The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 20, 1932, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY. DECEMBER 20, 1932 jorker Jel USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co. 18th St., New York City, N.Y. Telephone Algonquin 4-7956. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker Cable “D. 13th St., New York, N. ¥ SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere One year, $6; six months, 85.50; 5 months, $2; 1 month, Tas excepting Borongh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, 39; 6 months, $5: 3 months. = = Ht A New Secret Press Drive Against Labor (PHE continued rapid downward plunge of capitalist eco- nomy and the increasing strug ses for a working class way out ¢ toiling mas strikes fear the into the capitalist class) The American working class is showing in increasing action that it will not submit to being reduced to the level of helpless slaves who peacefully and without strug- gle accept any miserable crumbs that the ruling class throws them. In an effort to stem, di ate and defeat the growing moyements of the unemployed and part-time workers, the impoverished farmers, the ex-sol and e-born foreign-born, the capitalist class combir rt agogic deception with increasing violence ring to le ‘The reason for such ¢ out are revealed ir n ves sent out as “The Kiplinger ¥ i to give the inside dope on all such questio of 10, which is specially mar private, for clients only and not for publication”, we read: “There's a revival of the school of thought. that the depression i: running on 2 vicious Gownward spiral—continued deflation, lower prices, lower purchasing power, lessened production, lessened employment, ete. with no logical end or bottom.” Further on in the letter there are definite leads for organization for action set forth as follows: “High government officials have been consulted unofficially about a plan, still in the secret stages, for a strongly financed na- tional propaganda movement to promote ‘vigorous economic and political action’. The movement is being organized and financed by leading industrialists. It is expected to have a ‘central general economic staff’ for direction of national policies, and also a large organizing and propaganda staff. The prime movers feel that the country's economic and political policies are ‘DRIFTING IN- TO A STATE OF CHAOS’; that the country must be rescued by a great concerted effort between political officials, business leaders and other influeniial leaders.” (ORKERS who can think politically will instantly recognize this move toward organization of a crusade under fascist forms and will under- Stand that the most determined struggle must be waged against it. The “propaganda” of such an organization as is described in the Kiplinger letter will be devoted largely to the manufacturing of such infamous and provocative lies as filled the capitalist press during the great Hunger March to Washington. It will mean.a new systematic campaign against the Soviet Union, and against the colonial and semi-colonial masses ‘who are showing increased determination to meet with organized struggle the tyranny of Wall Street slave masters. It will mean organizing into a system the production of forged documents. In general it will be pro- pagarda to strengthen every form of reaction in a ‘ious drive toward Political banditry, such as Vig © groups, KKK., Every effort will be made to divide the working cl and to bduiid up in industry groups that can be used for reactionary purposes. In line with this policy a bill has been introduced into congress at Washington by Repre- Sentative Crail of Los Angeles, California, that is intended to drive all foreign-born workers out of industry and replace them by young, native- born workers. The bill, as summarized by the Chamber of Commerce of the United States, s follows: “The declared purpose of the bill is to protect American citizens of military age and who would be subject to military service in time of war by guaranteeing to them in time of peace an arbi. trary preference over aliens in securing employment. “The hiring of aliens in public or private employment without the express permission of the proper administrative authority while there are available American citizens able and willing te work would subject the offender to prosecution for conspiring against the mil- itary security and economic stability of 1-> United States with a possible penalty of $1,000 fine and six months imprisonment. In time of scarcity of citizen labor or when certain classes of work are refused by citizens, the use of oliens in such work might be per- mitted temporarily.” This bill is known as House Bill 13307 and the House Committee on Labor, = is now in the hands of = * ‘ROM every section of this country there should come such a roar of protest against this bill that the political puppets in congress