The Daily Worker Newspaper, December 1, 1932, Page 4

i "Dail Pablished by the Comprodally Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 5@ B. Asth St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonauin 4-7956. Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mall checks te the Daily Worker, 60 F. 13th St., New York, N. SUBSCRIPTION BATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 8 months, excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City Canads: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 8 Defeat the Attack on the Hunger March! © HE National Hunger March holds the center of the stage. All departments of Wall Street government are i n mo- tion against it and the millions of hungry workers in whose name it fights. protests to congressmen and senators! Wire your “Capital Asks Help to Curb Marchers,” says York Times for Noy. 30. Raliy to the defensé of to suppress them. The comm the requests of March for food and hous aid in suppressing it The National Hunger Mai opment in the country today relief for each unemployed worker for all workers at the expense of th class forces are being aligned. Veterans are marching to demand the bonus from Coneress. tional Conference of farmers will be held in Washington the Hunger March and the veterans will be there Organize supporting mass meetings and demonstrations for Dec. 6! The Daily Worker is playing a big part in these tremendous mass movements. Only in the Dai Worker will workers find the issues and the struggle treated from the revolutionary standpoint. Only in the Daily Worker will workers find the and the correct estimate of the Sreat-significance of these great movements. The Daily Worker business management has sent the following wire to all its distributors: “The official statement of the Hunger Marchers to Congress will be Published Dec. 15, Monday. The march and the preparations of the au- thorities to suppress it, coupled with the whole sharpening political sit- mation make this the biggest event in the country. We urge that you immediately place orders for extra bundles to secure maximum circu- Tation. Tt a headline in the New the Hunger Marchers against the attempts ia, after turning down the ional Hunger artment of Justice for loners of the District of Colun st important political devel- und its demands for $50 cash winter ind fede unemployment insurance overnment and the employers, the A Na- at, the same time i circulation of the Daily Worker, probably the only paper that will in full the statement of the Hunger March to Congress, which will contein the fundamental facts of the sittiation of the working class in the fourth winter of the crisis, and its pr am of demands and strug- gle, is a major method of supportifg the National Hunger March. It is a major method of strengthening the mass struggie for winter reiief unemployment insurance. The Daily Worker is at all times a * powerful weapon of the working class but in this particular struggle, be- cause of the increasing sharpness, the importance of the issues involved, and the strenuous efforts of the A F. of L. bureaucracy and the Socialist Party to creat confusion and divide the movement, it has an especielly important task. Bring the Hunger March issue of the Daily Worker to new thousands ot-workers.: Use the Daily Worker in the organizing of the supporting mass meeting and demonstrations on Dec. 6th! Fighting the Rail Cut of at least 10 per cent when the present agreement expires in Feb- ruart Tr s becomes clearer y day as the forces of tlie railway compa- nies Stock and bond holders extend their propaganda machinery and marshal their forces. The National Transportatioh Committee, headed by Calvin Cooii 's in Washington concerning ge, According to an Associated Press dis self “primarily with ways and means Dubliq’s investinent of $11,006,000,000 in paper_of the roads, more than 70 per cent of banks, insurance companies and similar of which is in the portf ins itiens. (Our emphasis.) “Weill informed cir + believe that the recommendations of the committee will includ 's the dispatch, further reduction in wages.” ‘The big banks and insurance companies are to “have their interests Protected” at the expense of the railway workers. “The,carriers say any further economies will affect seriously their operating efficiency, There- fore, they say, the payroll is left as the only reducible item.” An Associated Press dispatch of Nov. 29, from Chicago, says: “Bank- Tupicy, in the opinion of Fred W Sargent, president of the Chicago and North-Western system, would overtake American railroads if the thirty- hour week were adopted