the Ir ational Workers Order does not workers for social aid. On the cor Just beeause its purpose ickness, it is fighting tor ¢ such emerge Joining the International Workers Order, therefore, 1s not only an effort of self-help; it is also one form of participation in working class aetion for social insurance. The growth of the International Workers Order is a challenge to the capitalist misleadership of the fraternal move- ment in America. All class conscious workers should therefore help build the International Workers Order. ‘ ders of Negroes. The Negro masses foug! heightened militancy lynching in 1932. Instance after in- stance is recorded, of self-defense against the lynchers. Great masses of white workers have entered the struggle against lynching. Militant working class organizations have fought with vigor against lynchings and lynch- frame-ups. Outstanding is the sheriff, which trails Gown a Negro, sets fire to his house, and shoots him dovm, is any the less a ifnch- crowd because its leader can show a star on his coat. A high degree of organization of the lynch-crowd was apparent in the wiping out of a Negro family in Senatobia, Miss.; In the murder of Henry Russell in Georgia; in the killing of Ed Dunlap in Mississip~ pi. In connection with the mur- Anniversary of the “Daily” By SAM NESIN. Organizer of the Trade Union Unity Councjl- ‘HE 9th Anniversary of the DAILY WORKER. is an occa- sion for every worker to celebrate and pledge greater support to our own fighting organ. It is the only combats the vicious lies of the social-fascist and capitalist press in their attempt to prevent the truth of the great achieveinents of the Russian workers becoming known. The policy and contents of the “Daily Worker” demon- strates that it has no interests sep- to the full the need of the masses need for the working class to learn how to yse its press. He worked not only as an editor but as a teacher and agitator. He loved revolution- ary journalism in all its aspects— political, literary and technical. For months on end the editorial rooms and plant of the Daily Worker were practically Comrade Engdahl’s home, He worked, ate and some- for a revolutionary press and the | | based on facts. The serial, John Spivak's, “Geor= gia Nigger,” I take it as fiction Words fail me, to express my revulsion against this insidious form of slavery that is so silently creeping upon us, not only the Negroes, but the white workers as well. (We see it every-" where, the forcéd labor for the dole.) This book should be read by every man, woman and child in the ms f work of the Communist Party, the arate from the workers as a whole. | times slept th Building tie International Workers Order is a contribution to the or- | ynternational Labor Defense and | 2" of Nesro railwaymen, an or- | American working class daily in | ",)", 10. when one and a half es slept there. United States. It now sells for gahized fighting strength of the American workers class. the League of Struggle for Negro | Sanized murder ring was discover- | the English language, through | Tino. 0, “inembtoved in New It was Comrade Engdahl who was | $2.50 a copy. The price is so DECEMBER “COMMUNIST” CONTAINS IMPORTANT ARTICLES ON CURRENT PROBLEMS AND EVENTS ‘THE UNITED FRONT POLICY AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST SECTARIANISM—Editorial. ‘THE SCOTTSBORO DECISION—By Harry Haywood. ‘THE EXPANDING INTER-IMPERIALIST WARS IN LATIN. AMERICA—By William Simons. “THE UNITED FRONT—A TACTIC OF STRUGGLE, NOT PEACE —By John Williamson. DISTORTERS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY HERITA AMERICAN PROLETARIAT--By James S. Allen TUATION IN THE PHILIPPINES AND TASKS OF THE CON MUNIST PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS— By 8. Carpio. HOW MANY UNEMPLOYED (continued from Iasi month's issue) 4 by John Irving. BOOK REVIEWS— INDES—VOLUME XE—4934, GE OF THE Rights, in the case of the nine innocent Scottsboro boys. Under the leadership of these organiza- tions, furious mass protests have arisen in the case of Euel Lee; in the Logan Circle frame up in Washington, D. C.; in the near- lynching at Lebanon, Tenn., and in many other cases. The lynch- ing of Negroes this past year, especially, has been followed by a flood of protest from the workers, Negro and white. The lynching of an unknown Negro toiler in the Black Belt is no longer the con- cern only of the small community in which it occurs; it has become @ near concern of the working class from