The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 26, 1932, Page 4

‘| Page Four Dail Published by 13th St., New Address and mail Yorker Party USA the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 50 E. | York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonguin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORKE.” | checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. | Ii SUBSCRIPTION RATES: |} By mail everywhere:, One vear, $6; six months, $2.50; 8 months, $f; 1 month, Tee | excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5: 3 months, 33 i Answer Police Attack on hildren! ren’s hunger delegation to the r than ever the vicious drive f the government to smash tem the nation-wide fury against his arving, unarmed ex-soldiers m that this latest act of po- e existence of the government. Nor can ck against the unemployed at Al- tened the police”, con- | children protesting against starva- White House were threatening the of the hunger gov- It should arouse in ery poverty stricken 1 in the nation-wide n of the capitalist class, whose when even children who ask verywhere strations for local > make December 6th a day of y to back up the hunger march on at the opening of Congress. ice brut; y hunge: Roosevelt-Hoover Unity on Bosses’ Debt Policy | tf on the nt on all funda of the $124,000,000 consider cancella- ents must take into ors recreating the such com- to deal with and the former statements m whatsoever relat: nations floated by le sum of the money y interest on the war used the debts owing | vate loans at Re- s of those countries. reet as an effective pol t rival imperialist powers. und these war debts are principally rival imperialist powers in this period ad revolutions and the tempestu- the masses in the capitalist | ies. They are one of the for new alignments in the the surface to be a fundamental conflct , Hoover, and the president-elect, Roose- h 4, next year, it would only indicate a in carrying out one uninterrupted Wall ministrations are quite convenent for ma- | reasons why such changes are made. | rough its Waslfngton government, to | i—such, for instance as an interconcil- | met. Then, if it is necessary for Wall | m about-face on some phases it can do ation. There is also the edded value to performances help to perpetuate the illu- | ed es government is made at Wash- | ington and not the Bb g houses and the stock exchange. Roosevelt’s istence upon revision of the war debts being considered | enly with individual nations carries out Wall Street policy of tryig to | break the “gentlemen’s agreement” arrived at in Lausanne between Eng- Jand, France and Italy. This same policy has been carried out thus far by the Hoover adminis n. 1 All the capitalist press carries news that there is an unyielding de- | | pursue one lir of able demand th Wall Street i sion that the policy mand for the December 15 payments to be met. But the same articles that carry this information also state that Hoover suggests that “sub- ject to the specific approval of Congress, payment on December 15 might be made in foreign currencies with actual transfer delayed until condi- tions were more propitious.” Such a demand can easily be met. All that | is required is paper and ink and printing presses. The December pay- ments can all be made in bright new foreign notes. But the economic consequences of such payments means further inflation of the currencies of thé debtor nations, and, at the same time, a relative strengthening of the dollar in the international money markets. An additional feature of Hoover's maneuvers is that he proposes that the whole question be taken up under circumstances definitely linking debts, disarmament and the subjects to be discu%ed at the world economic conference. On many oc- casions the Daily Worker has pointed out that United States financial power, especially the whole question of public and private debts, is used to try to persuade its possible enemies in an imperialist world war to cut down armaments. Now Hoover proposes to bring the debts question into the economic conference, where it can be used in the tariff war that is raging, a war that England threatens to carry still further by special duties against American products in case the December payments are not “postponed.” ‘This debt question is an inseparable part of the whole predatory policy of American imperialism, which is driving headlong toward a new world war. | In opposition to these maneuvers the toiling masses must fight and | demand the cancellation of all debts, both public and private. To lay, | bare the dirty duplicity, the monstrous intrigue in connection with these | debts is an inseparable part of the struggle against imperialist war. It 1s part of the work of mobilization of the masses for the struggle against capitalist solutions for the crisis and for a revolutionary way out through the conquest of political power, the establishment of a workers’ and farm- ers’ government, which alone can finally solve all such questions. | | | | | | | NEED WORKER PLAYERS LL.D. Begins Drive TACOMA, Wash—The Workers’ Theatre in Tacoma urges all friends for Final Release of | Tii“Simpatnsern’ ofthe wenn Scottsboro Boys lass to assist in staging plays dur- | ing the coming winter. All types of | characters are needed. Muriel Wright NEW YORK.