with no reduction in wages”. So the shorter work day and work week is ruled out by the railway executives. Mr. Sargent contended, the dispatch continues, “that only a reduction in wages would bring improved finances to the rail lines,” ‘The railway owners are getting ready to force over a wage cut. What about the railway unions? _ The m heads are’ depending upon the incoming Roosevelt ad- Ministration—or rather the ire telling the membership to depend upon the Democratic Party which represents the’ banks and insurance com- panies holding railway stocks and bond The officials are not prepar- struggle. They are discoure strike struggle— ut can be Gefeate f 1 to fight must be shown how to fight. The maneuve 4 the railway union leadership must be ex- posed as part of the scheme to put over another cut The Railway Brotherhoods Unity Committee has a great task. As the leadership of the militant rank and file it has the sponsibility for organizing the increasing mitment of the rail workers against sabo- tuge Of the officials nas the task of building in the shops and termi- Qals the rank ‘and file committees which will lead the struggle of the rail’ workers against the attempts to save the dividends and profits of the railways and banks by forcing them, thorough mass unemployment and Wage cuts, still deeper into hardship and poverty. The Railway Brotherhoods Unity Committee also has the important, task of organizing the unemployed workers for struggle for the the pro- gtam of the Unemployed Councils and for joint struggle with the em- Ployed workers against the wage cut The railway workers must fight or take another cut. Prepare the forces of the rail workers for struggle NOW! It This is clear. Societies MERICA is the land of insurance lodges—misnamed “fraternal soci- ‘eties”—with millions of worlsing class members, but with control in qe hands of the corporations, the chambers of commerce, the banks and their. middie class hangers-on. ‘These organizations are very effective weapons in the hands of the eapitalist political parties. But the crisis has caught them and the crimes against the membership which could be concealed im boom times are now being bared. >... Following the exposure of the contemptible lottery racket in the Loyal Order of Moose, headed by James J. Davis, former secre’ of Labor and now U. 8. senator from Pennsylvania (for which he has been in- dicted) these come ‘he revelations of a, $500,000 lottery swindle in the Praterna! Order of Eagles, “Comrade H. Mann of Kansas City and Bernard ©. McGuire, New York promoter, split net profits of $500.000, realized in 1931, through the sale of lottery.tickets by members of the F.O B.. and though the enter- prise was staged in the name of charity, not one penny was realized for that purpose says the New York Times for Nov. 30. It is further stated that one “Mr. Hering, a trustee of Notre Dame Untversity, received one-third of Mann’s share of the profits.” -'The total amount raised for “charity” is said to have been $1,750,000—of which none was spent for relieving any distress except that of the . The crisis has brought into sharp relief innumerable examples of graft and corruption at the expense of workers in all the official and semi-official agencies and auxiliaries of the capitalist. class. ** Such facts as the above must be given the widest possible publicity in the revolutionary press. Struggles on such issues can and must be organized in these societies. We must show to the workers who belong to-these organizations that these issues arise, not because of “good” or “bad” officials, they arise because the present leadership of these or- ganizations are representatives of the capitalist class, who are aiding the capitalist class and its governinent to put more of the burden of mass unemployment and the crisis on the shoulders of workers. The question is not who is to control these organizations but what sig they are tobe operon yn | less they are to be operated. nist tie. emafiere, looters and hangem-om of (he camtabet pines - After the Elections-- | Next Tasks| Resolution Adopted by Dist. 8, C. P. (Conclusion) Organizationally, the C. P. dur- ing the election campaign did not build itself, altho we reached hund- reds of thousands of workers with our leaflets, petitions, literature, speeches, etc. We did not con- Solidate mass organizations nor in- crease the membership of the Com- munist Party, and the reasons for that was, that the whole election campaign had too much of a gen- eral agitational character, confined to specch-making instead of basing ourselves upon developing struggles on the basis of the program of