The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 3, 1932, Page 6

PAGE SIX Daily, Worker by the Comprodatly Pu’ ing Co., Ino., daily except Sui New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. and mail checks to the Dally Worker, 50 E. 13th St., “DAIWORK.” New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, 32; 1 month. 1Se excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and o $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3 ————— Fe We Need More “Danger Spots” Like Chicago! tional Hunger March, in the fourth winter of the has raised sharply again the question of mass n and struggle versus mere dependence upon the opted methods of purely parliamentary procedure. Do the Communist methods of united front mass organi- nd the exposure of workers’ enemies and their or and on the field of battle, get results for ms of more food, better housing, withdrawal of Do they enable workers to carry on effective nd against political suppression? s, the Musteite wing of the American Fed- s the official bureaucracy, constantly accuse x the struggles of workers by “their violent ist description of organized mass action. talism likewise complain bitterly about “Commu- —their description of the exposures of their the Communist Party. nist attacks on leaders’ the facts as they have come to light in the recent mass s of the unemployed led by the Communist Party and the Unemployed A recent with the latest v total received fo amount paid by the There are a m ecoustruction Finance Corporation shows that yment $5.000.000 to Tlinois for emergency relief the this purpose by Illinois is $25000.000. The largest F. C. to any other state is $10,000,000. of states with as large or larger numbers of un- distress is just as acute. Why the difference y relief from the federal government? answer is that in Tlinois, esvecially in Chicago, there has been organized the strongest movement of unemploved in the United States, led by the Communist Party. There is in Chicago a powerful bond of fraternal unity between Neqre and white masses, of coal miners have been striking and marching for months. But it is the mass movement in Chicago, the most important vailway and industrial center in America, that alarms the rulers and forces additional relief. Thousand In Chicago there has been a systematic and generally clear exposure of the enemy demagogues, from Cermak, Democratic mayor, and the R traitor Negro congressman, DePriest, to the bureaucrats of © Federation of Labor, their Musteite wing, and the Socialist Par These class enemies have been exposed, not only by a theatrical de- scription of. their role, but by pointing out their anti-working class deeds in a whole series of big mass struggles. Federated Press Washington correspondent says that: its action the R. F. C. has indicated that it looks upon Chicago ois in general as THE MOST DANGEROUS SPOT on the map mployment and wholesale misery this winter.” . . . we REPEAT: There are other places where there are just as many 4 ¢ joyed and where the “wholesale misery” is just as terrible. ‘The ore “danger spots” is obvious. no other place where such large masses of workers from cept the program of immediate demands and tactics of Communist Party, and where there have been such great ringing © motion tens of thousands of both Negro and ined battle against starvation and suppression. government is not worrying about Iinois as a “danger ger and starvation for thousands of workers and their fami- lies. Wall Street government fears Hlinois as a “danger spot” of the mass revolt, led by the Communist Party, against its starvation is the answer to social fascist slanders of the Communist pro- and tactics in the struggles of the unemployed. Defend Negro Rights! 'T IS especially necessary to organize mass support for the National Hunger March of the Unemployed Councils and the program of demands—for which the struggle has to be extended AFTER they are presented to Congress—hbecause a prominent place is given to the demand for no discrimina- ‘s in the distribution of relief and the admin- nt insurance. le can be secured only by white workers taking ght for such demands. of the unemployed Negro masses are far more terrible whites the Negroes are 17 per cent of the population. But the ‘0 workers among the unemployed is more than double percentage of N the percentage of In ev gro population the percentage of Negro un- employed six times the percentage for the city as a whole. A spe in the Harlem section of New York City disclosed the fact that 72 per cent of the unemployed Negro families were getting no relief. In 2 city a whole one-third of the families of the totally unemployed are getting no relief. The discrimination shown here is obviously organized and on a huge scale. In many