—A nation-wide cam-/is director. Rehearsals are eld paign to follow up the partial victory | every Tuesday and Friday afternoon wrested from the U. S. Supreme Court | at 3 p.m. in the Scottsboro case, and to win shee freedom for the nine boys, | oe ‘been announced by Wm. L. Pat-| ~~ n terson, Secretary of the Internation | 5. ert tae Mn Becilahoce visioer Labor Defense. Recruitment Drive during which 5,000 Mrs. Ada Wright, mother of the 2| new members and 500 new Labor boys. who has just completed a tour| Defender subscribers are to gained of Europe will make several tours of| for the organization. The drive will the country. National Tag Days for| terminate on March 18, the Annivers- the Scottsboro Defense will be held ery date of the Paris Commune, + bershipy | Glassford’s | bonus marchers, General Glasstord | | is touring the country, writing sev- | | the big shots in | vets get started again on 2 new | izes the bosses whom he served sO | | “T left an official in the enemy’s | than $15,000, without mentioning a WATERS ASSISTS | THE STOOL-PIGEON | may be seen in another statement UNITY NEEDED NOW MORE THAN EVER New Spying Activities} By FRED GRELLER | HE “resignation” of General Glassford as comander of the Washington cossacks now turns out to be only another big bluff. his boss-advertised “sympathy” for the bonus vets, the police general | In- stead of being fired on account of | has been promoted to the job of keeping the ex-soldiers divided on | instead of local, | One of the main objectives | a nation-wide, scale. re in this newest scheme is the estab- lishment of fascist storm-troops, with temporary headquarters al- | | ready provided in Philadelphia, un- | der the name of the Independent | Veterans’ Committee. | ‘Traveling under the cloak of his | so-called differences with the gov- | ernment authorities whom he aided | in the murder drive against the eral stories about the B. E. F. for | a syndicate of capitalist sheets, and | making speeches to veterans in halls that cost @ thousand dollars | a night. A few days ago, the tear- | gas salesman made his first ap- | pearance at the huge Metropolitan Opera House in Philadelphia and got permits to stage four parades, | all of which received the greagest | publicity in the local papers, which | boycott news of workers’ demon- strations. | Besides the elaborate plans for | his reception, the National Broad- casting Co. provided him with a | coast-to-coast hookup on the radio. Although only about 500 represen- tatives of the American Legion, V. F.W,, etc., turned out, which proved that thousands of rank and f vets who stay away ate kind of lea~ | ry about ‘sympa ’ police agents | hose fascist or- ganizations are doing everything | possible to make Glassford’s latest | bid 2 success, before the fighting march to force payment of their | bonus from the Hoover-Wall St. | gang. | JUST AN ORDINARY ' STOOL-PIGEON | In the third installment of his | B. E. F. story, General Glassford writes how he became treasurer of | the bonus marchers assembled at | the 12th and D St. warehouse, | after being nominated by a stool- | pigeon named I. C. Schooler. With | all the true scruples of 2 Judas, he | writes: “In accepting this task, I felt I could best fulfill my duty to the public (the bosses) if I were also in their councils and knew what was going on inside of their | movement. I went into their camp as the head of a force of “friendly enemies.” ‘This is how the greatest black- guard among the police character- loyally, who bayoneted and scorched the vets—‘friendly ene- mies!” In the same breath, he writes how he felt about the bonus army, carefully omitting quotation marks, the better to impress his masters about his true feelings: camp. My staff in that capacity was composed of five policemen, all ex-service men, who did a splendid job of administration... .” In an- other paragraph he boasts how he handled, as their treasurer, more word about how these funds were distributed, or