de- mands of our Party. In the months of the election campaign in the Chicago District, the number of workers recruited into the Party was on the average below the nor- mal growth of the Party of the previous three months. We must, not only in the election campaign, but in all activities and struggles, overcome this continual weakness, which is no more a mere weakness but a main obstacle for further de- velopment of the struggle, PRESENT TASKS The task confronting our Party is to consolidate organizationally the workers who voted Communist on November 8. In some precincts, for example, precincts 92, ward 2, in Chicago, we received 103 votes out of a total of 413. The task of the Party section and unit is to or- ganize these 103 workers who voted Communist into the trade unions, Unemployed Councils, International Labor Defense, and into the Com- munist Party and utilize these workers as an organizational base toward winning the rest of the workers in that precinct and make it a red precinct. The same applies to every other precinct and every other city, This cannot be done mechanically but only on the basis of developing activities and strug- gles in the shops and in the given neighborhood concrete issues facing the workers which might be wage- cuts, evictions, foreclosures on the homes of workers, struggle for im- mediate relief, for social and un- employment insurance, soldiers bonus, discrimination, etc. ‘HE experiences obtaineg by our Party in the November elections, must be utilized for the April alder- manic elections in Chicago as well as in the mining and other towns where local elections will take place. Concerning the municipal elections, we must at the very beginning ap- proach it on the basis of the united fron, from below. Section commit- tees and units must in their local struggles, already begin to popu- larize perspective candidates, Party members or revolutionary non- Party members, for aldermen, mayor, ete., by bringing them to the forefront in the everyday struggles. Our candidates must be known to the masses as organizers, fighters and leaders of the struggles. The ™masses judge us by deeds—not by words, Practically, the following should be the plan: (subject to concertiza- tion and modification to local con- ditions.) In the city of Chicago in every ward, the Communist Party is to call working class united front conference for the purpose of work- ing out s program and nominating candidates. To such conference delegates shall come not only from our organizations, but from local unions of the A. F. of L., T. U. U. L., all kinds of working-class organiza- tions, workers from the shops to call meetings to elect delegates, from the rank and file members of the Socialist Party, Farmer-Labor Party, from fraternal organizations, from working women, small home owners association, from the association of small depositors of the bankrupt banks, from ex-soldiers; in short, from the toiling and oppressed masses. It must be a real united front from below, a fighting united front from below, a fighting united front. Such a conference shall adopt the program and endorse the candidates. It sahll set up a broad committee that will have the task to mobilie every worker and working- class ogranization, workers in the shops of that neighborhood, to carry on a campaign in such a manner that in the working-class wards in Chicago we can actually become a factor. Bios ay ae IN the mining and steel towns we should proceed in the same man- ner, and if it is impossible in some cases. to place the Communist ticket, we shall not hesitate to place candidates on a united workers’ ticket in which the Communists, when they are placed on it, must carry the election campaign as Communists and build the Party organization. Nowhere shall we place on the workers’ ticket or Comunist ticket these elements who inight come in who are known as misleaders of workers of all shades. Nowhere do we establish blocks with reformist organizations—but cyerywhere the election carapaign is te be placed on the basis of a fighting nnited front from below. In all our election campagin ac- tivity, in all our united front struggles our press; Daily Worker, Worekrs’ Voice, Labor Unity, Lib- erator, Labor Defender, Workirig Woman, etc., as well as revolution- ary literature must receive maxi- mum attentio nand especially the press, which must actually reflect the struggles of the masses and must become the organizer and leader of the given struggle. This was not the case in the November elections. As a result of such ac- tivities, build the Communist Party, especially in the shops, mines and railroads, (Pee END.) —By Burek A. F. L. and S. P. Utilize Issue of Jobless Insurance to Divide Labor i. By BILL DUNNE. “The statesmanlike report of the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor in favor of compulsory unemploy- ment insurance is like a bright light on a yery dark night. Its positive arguments admit of no effective reply. They are cogent and convincing. I rejoice that the Council sees so clearly that ideally unemployment insurance should be national. As the Coun- cil points out, given the Consti- tution as interpreted by the courts, a national unemployment insurance bill would probably be declared unconstitutional. Hence we shall have to work for state bills."