will not dare vote for it. Thi a blow at the entire working class. It is not only aimed at foreign-born workers, buf against all workers who are not considered useful for military purposes. It furthermore means mil- itary regimentation of those workers who will remain in industry under such conditions. That this bill is part of the plan described in the Kip- linger letter for “vigorous economic and political action” is obvious. * “In the United States as in other countries under capitalist democracy, there are increasng fascist tendenc’ Fascism has a two-fold func- tion—a defense of decaying capitalism and a fierce capitalist offen- sive against the working class carried out under excessively violent forms. These plots and these actions against the toiling masses must be met by mighty struggles against the whole hunger and war program of the capitalist class. As against the lies, provocations and forgeries of the propaganda machine of capitalism, there must be the most intense campaign to enlist millions of readers behind the revolutionary press. Our press must become a powerful weapon in the building of organiza. tional machinery in the industries, among the unemployed in the neigh- borhoods, on the bread lines, among the impoverished farmers, for mob- ilizing of the ex-soldiers. Capitalism has reach such a stage of decay that it can no Jonger grant reforms, can no longer patch up capitalism, hand out*ops to keep a sufficient number of workers contented to stop great mass upheavals. It will at this stage only give up what it is forced to yield before the mass action of millions of workers and farmers. It is by. carrying on this kind of struggle, in terrific class fights, that the movement will advance to decisive political struggles which can end only with the smashing of the power of the capitalist class and the establish- ment of the rule of the workers and farmers. Saga of a Job-Hunter ATURDAY, I stood on East 13th place for me if I were placed on Street collecting funds for the | the payroll by the Unemployment | Wational Hunger Marchers. A | Bureau. She went so far as to | give me a letter to that Bureau, worker came up and informed me that the New York Emergency Unemployment Relief Bureau was offering work at $15 weekly for the Sale of Red Cross stamps in depart- ment stores. The next day, I found myself with but ten cents in my pocket.and decided to save it for train fare to come to Manhattan on Monday to get that job. I was at the bureau offices at ‘297 Fourth Avenue at 9:30 this morning. At the door stood two watchmen turning away all who did..not have appointments. I stated my mission and was told that I must go to the Red Cross at 315 Lexington Avenue for such work. Thereupon I spent my last nickel to reach that place. And from there I was directed to the ‘New York Tuberculosis Office at 386 Fourth Avenue, eleven blocks away. The woman in charge at the Red Cross was utterly indifferent to my statement that I had no mote money fer carfares and that the distance was too great for a man with a wooden leg to walk DID manage to walk 386 Fourth Avenue, where, after tlesperate pleading, I was admitted o the inner sanctum sanctorum und interviewed by a Miss Mathews, She. said that she would find « to claiming that I could hope for no pay unless I had its approval. f could think of nothing else to do but to comply with the direction to go back to 297 Fourth Avenue, and there I went. After some ar- gument, I was seen by a Mr. Barber, who positively refused to do any- thing for me until I had been in- vestigated, which might be a mat- ter of ten days or two weeks. Even so, he wasn’t certain that I would be eligible for aid because my brother has employment at about $10 weekly. Just how a family of three adults can manage on that, he didn’t seem to know, nor did he appear to care. While he claimed that there was no intention on the part of the Bureau to pauperize the un- employed, it was all he could do! It must be apparent from the foregoing that these so-called so- cial service agencies of the bosses are top-heavy and that they exist | solely for the purpose of giving soft jobs to political favorites and to keep up a shabby pretense that jobless workers and their families are being given “relief.” ‘To hell with this whole damned system which robs the workers of their earnings and the unemployed of what little they have! —By Ons, | PARTY Fail to Utilize - Resolutions of 12th Plenum HE the LIFE 12th Plenum Resolution: Communist International because of thejr tremendous and timely importance to our Par id the revolutionary mass orgaviza- ions has been published in pamph- form under the title of. Capitalist Stabilization Has Ended. This was done to make it easily available to every Party member. But the re- sponse of the districts to this pamphlet shows a serious laxity and underestimation of the necessity of widely