to whom. | Glassford’s idea of the leader- | ship for the hungry, penniless vets of his concerning his protege, Wat- ers, undercover-man from Port~ land. “His appearance and flare for publicity captured the imagina- tion of the B. E. F.... he was a tower of strength and an able ally during most of the occupation.” Thus it can be readily seen from his own mouth, that Glassford’s ballyhooed “sympathy” was noth- ing but a publicity stunt during the stay of the bonus marchers, in or- der to provide him with the neces- | sary prestige in the eyes of the | vets, just as now, when the bosses | are frantically trying to head-off the storm of unemployed, farmers and vets that will face Congress in December, to demand the bonus and social insurance, he again tries to stem the tide of mass struggle. All fighting vets must be on guard against this latest maneuver of the bosses to palm off Glass- ford as the friend of the ex-sol- diers! Rank-and-file vets should howl this spy off the boards, wher- ever he makes an appearance! The use of Glassford by the bosses and their government is to divide the ranks of the rank and file veterans. Especially now, when all the enemies of bonus are in Washington to prevent any at- tempts that might be made for the immediate payment of the balance of the adjusted service compensa- tion (the bonus) and are using every force and influence to cut out the disability allowances of the dis- abled veterans, the rank and file must unite their forces and send large delegations of marchers into Washington. It is against this united action of the veterans that the Glassferds and Waters are organized. Answer this attack by supporting the mass march of rank and file veterans into Washington, now at this ses- sion of Congress. Build the Workers’ Ex-Service- men’s League, the only independent veterans’ erganization which in- cludes all the veterans, Negro and white, regardless of their political opinions. An organization qon- feed te Bin: aa pf avr NEWS ITEM—The Japanese imperialists, ILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1932 MANCHUKUO—THE LAND OF PEACE!” NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” hideous persecution and national oppression of the 2 ‘The Daily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white roling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and contempeueus treatment of Negroes which it symbelizes. The author shares this view, bet, th order to paint s true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered Ht necessary te use this term as otherwise be would have put into the mouths ef the boss lynoh- eorgia Nigge! ashing exposure of follo wing the practices of Yankee rule in the Phil is Haiti, Nicaragua, etc., butchered 2,700 Manchurian p easants, men, women and children, with machine gun violence, 50 Years of Militant Defense Struggles in the U.S.A. J. Louis Engdahl, in Last Article Before He Died, Traces} Development of Defense Movement By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. geen ‘The Molly Magut and ¢ Haymarket” to “Scotts boro!” and “Moone: con- stitutes more than half a century of working class de: struggles n the United States. the 70's nd 80's of the last century, when the young industrial capitalism was irecting its bloody attacks against the workers, soon after the Civil ‘War (1861-65), and today with this capitalism developed into world’s leading imperialism, the death penalty is still sought for those workers who struggle. But the gallows and the rope is dis- placed by the electric chair and its death-dealing bolt of lightning. From the narrow isolation of the coal fields of Central Pennsylvania, where 19 militant miners of Schuyl- kill County were executed on the gallows in 1876 and 1877, to the world-wide struggles in support of the Scottsboro-Mooney campaign to-day, is also half a century of development of labor's resistance to the attacks of its persecutors. How still further to consolidate and ex- tend this resistance is one of the tasks of the World Congress of the International Red Aaid. MASS PROTEST THEN LIMITED. “The M@lly Maguires”, Irish coal miners, led the bitterly exploited mine workers in militant mass struggles. But when they were faced in the courts by their pro- secutors, their very isolation was a contributing factor to the adoption | of a purely legal defense. The mass | protest was also very limited on be- half of “The Haymarket Martyrs”, | the five militant workers who paid with their lives upon the gallows in the county jail in Chicago for their courageous leadership of the strike movement for the shorter workday in the 80's, that developed into the