Southern cities Negroes and their families are denied both public and private.charity relief. Dailas, Texas, and New Orleans are two big cities where this discrimination is practiced. White and Negro workers: Organize mass meetings and demonstra- tions in snpport of the demands of the National Hunger March on De- cember 6—when they will be placed before Congress by the elected dele- gates of the Unemployed Councils! Bring the issue of no discrimination against Negroes into the fore- front of the agitation! Arbitration Hits Printers FTER a long stubborn fight against the publishérs wage cut plans and the smashing of hours and conditions the newspaper printers of New York City have lost. They lost because they confined their fight to the rules of trade union legalism, because they challenged their reactionary officials—Charles P. Howard, president of the International Typographical Union; Woodruff Randolph, secretary, and Austin Hewson, president of Big Six—only in words and in votes at union meetings, but not in action in building up rank and file committees of action in the newspaper of- fices. After months of maneuvering the union officials helped the publish- ers again impose the fraud of arbitration upon the printers. The decision of the arbitrator, one John T. Saulter of Indianapolis, decrees a ten per cent wage cut. But worse than that it smashes conditions in the com- posing rooms fer which the printers have fought for years. Workers are at the disposal of the boss any time during a twelve hour period, although the actual working time remains, as before, seven and one half hours. ‘The demand of the membership for a six hour day was insolently turned down. The decision dooms the unemployed printers to starvation, as far as the publishers are concerned. The part-time workers (subs) are existing on starvation wages, many of them getting one day’s work or Jess a week, but they have to show up for work every day and, under the terms of the award they must spend four and a-half hours every day near the newspaper composing rooms, whether they work or not. * * s THIS decision is the final rotten fruit of the treacherous policy of Charles P. Howard and Woodruff Randolph. Most deplorable of all, is that the publishers could have been de- feated at one blow if the rank and file had been able to throw off their worshipful awe of trade union legalism, that amounts almost to a fetish, and strike these newspapers, All the talk of the publishers about not be- ing able to pay is so absurd that it requires no detailed reply. They are all Wall Street papers, subsidized by the bankers and the stock exchange. In spite of the betrayals of their leaders the rank and file can still defeat the publishers if they act. ‘There should at once be set up in every chapel rank and file committees; every department—mailers, press- men, stereotypers—should set up similar committees. From these com- mittees should be elected shop councils that will at once prepare and carry out strikes to force the publishers to come through, to stop the wage cuts and re-establish conditions in the newspaper offices. Further- more the printers must recognize that* they are part of the working class and must align themselves in the mass struggles of the American work- ing class against the wage cutting and hunger program of the whole capitalist class. { aaa Letters from Our Readers Editor, the Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: It appears to me that the Com- Munist movement is spending too much time (proportionately speak- ing only) in tearing down capital- ism. Not that capitalism does not require tearing down, but that in tearing down capitalism faster than we build toward socialism, we weaken the chance of using the wealth (machine, etc.), the rightful heritage of the workers, in the in- terest of the workers, It has. often been stated that Russia is in a transition period, that she is building toward social- ism, Then if a nation, such as Russia, with a working population of possibly 100 million (not count- ing children of school age) has not reached socialism, except in de- gree, after 15 years, approximately, of control by the workers; then how much can be expected to be ac- complished in a nation such as the U. S. by an acquisition of control by the workers other than that it will be in a position to institute pro- working class measures to the ex- tent to which the working class is educated and organized to adopt them. “MORE INTRICATE SITUATION” True we are industrially advanced possibly about 100 years over what Russia was at the time.of the revolution, which would simplify the Socializing of basic and monopoly industries, but at the same time we are in a much more intricate situation, requiring therefore a spe- cial remedy. 