popularizing the decisions of the 12th Plenum in connection with making a radical change in the methods and work of our Party organizations. With the result, that while the resolutions have been off the press for more than two weeks, with the | exception of New York, Cleveland, Detroit, Chicago, and New Jersey— no other district has ordered a single copy. Such important districts as | Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Minne- sota, California, apparently do not + know that these resolutions ve been issued in printed form. But even the orders from the five districts mentioned are inadequ | to fulfill the requirements of ting these decisions to every mem- ber of our Party and reaching out to the workers In the revolutionary mass organizations. | RESOLUTIONS VITAL | TO DAY-TO-DAY WORK | This failure to order the 12th Plenum pamphlet reflects the con- ception still prevailing in some sec- tions, wrongly so, of our Party which views resolutions not as gen- eralizations of the experiences of the class struggle, laying down the fundamental strategic and tactical line for immediate guidance in the development of our work, but as lifeless documents disconnected from the life of .our movement. The very content and character of the 12th Plenum resolutions should be used to refute and combat such tendencies wherever they spring up. These resolutions, dealing with the basic fundamental problems and | tasks of the various sections of the Communist International are par- ticularly applicable to our Party. The general resolution raises sharply the problems and tasks confronting all Parties in the light of the new phase of the general crisis of world capitalism—the phase | of the end of capitalist stabilization. ‘The present situation is pregnant with unexpected outbreaks and sharp turns of events” and pre- | cisely because of this “is it neces- | sary, without losing a moment, to intensify and accelerate our Bol- sheyik mass work to win over the majority of the working class. .. .” ye aad tke carry out this task, every Party of the Communist International must make a sharp break with sectarian methods of work, break our isolation from the basic sections of the proletariat, and through the correct application of the Bolshevik policy of the united front from | below “establish, extend and | Strengthen permanent and intimate contacts with the majority of the workers, wherever workers may be found,” simultaneously “undermin- ing and smashing the mass in- fluence of the social democracy.” Has our Party in the United States solved this problem? Is this not the most pressing need of our Party today? The development of solid personal, contact with the masses, sensitivity to the needs and demands of the workers; re- acting and giving leadership to the problems of the workers; applying the united front tactic to rally the masses of workers in the struggle around immediate demands, expos- ing and undermining the influence of the social fascist leaders. But the membership of the Party, the workers in the mass organiza- tions cannot study, read and apply these resolutions if they are not made available by the failure of the districts to order them and to organize the distribution and sale of the pamphlet. Immediate steps should be taken in each district, in each locality to order copies of the resolutions from the Workers Li- brary Publishers, Station 148, New York City. of |Wages Go Down, Hrs. | Go Up in Dyeing and | Finishing Plants (By Labor Research Assn.) ACTUAL weekly carnings of work- ers in textile dyeing and and finishing plants in the United States in 1932 come to approxi- mately $20, according to the most | recent study of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U. 8S. Department, of Labor, whose figures are collect- eq from employers. The average actual earnings in one week de- creased from $22,29 in 1930 to $19.99 in 1932. ‘The earnings per hour of all workers investigated—21,482 wage | earners in 1930 and 19,246 in 1932— | decreased from 45,2 cents per hour | in 1930 to 40 cents per hour this | year. Full-time hours per week of these workers increased from 50.9 in 1930 to 513 this year, while full-time- earnings per week (when they had full-time work) decreased from $23.01 in 1930 to $20.52 in 1932, ‘The wages of women workers averaged much below those of male workers. In 1932 the averages of males ranged from 303 cents for oilers to $1.021 for hand engravers (a very skilled craft), while the ay- erages of the females ranged from measurers. | The lowest average actual ecarn- ings in a week In 1932 were made by workers in North Caroilna ($14.29), South Carolina ($17.01) and New York ($19.07). Highest average actual earnings were re- corded for workers in Pennsylvania ($26.56 and Connecticut ($26.09), 24 cents for plaiters to only 35.6 for | THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM OF ‘RELIEF’ ~By Burck The Program and Special Role of Acting Mayor McKee Bankers’ Man Conducts Sham Battle With Tammany By BILL DUNNE O fac 1) In ten months of 1932 eviction orders affecting approxi- mately 2,000,000 persons were sought in New* York City courts. 