—Norman Thomas in “The New Leader,” Noy. 26. Pune pees BS its rejection of compulsory fed- eral unemployment insurance, the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, with its program of insurance by sep- arate states, is trying to demobilize the mass movement for federal un- employment insurance among work- ers outside the A. F. of L. and to quell the revolt of its own member- ship against its sabotage of the in- terests of the unemployed at the ‘Vancouver Convention last year. By the elimination of the 15-16,- 000,000 workers now unemployed from its proposed program of in- surance by states the A. F, of L. bureaucracy, by its Wall Street in- spired maneuver, hopes to split the ranks of the working class—to divide the unemployed from the employed, weaken the struggles of both, and relieve the great and growing mass pressure on American capitalism and its government. ENDORSE MANEUVER The Socialist Party, as we pre- dicted it would, is now throwing its forces into this campaign, acting as the vanguard in this sector of the capitalist offensive. Both Thomas and Hillquit have endorsed the A. F. of L. maneuver with the greatest enthusiasm. They have taken up with alacrity their task of dividing the working class ranks. On Nov. 24, commenting on the A. ¥. of L. unemployment insurance proposals, we said: “The opening speech of Presi- dent Green to the convention ... has made still clearer the cal- culated character of the perfidy which prompted the Executive Council to shift from a position of open opposition to all forms of compulsory government insurance to a proposal for compulsory un- employment insurance enacted by state legislatures.” “On the surface this appears to be an advance and undoubt- edly will be hailed as such by the liberals and the Socialist Party. Actually it is a peculiarly cun- ning and contemptible piece of treachery to the 15-16,000,000 un- employed, the part-time workers now being forced to ‘share, the work’ still more under the Teagle Plan, and to the whole working class.” SEEK TO CHECK MASS STRUGGLE The endorsement of the A. F. of 1, program by Norman Thomas on behalf of the Socialist Party is even more sweeping and unre~ etricted then we thought it would be, Nor was there any vaste. of time in placing the Socialist Party squarely behind one of the most; ambitious and dangerous schemes for checking the mass struggle of. the working class against starva- tion that the long record of be- tayal of the S. P. and the A. F, of L. records. ° . 8 conclusion is inescapable: call also upon the’ Socialist Party to help stem the tide. * BUREAUCRATS ACT. QUICKLY The Socialist Party and the A. F. of L. bureaucrats have acted quickly. They have leaped to the rescue of Wall Street government ina manner that testifies to their constant alertness in defense of the interests of capitalism against the working class. In particular have they sprung to the rescue of the incoming Roosevelt administration. The Socialist Party on the ques- tion of unemployment “insurance now stands on the same platform with Roosevelt. Roosevelt also is tor state unemployment insurance as f&gainst federal unemployment insurance. Norman Thomas, like President William Green and the Executive Council of the A. F. of L., assumes that compulsory federal unemploy- ment insurance would be detlared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. In other words, they are for securing feeding, clothing and housing of the unemployed by con- stitutional means which the Su- preme Court will uphold, insurance by states; in other words, when no one knows better than they do that the Supreme Court will not look with more favor upon state insur- ance than federal insurance. The principle is the same. The legality of unemployment insurance, state or federal, or both, will not be decided by congress and the’ courts but by ‘the workers in the factories and on the streets. The Communist’ Party works for state unemployment