1. Millions, composed of lawyers, insurance men, clergymen, commis- sion merchants, promoters, embezz- lers, racketeers, munition workers, soldiers, police, salesmen, prohibi- tion agents, landlords, eic., live on sourdes many of which have a doubtful social value. Many of these would immediately be thrown on the streets as a result of the so- cializing of industry, 2. We have more than 50 percent city population while Russia had Jess than 20 percent in 1917, This means that should there be a tem- porary stoppage in the means of production and distribution. due to the shift in power, millions in the cities would immediately be atf- fected, probably severely, due to the day-to-day mode of city existence. These two gigantic factors, among others, should require care- ful study, and constitute what I believe is requisite education in so- cialism, lest through ignorance the workers become their own destroy- ers. NEED SKILLED AID. It is well that the masses realize not only that they do not need coupon clippers, but that they do need engineers, technicians, and specialized experts to help carry our highly developed industries through the period of the shift in Power and afterwards, And a myriad of other problems confront us in the building of so- cialism, but with the correct un- derstanding of them and sufficient effort in their accomplishment, they are not insurmountable. The solution of these problems should be common’ knowledge among the workers and especially so among those in the Communist Party, but from reading the Daily Worker and listening at Commu- nist meetings, it is difficult to de- termine whether even they have this in sight. I believe that many persons would take more notice and in- terest in Communism if they could see more evidence that the Commu- nist movement recognizes the mag- nitude of its problems and shows more specifically their solutions. Space in the “Daily” devoted to the problems of the transition per- jod and especially the economi of socialism or Communism | be an injury to none and a benefit to all. Ne a Editor’s Reply. u bend writer seems to labor under the illusion that it is possible to proceed to the building of social- ism, while state power still remains in the hands of the capitalist class. Naturally we must concentrate our fire against the capitalist ruling class, against its dictatorship in order to smash its rule and estab- lish the dictatorship of the work- ing class. It is only then, after there has been brought about the destruction of capitalist state power and the establishment of a work- ers’ and farmers’ government that we can talk of building socialism. The first paragraph of the letter of “C. R. B.” shows that he does not understand this fact. He must realize that there is much to de- stroy before we can begin to build. No doubt there is much room for improvement in all our agitation, including the question of building socialism. But we have in the Sov- iet Union ample material to draw from to show the triumphant ad- vance of socialism under the pro- letarian dictatorship. It is of great advantage to compare the’ condi- tion of czarist Russia to the devel- opment of industry in the United States. For one thing such a com- parison shows that the task of building socialism in this country would be achieved much easier and quicker than in the realms of the former czars, INTERVENTIONIST PLOTS. The questioner, in speaking of the 15 years’ existence of the Soviet Union seems to forget the armed interventions, the famine, the in- tense class struggle against the capitalist elements that tried to de- Stroy Soviet power and bring back capitalist and czarist rule, Also, the very fact of the large city popu- lation (more than 50 per cent, as compared to old Russia’s 20 per cent) is more favorable to building socialism in this country. As to people who today “have a doubtful social value”, they could be placed in useful positions, pro- vided they showed an inclination OUT OF THE WAY! DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 38, 1932 —By Burck Te WASHINGTON er ert Socialist Leaders Attempt to ‘Dress Up’ A.F.L. Bureaucrats Utilize Unemployment Insurance Issue to Divide Labor and Demobilize Mass Movement m1 By BILL DUNNE, ane are people who claim to see important differences be- tween factions in the Socialist Party—betwen Thomas and Hill- quit. The differences may be sharp on tactical questions, but not on basically important matters like saving capitalism. In the same issue of the “New Leader,” in which Thomas takes the A. F. of L, officialdom and_ its sabotage of compulsory unemploy- ment insurance to his breast, Hill- quit also gives it his benediction. He does it even more skilfully than Thomas, since he is more conscious of the necessity of tinting treason