2. Almost overnight, Acting Mayor McKee of New York City became the petted darling of the most powerful section of the me- tropolitan capitalist press. McKee stood for “economy” as against the Tammany Hall raids on the city treasury for the sinews of war and an economic base for its political machine, the big fi- nanciers -and the ever-hopeful middle class rallied to his program of wage cutting, reduction of so- cial services and discharge of city workers to secure lower taxes. ‘The World-Telegram, member of the Scripps-McRae newspaper chain which adopts a “liberal” front, picked McKee as the cham- pion of “the people” and’ managed, with the help of the Times, Her- ald Tribune and Post, etc., to roll up some 235,000 votes for him as an “independent” candidate for mayor. MCKEE’S FIGHT |A SHAM BATTLE McKee's fight with Tammany Hall is a sham battle. He was picked to give some shadow of re- spectability to the New York City Democratic Party organization af- ter the exposures of the graft and corruption of the Walker admin- istration and its “tin box” coterie of racketeers, its connections with various franchise-seeking corpora- tions, ete. At the same ‘time,’ Tammany Hall, cautious about openly © en- gaging in wage cutting and reduc- tion of working forces because of its large working class~ following, anxious to maintain the. appear- ance of struggle against “banker domination” of city finances, but at the same time compelled by the threat of bankruptcy to come ac- cept terms of the Morgan banks, arranged to have McKee appear as the official responsible for the Wall Street program of protecting the financiers’ loans at the expense of the workers. In this way Tam- many Hall hopes to preyent’ its becoming the object of the increas- ing resentment and anger of work- ingclass supporters ann victims, * YY this maneuver retain Hall is enabled to put forward its schemes for carrying through. its part of the general capitalist drive against wages, living standards, unemployment relief, etc. and continue to pose, although under greater handicaps, the champion of the five-cent fare, the welfare of the masses and city social ser- | vices. The program of McKee is the program of Tammany Hall, more outspoken and brutally expressed in order to divert attention of workers from Tammany. His fierce verbal opposition to graft and cor~ ruption and advocacy of lower taxes on real estate holdings, is window dressing for the middle class. HIS PROGRAM REVEALED ‘The social content of the McKee program was exposed by no less a person than McKee himself in @ speech before the Ohio Society meeting in the Pennsylvania Hotel on Dec, 12. According to the New York Sun, McKee denounced “...the growing tendency to give direct monetary relief to the un- employed as ‘highly dangerous’.” “Every dollar given.....as a temporary and private means of alleviating suffering IS BETTER THAN THOUSANDS OF DOL- LARS OF DIRECT MUNICIPAL RELIEF,” he said. Since the bulk of the money col- lected for emergency relief is ex- tracted from workers still employ- ed; the charity drives do noi cut subsiantially into the ine 8 of the wealthy. Since charity is the McKee solution for unemployment relief it follows that he is against the use of “taxpayers’ money” for this purpose. He says so himself: “Certainly we are treading 2 by using the money of the tax- payers for such purposes.” (Sun, Dec, 13.) There were 259,602 eviction pro- ceedings brought in the courts of New York City from January to October, inclusive, this year. The usual figure of, five to a. family does not fit here in estimating the number of persons whose eviction the landlords demanded. The three years of the crisis with its wage cuts and mass unemployment have forced thousands of families to take in relatives, “to double up,” ete. The total number of people for whom eviction orders were sought ‘Yow’re Just Like Us,’ They Told Hunger Marchers By K. KOBRIN Avieax workers are begin- ning’ more and more to learn the meaning of the word “Commu- nist”; they are beginning to awaken to the fact that the dreadful im- Plications attached by the capital- ist press to that word are without foundation. This was evidenced by the. many comments made by workers. to the delegates of the National Hunger March. In. Wilmington, Delaware, when the marchers came in the morning to ‘the stores to make purchases, exclamations of surprise greeted them. “Why, say,’ you Communist fellows are just plain working peo- ple like us, aren't, you? Where do the police get. etl those stories about you killing cops and throw- ing bombs?” WORKERS. STIRRED When we left the Polish church, the ‘scene of