insurance but not as against federal unemploy- ment insurance. It organizes the workers to fight for compulsory | unemployment insurance in their respective states as an essential part of the struggle against the hunger offensive and for compul- sory federal unemployment insur- ance at the expense of the em- ployers and the government. Cr es co Communist Party knows that only organization and revolu- tionary struggle will force unem- ployment insurance by the, states and the federal government. It organizes workers for sich strug- gles. This is the great difference. The Socialist Party. wants to Try to Demobilize Mass Movement for Federal Insurance | and to Stem Revolt of Own Members keep the whole movement of the | masses within the Jegal bounds of capitalist democracy. Its tactics are no different from those of the A. F. of L.—voting and lobbying. Its program has the same objective as that of the A. F.' of L.—to de- fend and preserve capitalism by fooling workers into placing all their faith in the futile methods of reformist politics. What does Norman Thomas say, in the same article from which we quote above? “Until we can act nationally in. national crises democracy is in grave danger.” What democracy? Why, capi- talist democracy, of course! Capi- talist democracy is the present or- der of things in the United States whereby 15-16,000,000 workers are unemployed, where the standard of living of the working class has been reduced by some 70 per cent, where the government in three years of the -crisis has not put one dollar in the hands of a single unem- ployed worker. “DEMOCRACY IS IN DANGER” It is this democracy, whose Su- preme Court, as Thomas admits, “would probably” declare federal compulsory unemployment insur- ance unconstitutional, that he is so concerned about. “Democracy is in danger” because millions of work- ers are. unemployed and hungry, because, Jed by the Communist Party and the Unemployed Coun- cils they are organizing, protest- ing, demonstrating, battling with capitalism's police, supporting the Hunger March of their delegates to Washington in meetings in which tens of thousands of work- ers have taken part. “Democracy” is in danger be- cause masses of workers are de- manding and fighting for the right to live! 'HOMAS, therefore, brings the Socialist Party to the assistance of capitalist democracy. In alli- ance with the A. F. of L. bureau- cracy he tried to discourage action for unemployment insurance on a national scale, split the movement. into 48 sections, put it on @ purely parliamentary basis, and thus re~ lieve some of the pressure on capi- talist democracy, This is the S. P. tactic. A Novel Inspired by the Struggles of the Southern Workers By ANNA: ROCHESTER. | of the functions of proletarian art is to interpret the experience and thoughts of the workers. and toe Make Bread, by Grace Lump- kin (Macauley Co.), is an outstand- ing example, perhaps the first in the United States, of a well-exec- uted novel grounded in reality and focussed on the gradual develop- ment, of solidarity and revolutionary j ideas in @ group of southern work- ers, ‘The story moves in four distinct stages, each growing out of the one before it and yet each shaped’ by changes in the material background of the workers. First, the life of _mountain farmers, independent, | self-reliant in their poverty because each family owns its oné-room cabin and its patch of hillside and yet held together by strong ties as “neighbors and kin.” From this life they are uprooted ‘by the coming of a lumber company, priation pushing them out into the landless proletariat. They go down from the mountains aming of comfort in the mill villages where they will handle ‘HE T The American ruling class finds | money, but the dream fades into. itself confronted with mass resent- ment of such proportions and with @ mass demang and mass move- ment of such increasing militancy and power for federal unemploy- ment insurance, that it cannot de- pend only upon its own propa- ganda machinery, coupled with that of the A. F. of L. leadership, the more desperate poverty of, ex- ploitation in the mill. They are still neighbors and kin but ‘the old social bonds of free mountain life heve been broken by slavery to the mill-owners’ machines and nothing has taken their place. Empty, dead- ly , routine; childbirth, sickness, death; resentment against the rich. and itw latest maneuver, but must hit soveptance of smooth words from the boss-paid preachers. The third stage comes after the war, when speed-up, mass dismiss- als, and the deliberate efforts of the bosses to divide the workers bring the beginnings of working