to workers with the rosy reflection of the revolutionary dawn. Hillquit boldly announces that the A. F. of L. is on the way to Socialism. “It would,” he says, “be @ gross exaggeration to claim that the acecptance by the American Federation of Labor of the prin- ciple of state unemployment in- surance signifies the conversion of that body to the philosophy of So- cialism. But we are quite justified in asserting that it marks a de- cided step in that direction.” (Our emphasis.) ENLARG?7NG THE S. P. ROLE What is the political meaning of this declaration in terms of the class struggle and relationship of class forces in this period of the end of capitalist stability 2 It means that, with due discount made for differences in the development of the class struggle, for the fact that the Socialist Party is not in the government, and has neither the traditions nor the mass base of the German social democracy, it is trying to assume somewhat sim- ilar important functions, in an open united front with the A. F. of L, bureaucracy, as the splitter of the working class ang savior of capi- talism. It is, necessarily on a smaller scale, trying to step into the role assigned the German social democ- racy by the big capitalists. For this it must have a broader trade union base. It must have an im- portant political issue on which its united front with the trade union bureaucracy appears justified to revolutionary workers. ‘The A. F. of L. unemployment program can be used as such an issue. STRENGTHENING « THE CONNECTION The Socialist Party of America, lacking leaders in government posi- tions, has to make its organic con- nection with capitalist government through the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy which is, and has been since the world war, a semi-official de- partment of capitalist government. The recent elections have strength- ened the connection and it is en- tirely probable that a member of the A. F. of L. executive council, or someone close to it, will become secretary of labor. It can be taken for granted, in the light of the his- tory of important previous devel- opments of A. F. of L. policy, that its unemployment insurance pro- gram has ben sanctioned in prin- ciple by the incoming Roosevelt administration and its advisors, LESSONS FROM GERMANY In the “Letters to German Lead- ers” (Deutsche Fuhrerbriefe—Num- bers 72 and 75, containing confi- dential information, political an- alysis and advice intended only for some 100 heads of finance capital, which fell into the hands of the Commun‘st Party of Germany, and to be useful. Engineers, technicians, ete. un- der capitalism find it increasingly difficult to exist because capitalist technical development has slowed up so that there is no demand for the work of these people. Many of them are coming to realize that, their fate is closely linked up with the struggle of the working class to smash capitalist rule—they per- ceive that only in a society building socialism have they an opportunity to become constructive builders, some extracts from which were , published in the Daily Worker for Noy. 4), it is stated in reference to social legislation and the labor aristocracy (the analogy between the high wages of skilled and privi- Jeged workers making up the A. F. of L. unions during the boom period is not exact but is close enough to serve as a striking comparison): “These achievements functioned as a sort of sluice machanism through which, in a falling labor market, the employed ang firmly organized part of the working class enjoyed a graduated, but nevertheless considerable advan- tage compared with the unem- ployed and fluctuating masses of the lower categories and were relatively protected against the full effects of unemployment and the generally critical situation of their standard. of living. The Political frontier between social democracy and Communism runs almost exactly along the social and economic line ef this sluice dam, and all the efforts of Com- munism, whieh, however, have so far been in vain, are directed to- wards forcing a breach into the protected sphere of the trade unions.” (Our emphasis.) ‘This is clear and requires no addi- tional comemnt except to say that the effect of the social democratic betrayals on the masses and the heroic struggles led by the German Communist Party are now “forcing @ breach” in this fortification of capitalist reaction. A FURTHER COMPARISON Another quotation from the same source is equally interésting and important. “There are four important con- clusions resulting from this an- alysis: 1.) The policy of the lesser evil” (in this country un- employment insurance by states because of the constitutional “difficulties” allegedly facing fed- eral insurance—B.D.) is not a tac- tic, it is the political content of social democracy. 