the police attack on the marchers the night before, the workers lined. the streets With scarcely a sound; they just watched us silently and solemnly. We could feel the significance, of their quiet and were conscious of that fact that we had stirred something in them—that they were thinking, thinking, as they saw the delegates Sees their mareh to Washing- on. * 0% THE sonia between Wilmington and Delaware where we had to stop several times for gas or water, we found we had been preceded by a car which had announced to the local people along the road that the Reds had killed 15 cops in Wil- mington. In spite of this, store- keepers, an impoverished farmer, and workers greeted us again with, “Do you mean to tell me that this is what Communism is”? “I'M WITH YOU ALL THE WAY” Again in Baltimore where the Salvation Army provided ug with sandwiches, one of the: workers handed me two helpings with this remark: “Here, lady, slip this under your hat. I ain't a member of the Salvation Army. T'm just a work- ing man like you folks and I’m with you all the way to Wash- ington.” A conductor on a train pulling past the caravan perched 02 the hill on Florida Avenue, leaned out: of the window to shake’ his fist in the direction of the. Capitol and cry out so that all the passengers Twshed to the windows: "Those out there! They've got plenty of money to send over to the capitalists in Europe when they need it; but when our own starv- ing people come to ask for money which they made for this country, those dirty don’t even let them into the city.’ ” 4 ERE are healthy, signs of the response of workers who are not yet in the revolutionary move- ment to ihe Hunger Mareh. They are beginning to realize that Com- munists are the advance guard of the working class and they are not. afraid to voice their sympathy with the workers, at the same time hpt they bagi meh naive surprise In discovery @ Communist ” really ‘ must be in the neighborhood of 2,000,000. Te “taxpayers money” McKee and the World-Telegram are so anxiously trying to save, comes largely’ from. the class which brought the. 259,602 eviction pro- ceedings. In one. breath they clamor for lower property taxes, in the next they call for the evic- tion of jobless workers and their dependents. McKee out-Hoovers Hoover in his defense of’ the doctrine of “rugged indiyidualism” for the 1,- 150,000 unemployed workers in New York City for whose maintenance he opposes the use of “money of the taxpayers.” He posed the fol- lowing question to the members of the Ohio Society who had just tucked away beneath their belts an expensive . Hotel Pennsylvania dinner: “Are we deliberately destroy- ing (by mitthicipal relief) the fundamental American concept that the individual is happiest when he is left to work out his own problems to his. own satis- faction and best interests?” No: municipal relief for the un- employed—no taxation of _the wealthy for. unemployment relie! this is a central point in the Mc- Kee program. This is his great appeal to such journals as the World-Telegram whose chatter is always about taxpayers and their problems. Let workers starve but lower the taxes on the prperty of the well-to-do and wealthy. ‘The only fly in the ointment is the prospect of the revolt of the disinherited, propertyless, jobless and hungry masses of unemployed workers. On this matter McKee is able to speak with confidence born of knowledge. He has toured one or two municipal lodging houses and finds that all is well; the unem- ployed take their plight with the humility and fortitude of early Christian’ martyrs: tildes 4 men,” said the Acting Mayor, “are not yet broken in morale,” there is no hatred a- gainst the system and society in them. They do not comprehend what it is that has forced them into their positions — they feel that they have not, as indivi- duals, got the breaks. And that is the reason why the Reds and the Comimunists have not got a foothold in New York—because of that very spirit among these men.” . One can visualize the well-fed audience - applauding this state- merit to the e¢ho, “What a’ really splendid type the American worker is,” che can hear them saying to éach other. “How well they bear up under the depression that has uffected us all! These ‘Reds and Communists,’ trying to destroy the splendid American spirit of these working men! Something should be done about it!” And so on. FIGHTS UNEMPLOYMENT RELIEF McKee, the hero of the “liberal” press, is an avowed enemy of com- pulsory unemployment reji¢ef—mu- nicival or otherwis2. McKee is the stalking horse for Tammany Hall. McKee is the individual picked to put over the program of the Mor- gan owned National City Bank, at the expense of workers, employed and unemployed. This is what all “liberalism,” “revolts” and insurgency in the capitalist parties amounts to. tT Jesson is that workers, em- ployed and unemployed, get only what they can force from the fi- nance capitalists and their gov- ernment—national, state and mu- nicipal—by mess action with re- voluticnary ‘e2dership, by dicci- plined ercenisetion and militant saugaic. 