eight-hour day movement that took on wide proportions. The savage repression, with mass ar- rests, during the strike movements at the time of the economic de- pression in the 90's (Deb’s Railroad strike), did not meet with the or- ganized mass resistance that could have been developed by a work- ers’ defens¢ organization. y bi first real, nation-wide mass defense mobilization came with the effort to frame-up and railroad to the gallows the leaders, Hay- wood, Moyer and Pettibone, of the Western Federation of Mines, the most militant section at that time of the organized American labor movement. This movement, led by Eugene V. Debs, who had himself been repeatedly arrested and served numerous prison sentences, took on a militant character in spite of the leadership of the Socialist Par- ty, that thus early began to knife the defense actions of the working class, although Debs had already been the party’s candidate for | president on two occasions. With the liberation of Haywood, Moyer and Pettibone, the defense move- ment was liquidated. Another came into existence when the McNamara Brothers, Schmidt and others faced death in California, in 1911, because of their efforts to organize the workers in Los Angeles into the American Federation of Labor. Picks nctearsdettesalbtietii nesintcle Oy The Workers Ex-Servicemen’s League stands for: 1. Full payment on demand of all “Bonuses,” et nd policies, ete, 2, Increase of all compensations to disabled war veterans. 8. Right to choose our own phy- sicians and medical attendance at the government's expense. 4. No Jim-Crowing of any kind or discrimination against Negro War Veterans. 5. All servicemen to be given equal political power to join union and to otherwise support their de- mands. 6, Unity with the working class in its struggle against the bosses. 7, Unemployment insurance for all workers at the expense of the bosses and the government. & Fight against another imper- wood, Moyer and Pt 1907, resorted to ment, so that last July, had spent 16 y is K | tombed, Ww: : | is similarly confined in a°secon | prison at Fols: | MILITANT DEFENSE FIGHT While the Haywood- tibone defense movement synchr nized with the struggles of the Russian workers to build a defense against the czarist terror follow- ing the 1905 revolution, that had its repercussions in the United States in the protest movements demanding the right of political asylum in America for Russian revolutionists, the Mooney-Billings defense campaign has spanned the latest stage in the development of mass defense in the United States. The militancy of this defense ac- tion in its early years was betrayed alike by the leadership of the So- | cialist Party and the American Federation of Labor, which tended to the disruption of the defense machinery that had first been es- tablished and which developed con- siderable mass protest that even developed to the stage of strike struggles. IN this early period, however, came the savage persecutions of all workers’ organizations during the war, with the mass deportations and “prison ships” after the war, and the outlawing of the Commu- nist movement in 1920. In this sit- uation various defense movements sprang up, especially around dif- ferent strike struggles. The largest of these was the mass movement developed against the wholesale ar- rests following the government raid on the illegal Communist Party Convention held in Bridgeman, Michigan, in the summer of 1922, ‘The Sacco-Vanzetti campaign had not yet come sharply into the fore- ground. Mooney and Billings were beginning mcre and more to rely upon legalistic measures. It was in this situation that the necessity of @ powerful, centralized mass de- fense became clearly apparent and in June, 1925, the In- ternational Labor Defense, the Sec- International Req Aid, was organ- ized FIGHTING LEG. TRADITIONS ALISTIC been in- ke off all tra- at hang heavy lass defense ed States, and ass defense with d under the r of tl tional Red Aid and will be strengthened by the World Congress. The American Section with the International Red Aid built the world protest for Sacco and Van- vhen the Sacco-Vanzetti De- ee itself was con- trolled by socialists, anarchists and petty-bourgeois elements that op-~ posed mass protest. Similar ele- ments haxe been thoroughly ex- posed insofar as Tom Mooney is concerned, and he, now places his great reliance upon the world’s working class, although Warren K. Billings is still the prisoner of old alliances, even now placing his faith in the open betrayers of the American Federation of Labor. Similarly in Scottsboro, in defense of persecuted strikers (Kentucky coal miners), and