2.) The tying of the trade union bureaucracy to the State “from above” is more constraining than the tying of the trade union bureaucracy to the social democracy, and applies to every bourgeois State wh'ch wishes to tie the trade union bu- reaucracy to itself. 3.) The tying of the trade union bureaucracy to the social democracy stands and falls with parliamentarism. 4) The possibility of a liberal social constitution of monopoly capitalism is determined by the existence of an automatic mech- anism which disrupts the work- ing class. A bourgeois’ State based on a liberal bourgeois con- stitution must not only be par- liamentary, it must rely for sup- port on the social democracy and allow the social democracy adequate achievements: (Hence the clamor of Thomas and the Socialist Party for a place in the sun; hence his insistence upon the «preservation of capitalist democracy and ‘his warnings of the dangers to it; hence Hillquit’s hailing of state unemployment in- surance as a step to Social- ism.—B. D.) a bourgeois'e regime which destroys these achieve- ments (or prevents them—B.D.) must sacrifice social democracy and parliamentarism, must cre- ate a substitute, for the sccial democracy and must go over to a restricted social constitution.” (Our emphasis.) FURTHER INTO THE CAPITALIST CAM? The step that has been taken by the Socialist Party is not in the direction of the working class, but toward capitalism. It is now com- pelled to dress up the A. F. of L, bureaucracy in the tattered gar- ments of “socialist philosophy” in an attempt to conceal its unity with it in the sabotage of the in- terests of the working class on the issue of unemployment insurance, to conceal the fact that it is aiding the campaign to split the ranks of the working class, to divide em- ployed and unemployed in the face of the capitalist offensive against both. WHAT IS THE PERSPECTIVE? Whai do the advisors of capital- ism think of the unemployment problem? Do they believe, as the Socialist Party and the A. F. of L. officials tell workers, that the pres- ent mass unemployment is a tem- porary maiter? They do not. Read the following quotation from the Standard Statistics Co. contained in “Standard Trade and Securi- ties,” published Nov, 14: “Obscured by the temporarily stronger forces of business con- traction, technological unemploy- ment (unemployment as a result of rationalization—B.D.) _ has, nevertheless complicated the sit- uation during the cyclical down- swing. Easing of credit will make possible the installation of speed- ier and more efficient machinery for reabsorption of displaced workers, This will require a much greater expansion of new and existing industries than anything hitherto known, unless radically shortened working hours can be made permanent. In short, bot: near and long term aspects of the domestic employment situa- tion are such as to defy any early or conclusive settlement. (Our emphasis.) In other words, even a funda- mental improvement in business, of which there is no indication, would not and could not wipe out mass unemployment, Right at the pres- ent moment, with wages lower than before 1914, the big corpora-’ tions are installing improved labor- displacing machinery and speeding up those workers still employed, creating conditions where still fewer workers are needed in the productive processes. A CRIME AGAINST WORKERS To treat the question of mass un- employment and the maintenance of the millions of those now unem- ployed as a problem which will be- come less and less important be- cause of the coming “recovery” of capitalism, as Thomas and the A. F. of L. do, is to commit a mon- strous crime, against the entire working class. This course is necessary, for them if they are to have any kind of a plausible excuse for their at- tempts to split the ranks of the working class in the struggle for compulsory federal insurance; it is necessary if they are to have a base from which to carry on a dema- gogic offensive in the interests of capitalism, directed against the 15-16,000,000 unemployed workers and the revolutionary leadership of the Communist Party. Wash, Town Relief Officials Refuse Price List on Food BELLINGHAM, Wash.The prices of groceries in the County Relief Com- missary are skyrocketing now, there- by causing the purchasing power of the workers who have to buy from the County to go down still lower to starvation levels. Some of the comparative prices of the Commissary to the other stores is as follows: Lard 7 1-2c per Ib. against. 