'Th’'s is the direct opposite of the individualistic doctrine. voiced by McKee, the “American” doctrine behind which capitalism and its agents try vse conceal and by which they justify the monstrous fact of 16,000,000 unemployed and ‘mass anger in the richest country in id | Chieago Conference on Dec 28-29, Youth and the Fight on Imperialist War Socialist-Pacifist Meet Analyzed (The following article is espe- cially timely in view of the forth- coming Students’ —_ Congress Against War, tobe held in Chi- cago on Dee, 28-29 in Mandel Hall, University of Chicago.) eee emer | By G. R. HE Socialist-organized “United Youth Conference Against War” took place recently at the Rand School, New York. The Con- ference was “sponsored” by the leaders of the League: for ,Indus-~ trial Democracy, the War Resisters’ League (Pacifists), the Young Peo- ple’s Socialist League, and the Lovestone renegades (parading un- der the name of Y. C. L.-Opposi- tion). The Conference, from the moment it was conceived till the moment it closed, provides an e: cellent demonstration of the posi tion of the Socialist leaders of 1932 in their.“fight against war.” Why was the Conference called? This. Conference was. definitely or- ganized in order to head off the coming Student Congress Against War (to be held in Chicago). The Socialist Conference was called to split the wnity created at the Am- sterdam Congress Against War, to direct isto “safe” channels any movemepis to organize. and unite in the U. 8S. on the basis of the Amsteréam Congress | program. From the mouth of one of the lead- ers, Paul Porter. (‘militant” Social- ist), we get “mot exactly,” in re+ sponse to an accusation that this Conference was an attempt to weaken the Chicago Conference. So afraid were they of what might happen on the part of the membership in their own organ- izations, and any delegates of whom they ‘“weren’t sure,” the Sponsoring Committee decided that unorganized students (chosen by ten fellow students) could only constitute 20 per cent of the de BPs, gates. PARADE AS. “MILITANT” CONFERENCE The attempt to make the Con- ference appear as a “militant” con- ference, a “left” conferenc>, a “eonference of action,” so as to appease thé demand for Action Against War on the part of the delegates, was seen in the putting up of Fenner Brockway (British ILP.) to open the Conference, with many “Marxian” phrases on the causes of war, with phrases that “wars can only be done away with the abolition of capitalism.” Knowing the sentiment of many of the rank and file of the Young People's Socialist League and other delegates present, he was true. to his role of “left” Social-fascist, even calling on the »youth “to. at times fight against the old leaders of the Socialists.” But his posi- tion, he clearly expressed, in spite of the fact that it so evidently could not be reconciled to his other statements. He told the Confer- ence that the best methods’ were “non-Violent and Pacifist meth- ods!” a [ORMAN THOMAS was called to speak out of the scheduled or- der. This was a maneuver to bring back all those who were wavering, were wandering from the fold, be- cause of the disgust at the unprin- cipledness and bureaucracy of the leadership during the conference, » Recent Thomas, under the slogan, “In spite of our political differences, we can unite in common actions against war,” cautioned in a covert manner, time and again, the slogan “Turn the war into a civil war.” PREACHES PASSIVITY He did his best to convince the youth “that the working class is not strong enough to turn the im- against imperialist perialist war into a civil war Thomas preached passivity and hopelessness in the fight, against imperialist wars. He was very careful to ayoid any mention, in spite of his talk of “unity,” that the workers, students, intellectuals have a basis on which to unite for common: struggle—the program of the Amsterdam Conference. To those Y.P.S.L. members present who felt that they could vote for the rank and file Socialist. Resolu- tion in Amsterdam stating “we re- gret the abseuce of our leaders,” this should be a proof that the leaders of the Second International were absent, not by accident, but because in deeds they are against unity in the struggle against war. The fear of rank and file revolt by. the Conferencs Socialist lead- ers is especially shown in the fact they they were willing to accept all Resolutions on the Defense of the Soviet Union. It is shown even clearer in their unprincipled hand- ling and “left” maneuvering of the question of the Chicago’ Stu- dent Congress. At the Resolutions Committee, at first the Y.P.S.L. leaders voted it down, saying that they “were against it on prin. ciple’—but later