coast to coast. The Scottsboro case, and especi- ally the tour of Mrg Ada Wright across the face of Europe, have taught millions of European work- ergs the meaning of the term “lynch-law’. And these millions of workers have also entered into the struggle against the lynching of Magro toilers in the South. ed, which paid whites to murder Negro railway workers, at the rate of from $25 to $125 per lynching. ATTEMPT TO COVER UP LYNCHINGS. ‘There was, this past year, a defi- nite attempt to cover up many of the lynchings. In many cases the lynchers did their work quietly and discovery was made only much later, From this fact, two impor- tant conclusions must be drawn: 1. That, without question, an enormous number of lynchings have occurred which have not come to light, but knowledge of which has been carefully suppressed. ‘This is probably more true of 1932 than of previous yee and is due to the fear of the lynchers in the face of the increased militancy of Negro and white, 2. That the lynchers felt that they did not have the support of the mass of whites in the commu- nity to the same extent as previ- ously, and therefore had need of hiding their setions, The entrance which workers struggles. Workers who are themselves in- volved in struggles in shops, in strikes, for unemployment relief, against discrimination, high rents, evictions and in opposition move- ments within A. F. of L, locals against betrayals and racketeering are themselves the writers of many of the articles in the Daily Worker. ‘The Daily Worker supported the Hunger March to Washington, the Veterans’ Bonus March, the Farm- ers’ Conference for Relief, the A. F. of L. Rank and File Conference for Unemployment Insurance at Cincinatti and fights for the free~ dom of Mooney and the Scotis- boro boys. Iv is the unflinching spokesman cf the militant trade unions of the Trade Union Unit: League and the Unemployet speak of their Councils. The Daily Worker is in the forefront fighting against im- perialist war, for the defense of the Chinese people and the Soviet Un- York City alone and 209,000 fami- lies have been evicted within the Jast 8 months, when wholesale wage slashes are taking place, when our children are crowded into’ class rooms to satisfy the bankers, while thousands of teach- ers remain unemployed, at a time when the Tammany government of New York announces the dismis- sal of a thousand foreign born hos- pital workers to be replaced by a smaller number of native born at @ wage reduction of 40 per cent; the need for the “Daily Worker” es an instrument for organization and struggle is greater than ever. The duty of every worker, every trade union organization is not only to spread the Daily Worker but to support it financially. 'The 9th Anniversary Celebration of the Daily Worker which takes place at the Bronx Coliseum on New Year's Eve must be made a huge success. Hail the 9th Anniversary of the Daily Worker! largely responsible for building the Labor Defender into a mass paper and improving its contents. He was one of the first comrades who took the initiative in organizing the groups of worker correspondents which are now an indispensable feature of the revolutionary press. Comrade Engdahl was known and respected by thousands of workers. His death has brought sorrow to all of them and many are the ex- pressions of grief evoked from work- ers by his untimely end. His revo- lutionary career linked the old and the new—the period before the war and the Proletarian Revolution in Russia with the present period when the working class and colonial peo- ples of the whole world, led by the Communist International and its sections, are moving forward in powerful battalions to the victori- ous struggle for the conquest of im- perialism in the name of all the HE gep in the ranks of the ad~ vance guerd of the revolutionary high that the workers simply can not buy it. Now, is it not possible to have this book put out in @ cheaper addition with a paper cove er so it could be sold for 25 cents? —J. HARRIS, Jobless Terrorized - By, Canada Police TORONTO, Canada.—Reports im Toronto papers and from Port Ar~ thur state that 14 unemployed worke ers were arested in a demonstation of transient jobless who refused te be shipped to slave camps, Attorney-General Price, it’ is re- ported, personally undertook to mete out punishment to the workers who had dared protest against the mis~ erable conditions, ‘ Provincial and RCMP officers, to~ gether with local officers at Sioux