5 cents in other stores; but- ter 33¢ against 28¢; bacon 14c against 10c; eggs the same 28¢; milk 4 1-2¢ against 3c per can, peanut butter 20 against 19c; other prices compare in the same way. ‘The workers are complaining about these prices of goods, and when they ask for a complete price list of the commodities in the ‘commissary, they are met with a flat refusal. Most of the time one does not know what the price of the goods are when they attempt to purchase them. The workers are forced to purchase their groceries here in the commis- sary because it is the only place where the script which they are paid for County “Relief” work is acceptable. The county does not permit town merchants to accept script for groc- eries—V. H, ers terms of respect for Negroes NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel ~~ "GEORGIA NIGGER” = * NOTE.—“Georgia Niggec”’ is smashing exposure of tht ons persecution snd relentlessly opposed to the white raling class term, “nig jon and. contemptuous treatment of Negroes which if symbolizes. s this view, but, im order to paint » true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered It necessary to use this term as otherwise he would have put into the mouths of the boss lynehe they do not, use.—Biltor, 3 INSTALLMENT 29 i if THE STORY SO FAR: David Jackson, a Negro youth, is on his (}) Way to Macon, Ga., to look for a job when he is picked up, charged with | vagrancy and sentenced to three months on the chain gang, For trying | to escape while being taken to the prison camp known as Buzzard’s | Roost, the sentence is increased to 12 months and David is forced te wear 20-pound steel spikes riveted around his legs. The chain gang | _ system reveals itself in all its brutality in the treatment of sick prise | oners. One stich prisoner, a Negro, is forced to work, though seriously | ill with tuberculosis, until he finally has to be sent to his bunk, where | he waits for the doctor to come. Now read on: . . . R. BLAINE did not come. At night a trusty brought a plate of peas and a cup of water to the cage. During the night he had an- other coughing spell. His head drooped over the bunk and he gasped for air with a peculiar, hiss- ing sound, and spat another mouth- ful of blood. Smallpox slipped from his bunk and went to him. “Do anything fo’ you, Con?” he asked sympathetically. “Jes’ a li'l water,” he said weak- ly, wiping the blood from his mouth. “Cain't git no water now. Have to call the boss-man to open de cage. Hit’d wake de hul camp up. “Never mine,” Con said. Funny, David thought, lying on his elbow watching them, that of all the convicts the huge Negro doing twenty years, the toughest in the gang, should be the one to offer help. s IN THE morning the guard told Con to stay in bed. Bill Twine brought him a little sugar and con- densed milk for his coffee. When the crews left, the warden tock a lantern from the cross and entered the cage. His shadow spread and hovered over the bars and _ roof. “How you this mawnin’, boy?” “Pretty bad, Cap’n, Had a bad Spell las’ ev’nin’.” “Yeah. Well, jes’ stay in the cage. When the sun comes up sit in the sunsbine fo’ a while. That ought to he’p till the doctor comes. T'll have you transferred to the state farm till vo’ better.” “Thank-ee, suh,” Con said grate- fully. NO DOCTOR Dr. Blaine did not come that day either. He telephoned he was busy. “Jes’ keep him in bed an’ he'll be alright,” he said. ‘When the sun flooded the stock- ade Con tried to rise, but when he moved, his mouth filled with blood. But it was easier to breathe with the door open and the pots gone, 80 he did not try to get up again. $c Oe WHE stockade drowsed in its day- time stillness. The trustees were somewhere at work and a silence as of the desert was over every- thing. Human life was gone; only flies and mosquitoes. red ants and a buzzard fiving high across the sun, lived with him. It is terrible to be alone in a dead world with a dead cross staring bleakly at you, but it is more terrible to be dying alone with chains on your feet and a buzzard flying high waiting for your carcass. HOW IT WORKS In the afterncon when Bill Twine returned, Dr. Blaine had not yet come, The warden swore, but Dr. Blaine’s appointment was political, too, and there were many reasons why it was not wise to protest against the county physician’s fail-~ ure to appear, He it was who signed sanitation reports. He knew the real foods fed convicts instead of the foods recorded on paper. Only the could legally state that a man died of heart trouble or apo- plexy or sunstroke after severe punishment. files rose from the congeal- ing blood on the floor when the warden entered. “How you feel now?” “Preity bad, Cap'n. Ain’ de doc- tor gontor come?” “Sho he'll come. Jes’ talked to him. Said fo’ you not to worry none. You'll be settin’ a lively string right soon.” Con's lips spread in a ghastly grin. “No, suh, Cap'n. I reck’n dis is jes’ about de en’ o’ dis here nigger.” The terror in his eyes belied the grin. A REQUEST The warden grunted and