on, in a secret session, they decided to support it in front of the whole Conference. The Resolutions Committee voted down the Amsterdam Congress Resolution, and when it was passed in one of the Sections, the leaders saw to it that it was never brought to the delegates. eat eis ‘HE Conference showed very clearly the task that ‘the So- cialist leaders are ‘performing for the bourgeoisie in this period of new wars and revolutions, Madly rushing to organize under pacifist, and. “left” phrases, in order to divert the sincere hatred against war amongst the masses of youth, into calm “acadsmic” discussions on war. MUST BE EXPOSED It is our task to expose the role and actions of these Conference leaders, as a concrete example, of the role of the Second Interna- tional on the 1914 of today. It is the task of the working class to support the students organizing for the Chicago Students’ Congress Against War, to be held on Dec, 28-29 in Mandel Hall, University of Chicago. ‘We must use this year’s Lenin- Liebknecht-Luxembourg Campaign to bring to the young and adult workers, to the student youth, the Leninist teachings against war, the fight of the Russian workers under. Bolshevik leadership against the last World War. We must bring to the Socialist rank and file, and to all the masses, the Amsterdam Program as the basis for unity of daily action against the wars now on, against the danger of a new war, against the military interven- tion of the Soviet Union. A LETTER FROM OKLAHOMA Editor, the Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I received your letter calling my attention to the fact that my other letter appeared in an issue of the Daily Worker. You suggest that I call farmers’ attention to the movement to Washington. dependent upon me. I am a rural teacher, and am closely watched by the powers that be. Once in my life I had my teacher's certificate revoked for taking part in the so- Halist movement. That was in 1919. I am doing all I can for our cause now, and when I’ say our cause, I mean the cause of Com- munism, for I now know that the hope of the working calss is in Communism. But the memory of what I suffered before ‘is too yivid for me to get too bold. Ready for Organization, Aren't there thousands out of pair sey that are competent to organjze the working class? 1 know this county is ready for or- ganization. But wouldn’t it be better for some unemployed man don't know how I would enjoy it, but I know what the raeult will be when onee I start. Arvay will go my position. After all, 1 don’t know that it will make ‘any difference if Dear | Comrades, I have a family that is | in this county. I suspect the same is true over the entire state, I was at the county seat, Sallisaw, last Saturday. In traveling a dis- tance of eighteen miles over one | of the main roads of the county we counted four cars and alput the Same number of farm ‘wagons. This was on a road where a few | years back one could haye counted wagons and cars by the hundreds | On Saturdays. At the county seat we saw a handful of woebegone looking farmers trying to barter away a few eggs, turkeys, and chickens for baking powder, soda, flour, and coffee. Not a one of these farmers but needed the fowls and eggs at home, but necessity compelled that those articles be sold to gain a bare existence. Farmers Will Turn Red. I have talked t¢ many of the | fcrmers. ‘They $a}, if Rooseveli- does nothing for them, they will turn red. But coms ides, if we wait for the slow process of another presidential campaign, it. will be too late. Our chains will be se- curely forged. The next few months is the critical time. What. means the secret consultation — etal Roosevelt and Hooyer? Rest as~ sured that those wise acres, they went into secret consulta were not discussing our welfare, The future of the world depends on the action cf the working class duyt- ing the next few months. Or at Jeast, that is the way it seoms to me. Theze are many other things, I could report, but what I have re- ported will be too much for the limited space you can afford to de- make small donations, vote to it. Viva la Daily Worker! There is misery on every side ‘Yours, —O.P.A. the to the Communist Party, its pro- world. Behind McKee's slap at the Communisis, and in spite of his wish to give alarm to taxpayers, is the knowledge that tho siruge gles cf the untunloped: oenized the Communist Pi Chy have forced v lief from reluc'ant cily ageneic: the knowledge that, more and more workers, as the crisis deepens, as gram of mass action for imme- | dicte demends, and its revolution- | ary way out of the crisis. { | In the entire city of New York the Dat!y. . conival organ of | the Communist Paviy, is the only daily paper that turns the reveal- ing spotlight of the revoldtionary class struggle upon McKeeTam- many Hall's banker “liberal,” apostle of “4 the expense of the enemy of the 1,150,000 ee