class consciousness. Then a strike unveils the lawless brutality of the capitalist class and the stronger workers are ready for the long struggle looking toward revolution. ‘This is. not the first book in- spired by the Gastonia strike, Workers who know Gastonia and know southern workers say that it is the trnest picture of the situa- tion. But its importance lies esve- cially in two things which give it a broader significance. . Very few writers achieve the sensitiveness to other workers’ experience und ideas that is revealeq:by Grace Lumpkin in this book., Her very considerable imaginative powers are devoted wholly to illuminating a group and @ situation that she knows at first hand—not to picturing it as she would like it to be. ‘Then—and this fs a rare combin- atio® among American’ writers—she has a genuine interest in workers as individuals along with a clear- cut understanding of class forces. To Make My Bread is no puppet play, but a book-full of genuine flesh and ,blood individuals, es real as those that each of-us has per- sonally known. And yet the class line-up is never for one moment. forgotten. ‘The further development, of the workers’ class consciousness: is clearly shown as one thing in the world that, NOTE—“Georgia Niggei ational oppression of the Negro masses. ers terms of respect for Negroes IN: NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” is & smashing exposure of the hideous persecution and to the white ruling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and contemptrous treatment of Negroes which it symbolizes, ‘erder to paint a true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise he would have put into the mouths of the boss lyneh- h The Daily Worker relentlessly opposed ‘The author shares this view, but. im STALMENT 23. THE STORY SO FAR:—David Jackson, a Negro youth, is on his way to Macon, Ga., to look for a job when he is picked up on the streets of a small town, charged with vagrancy and sentenced to three months on the chain gang. While the warden, Bill Twine, is taking him to the prison camp known as Buzzard’s Roost, David tries to escape. caught, beaten up and given an additional nine months, He is When David arrives at the camp, 20-pound steel spikes are riveted around his legm ‘The next morning he goes to work on the chain gang building a road, Smallpox Carter, a huge Negro, sets the pace for his crew, singing tongs that give the tempo. (F you are young and have been in @ chain gang before, you know what it means when a strong con- vict offers you friendship. There was the Snake Fork cook who had been on chain gangs for fifteen years in different counties, who was comforted by a fifteen- year-old boy doing three months, whom the warden gave him as a helper. And when the’ meal truck arrived and the walking - boss shouted, “Lay ‘em down! Come on now, an’ git yo’ feed!” and Small- pox sat with David, he remembered that Dee had said that to sleep with @ man was as evil in the eyes of the Lord as sleeping with a beast in the field, and turned to the lick leader. DAVID REJECTS THE OFFER “whut you speckin’, Mistuh?” he asked coldly. Smallpox looked surprised. “What's de mattah?” he manded, frowning. “Lissen,” David said quietly, “I bin on a chain gang befo’.” “Tough, eh?” “Lissen, Mistuh, doan start nothin’ wid me—” ha ee ‘HE other convicts sat up at the prospect of a fight. The shot- gun guard turned in their direction, sensing trouble. Smallpox spat and walked away. The .boy took his plate of peas and pork and corn pone and sat on the cool, upturned earth with the others. He was wet with perspira- tion. His body ached. The spikes de- contemptuously irritated his ankles and he stretched | his feet sidewise to ease the strain. During the afternoon, when his eyes smarted from the sweat that rolled down his face, he cried to the guard: “Gittin’ out!” It was the call of the convict camp when a prisoner had to. care sae BBE THEIR ONLY TIME Muscogee County, Ga., chain gang on a Sunday, the only day when The work is exhausting and David's spikes make it even more difficult. Now continue: ° HICKASAW County paid the county physician one hundred dollars ‘2 month, which was sup- posed to include service, travelling expense and medicine for the coun- ty’s sick. But Buzzard’s Roost was an idylli¢ camp when you heard of others, Skillet Jones, who had spent half of his fifty years in camps from the Carolinas to Louisiana, said so, told them they did not know a good camp when they saw it. SKILLET JONES Skillet looked as though southern suns had d:ied him until there wes nothing lefs but a parched brown skin stretched tightly over