in nearly all ma- jor actions, the International La- bor Defense must expose the trea- sonous role of the Socialist Party, the Industrial Workers of the World (National Defense Commit- tee), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the American Civil Liberties Union, various anarchist groups, and espe- cially the right wing and left (Trot- zkyite) renegades who have sought, unsuccessfully to be sure, to build up a rival defense organization. es haar | HILE the International Labor Defense exists as labor's only recognized defense organization, it still faces the task of breaking com- pletely with all forms of sectarian- ism that still isolate it from broad J. LOUIS ENGDAHL sections of the working class, and creates the biggest obstacle to its quick development into a broad, mass organization that is capable of ever wider mass campaigns. This is the immediate, major task and need, if the American section of the LR.A. is to fulfill its obliga- tions. TASKS OF AMERICAN SECTION ‘The American Section must be a center of strength for other sec- tions; such as the Canadian Sec- tion (the Canadian Labor Defense League), that faces tremendous ob- ligations with the outlawing by the Bennett government of the militant sections of the working class; such as the Latin American sections, | the fon inthe United Siates of tbe i tom Merion througs dae Gari . back, peas and corn pone. | three | court the justice sent a certified i copy of the sentence to the warden BILL TWINE ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use.—Edltor. INSTALLMENT 23 THE STORY SO FAR: After escaping trom the slave farm of the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, David Jackson, a Negro lad, finally gets his release from Deering with the aid of the planter, Ramsey. is on b/s way to Macon, Ga., to look for a job when he is picked up op the stree{s of a small town, where he is waiting for a bus connection, and charged with vagrancy. Now continue: * . Niko hired for county work must be paid wages, but Georgia | Cracker law can hire them for fat The weazened justice of the peace, with the unshaved face seemingly swollen from a mouthful of tobacco, peering through silver rimmed ‘spectacles. The corners of the court’s mouth, brown and moist where the juice dribbled. The stuttering justice whining: “T-t-ten dollars an’ costs or months on the ch-chain gang.” | The routine for the record was | observed to the letter. In the absence of a clerk of the at Buzzard’s Roost, Chickasaw county’s convict camp and the boy was returned to his cell until the warden or a deputy claimed him. Bill Twine was a huge man, six feet three, and weighing more than 200 pounds. A paunch that threat- ened to burst from the belt around it swayed like congealed jelly when he walked. A three days’ growth of beard made his heavy jowls seem as dirty as his white cotton pants and soiled white shirt. “You'll be treated better’n you ever was at home if yo're a good nigger,” he smiled to David. His teeth were stained a yellowish brown from snuff dipping. “Good food—all you kin eat. Bat it | myself sometime. Guards eat it, too. | ‘Three months ain't so much. You'll work out soon an’ if you've bin a good nigger you'll git an outfit when you go, same’s a state con- vict.” The boy did not raise his eyes. “Three months ain’t such a long time,” the warden repeated. He motioned the boy into the parked car. ee 8 ILL TWINE did not manacle the prisoner sitting beside him, for short-time» convicts do not risk A LAWYER longer sentences by attempting to escape. ‘The boy was silent, mo- fame oF conver borrowed the ground. Blood from his nose formed a scarlet rivulet down bis chin, a A car appeared on the road and at the warden’s up.raised hand stopped. The driver was a Negro who looked sympathetically at the boy in the road. “Got a rope?” “Yes, suh.” He quickly found 8 rope under his seat. “Bind his hands and feet. Put yo’ hands out?” he called harshly | to David. The boy put his hands out, but at the touch of the rope to his wrists, stared wildly about him and with a loud cry pushed the Negro back with a powerful shove. “You little black bastard!” Twine swore. “I ought to blow yo’ God damned ‘brains ow He raised his pistol and struck David on the head. The boy dropped without 2 whimper. Blood ran down forehead to his closed eyes and mingled with the rivulet from his nose. E regained consciousness in the His whole body blood on his face and hands had dried and the slightest movement made it crack and bleed again There was a patch of bright, blue sky through the barred win- dow. A sense of helplessness and despair swept over him, and he cried long, deep sobs. He was in.jail a week before a deputy escorted him to the sheriff's office. His face was covered with the scabs of healing wounds. “Tried to escape, eh?” David nodded dully. “T reck’n we kin save you some time by bringin’ you befo’ the co’t v, if you plead guilty, said the sheriff. David nodded again. “DEFENDS” This time the stuttering justice of the peace appointed a lawyer ta defend the accused. The lawyer prosecuting attorney’s ae 10 rears Levelia [UN qoginuae- M4 devise ing 2¥« Hess 8 Wn CreiMiewn Fu 16 245 Hare Jbu 1 21 dgutce Pesca If u 20 diashe eek, tags THIS HAPPENS TO WOMEN, TOO.