turned to leave. “Cap'n,” Con said quickly, as though fearful that he would be left alone before he could utter his request, “do you reck’n I could git @ preacher here to me?” “What's that? A preacher? What the hell do you want a preacher fo'?” “Well, suh, I bin studyin’ while Jayin’ here in dis bunk dat I never done nothin’ much to git to heaven an’ I bin figg’rin’ maybe a preacher could fix things up fo’ me. I'd sho’ feel better if things was fixed up.” * * But 'TWINE scratched his heavy jowls. s “T ain’t figgerin’ on you passin’ out, but if you want a preacher, why I'll git ol’ man Gilead down in town fo’ you. Sho’ I'll git him,” “Thank-ee, suh.” “Git'm here in three shakes. Sen’ my Ford fo'm right now.” “Thank-ee, suh,” Con repeated. ‘The warden sent a trusty. “Bring’m back with you,” he in- structed. “You'll find him in Nigger Town. Anybedy’ll tell you where he is.” Preacher Gilead came, removing his black, felt hat and bowing re- spectfully. The white, frizzled hair on his head shone in the sun. He rubbed his straggly, white goatee nervously. His broad, dusty shoes weve cracked and his trousers were frayed at the cuffs. “Young nigra in the cage ast fo’ you, Preacher,” the warden said amiably. . “Yes, suh, Yes, suh. I'll go dey d’reckly, suh.” * j ‘OR a long time the old man sat crouched on the. edge of Con's bunk, just sat and held the boy's thin hang and smiled kindly ef him. The insects droned. The sun beat on the iron roof.” The sweat) ran down his face and the soiled, white collar wrinkled as though | trying to mold itself to his throat. | | “Never did have no folks since ¥ was no higher’n a barber chair,”| Con said. t The preacher stroked the boy’ hand and smiled gently. “I bin layin’ heré’studyin’, study) in’ all Ge time. Dey ain’ nobody toy claim my body an’ dey'll sen’ hit to de students fo’ cuttin’ up.” A DYING MAN’S FEAR The old man’s lips moved ste lently. “You cain’ go fo’ de lawd wid yo’ insides all missin’ an’ you haid sawed to pieces.” “Tl ask de Cap’n to let me bury you if you die,” the preacher prome ised genily. “will you now, sho?” The boy's face lighted with ‘relief. “I'm scairt, jes’ scairt o’ bein’ cut up. ‘Never be myse’f again—even wen de angel Gabriel” “Tll go see de Cap'n right dis minute. I'll be back d’reckly.” . 8 6 i} ILL TWINE was directing re- pairs in the blacksmith shelter when the old man approached. “Yes, Preacher? How’s the boy now?” “Dat boy's gonter die, suh, I reck’n.” “Oh, I dunno, Dr. Blaine’ll ber, along an’ maybe fix’m up good | new.” i} “Maybe, suh. But dat po’ boy’ terrible scairt, He ain’ got no folks ! : KEPT LIKE A JUNGLE BEAST —A Negro prsoner at the Musco- gee County, Ga., prison camp, chained by his neck and feet to the iron cage as a form of punishment. He was permitted out in the sun- shine to have this picture taken— the first time in two months, Thousanés of Negroes, many of them unemloyped workers, are vic~ tims of the chain gan gtorture sys- tem. .* (Copyright by John L, Suivak, author of “Georgia Nigger.”) an he's layin’ dey frettin’ dat wen he dies his body'll go.to de students fo’ cuttin’ up.” “On!” “Yes, suh. An’ “I owas figg’rin’,” he continued hesitantly, “maybe you could promise hima dat he ain’ gonter be cut up.so’s he kin go befo’ de* lawd allwhole, lak -he (Continued | Tomorrow) LYING THERE CHAINED IN THE PRISON CAMP, WITH HIS WASTED BODY RACKED WIT. COUGHS, WILL THIS DYINt NEGRO'S LAST REQUEST B)\ GRANTED BY THE HIRELING.” OF THE SYSTEM “WHICH IS SLOWLY MURDERING HIM? BE SURE AND READ ~MONDAY'® INSTALMENT! Facts That Are Not So Well Known About the Orloff-Opeck Case HE Orloff-Opeck case is familiar to all readers of the “Daily.” ‘These two striking miners were attacked by three guards early in July. In the scuffle one of these - guards was killed, Both men were indicted on a charge of first de= gree murder. The International Labor Defense took up their dee fense and due tothe mass pros tests organized by it Orloff’s ine dictment was recently changed to a conviction of “involuntary man= slaughter,” while Opsck was freed of all charges on Noy. 29. Orloff’s’ conviction will, of ‘course, be fought. \ Orloff has a family of a wife and }' two children, one six months old, | the other five years. How kas this: family lived since July? What will | they do if Orloff must serve his , sentenc2? How can his wife leave” children of that age to go to work even if she could find it? Listen to: what Orloff says: “Task all work- . ers of clear heart ‘not’ to abandon me and my ttle children to the mercy of the bosses’ class.” Sup port the Prison-rs' Winter Relief Campaign! Buy the Relief coupons which, bearing the slogan ‘Give ‘That They May Live,” will be on the street in a few ! Send all contributions to IL. D,, 80 B, 11a York City. St. Room 430, New