small bones, and two close set eyes darte ing furtively in cadaverous sockets. A long scar ran from his forehead to his nose, hit with a skillet by a girl, he explained with a wide grin. There was the day David sat near him during the dinner period. Water had spilled from a pail and the wet Clay was a deeper, darker red. “Nigger blood,” Skillet said vi- ciously, “All dese roads is red. All through de souf. So much nigger blood in ‘em dat no rain kin eyer wash ‘em clean again.” oe) — LIKED to tell stories, talking in his quick, explosive way and in- terspersing the tales with high cackles of amusement. When. a convict, exhausted by the grind, Swore sullenly under his breath, Skillet would snicker contemptu- ously. “Huh,” he would say, spitting dis- gustedly. “Whut you niggers belly- achin’ fo’? You doan know a good camp wen you see one!” , And he would tell stories of some other gang in some other state. SKILLET’S STORIES There was the one when the state of Alabama rented him like it would a mule to a coal operator, and one of the Louisiana swamp where all convicts had malaria, Negro prisoners on the they are not driven like beasts, persecuted and tortured for the slight- est offense or imaginary offense. (Copyright by John 1, Spivak, author of “Georgia Nigge! for nature's heeds. He had learned in Snake Fork how convicts use it for a two minute rest when they feel they sre about to drop from exhaustion. “Gittin’ out there!” the guard agreed, pointing to low brush on the edge of a field, o 8 6 IN SATURDAY afternoons some bathed in a large pan, less for cleanliness than for the cool feel of water, and when they washed, five or six used the same pan, for the pump was in the warden’s yard and it was too much trouble to cerry water for each man. Sometimes the commissary gave them a yellow bar of soap, but there were no towels and bodies dried in the sun. Many aid not even bathe on Saturdays, for it was too long to wait their turn, or because their bodies would be more odorous for the nightly smelling. SYPHILIS David watched a strapping Negro with an open sore the size of a dime on his lett lég bathe in water already used. “Syph'lis,” the bather volunteered indifferently, noting the boy’s look. “Ah tol’ de Cap’n ’bout hit wen I fus’ come an’ Dr. Blaine, he come and looked me ovah an’ said hit was syph'lis, but he couldn’t affohd to buy me no injections an’ de Cap'n said he couldn’t affohd to sen’ a strong niggah away w’en he was shy o’ convicts. But hit doan hu’t. Ain’ no bother a-tall. Hit’ll go ‘way in a li'l while. “Yeah, De doctor say ‘Whut de hell do you think I am? Come out hheah an’ spen’ mo’ money on gas an’ oil den de county pays me an’ den speck me to pay fo! injections fo’ syplveti¢ niggahs? Hit’ll cost a couple o' .dollahs a treatment ev'ry week fo’ a long time an’ if I staht, wid dis one, whey I come off at? Ev'ry damn niggah got syph'lis one ‘way or another, anyway. Transfer ‘him if you want to ‘git rid 6’ himt"” but were driven to work with whips while their teeth chattered and their bones ached, and one of the Mississippi camp, where the warden liked to shoot into a gang of Negroes to see how fast they could run with chains on their legs— BEER Re Hi, BUZZARD'S ROOST was as clean as an angel's wings and the guards as kind as a white bearded saint to the South Carolina camp from which he had escaped into Georgia. In Buzzard’s Roost there were vermin and stench, cursings end beatings and stocks, but out of Slatternville seventeen Negroes went into the wilderness of the South Carolina hills in a floating cage, a cage drawn by four mules, a sway- ing, creaking, rumbling prison of thick wood with no bars or windows for air on nights that choked you, and bunks of steel with rings for master chains to lock you in at night, Bedbugs slept with you im that cage and lice nestled in the hair of your body and you scratched until your skin bled and the sores on your body filled with pus. Meat for the floating kitchen wrapped in burlap bags, stinking meat swarm- ing with maggets and fies, and corn pone sozked by fall rains, slashing rains that beat upon the wooden cage through the barred door upon the straw mattresses until they were sorgy. Gaunt-eyed convicts, stinking like foul creatures long buried in for- gotten dungeons .. . . Na isa Oh, Buzzard’s Roost. was a kitidly haven to some other camps. (Continued Tomorrow) Omar sear WHAT IS THE « IL HAVEN” KNOWN AS BUZZARD" ROOST? HOW ARE THE’ PRIS- ONERS TREATED ON THIS CHAIN GANG WHICH Is MILD COMPARED TO OTHERS? ‘ONLY THE DAILY WORKER EXPOSES ‘THESE HORRIBLE CONDITIONS. DON’T MISS TOMORROW'S IN- STALMENT! =. ih Fike ’ ict i