—Punishment chart for part of the’ month of September, 1931, at the women’s prison camp of Fulton County, Ga. | lables when asked a direct question. NO ESCAPE | until he moaned and opened his rose, answering only in monosyl- { On the open road the sunlight, the level, white fields of cotton, the very highway waridering off to freedom snapped something in the boy’s brain and without fully realizing what he did he flung the door of the car open and jumped. He struck the road with terrific impaet and rolled over and over — ‘before he came to a stop and lay | crumpled and unconscious at the | furrowed edge of a field. ‘The Ford stopped with a screech | of brakes even before David’s body had ‘stepped rolling. | “Crazy son of a bitch,” the war- | den muttered jumping out of the car. ‘The boy's face, and hands in- stinctively thrown out to break the fall were lacerated and bleeding. His clothes were ripped as though a beast had clawed them. Bill Twine slapped him vigorously eyes. “Git up an’ see if you broke any 0’ yo’ God damned bones,” the war- den growled. David rose slowly to his feet. “Stretch yo'se'f” one 8 tf boy obeyed dazedly and as | suddenly as he had jumped from the car ,the bleeding hands and face and flapping: overalls rushed madly for the open fields. “Halt!” Twine shouted, pulling a pistol. “Halt! Or I'll shout!” ‘As quickly as the insane notion | to run come, the sharp com- mand brought him to his senses and he stopped. Bitter tears were running down his cheeks when he returned at the warden’s command. Twine advanced to meet him. “So that’s the kind o’ nigger you are, eh?” He struck the boy with a fist, knocking him to the bean to Chile, where bloody terror seeks to crush all worker and peas- ant resistance to imperialist and native exploitation; such as the col- onies of Wall Street reaction, es- pecially WHawalt, the Philippines and Porto Rico; and because of the tremendous foreign-born popu- lation in the United States the op- portunities for building the patron- | ati movement in connection with the mother countries of these im- migrants. In its struggle against tful, of the fright Negro masses in the United States, plug of tobacco and suggested thas it would be wiser to charge the boy with a misdemeanor instead of a felony. “Defendant is entitled to con- sideration fo’ pleadin’ guilty,” his attorney drawled. “If you charge him with a felony you'll have to bind him over to a higher co’t.. He's savin’ the county the exnense 0’ feedin’ him. In addition, Chick- asaw county has mo’ felony con- victs than its population warrants. If defendant is chersed with a | felony the county will not profit from his work. He will be trans« | ferred by the Prison Commission to another county an’ all we'll have is the expense o’ keeping him. I fig ser it would be wise if the co’t kept him here on a misdemeanor charge.” HE lawyer smiled cheerfully to \ David. “T reck'n that'll save’ you some . time. bov, eh? What sav?” “Hit doan mek no diff’runce whut. T say. I’m gontuh git sen’ up anvway.” David did not understand the phrases the justice stuttered be- tween wiping tobacco juice from his chin and exploring his nostrils with a long, bony finger. He undersinod only that for trying to escape he was to do nine months Fhe he had finished the original ~ re. * (Continued Tomorrow) * . FRAMED UP, BEATEN AND RAILROADED TO 12 MO ON 'THE CHAIN GANG, WHA! SLAVERY AND TORTURE WILL NOW RE DAVID’S LOT IN COMMON WITH THOUSANDS OF OTHER WORKERS, ESPE- CIALLY NEGRO, THROUGHOUT THE SOUTH? BE SURE AND READ TOMORROW'S TNSTAL- MENT OF LIFE ON THE CHAIN GANG! the American Section also comes into the foreground against the at- tack on the Negro masses in the ‘West Indies, in South Am:rica and in Africa, The World Congress .of the In- ternational Red Aid, therefore, as the leader of labcr's mass defense struggles against the terror against fascism, against imperialist war, and for the’ defense of the Soviet Union, is of tremendous import- ance, not only to its American sece tion, but to labor throughout the MW