The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 23, 1932, Page 4

orker’ Party BCA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc, lly except Sunday, at 50 B. 1ath St., New York City, N, ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWOBK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 18th Bt., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By wail everywhere: One year, 36; six months, $3.5¢; 8 mor exeepting Boroorh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. € One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 5 months, A. F. of L. Leaders Try New Method Against Unemployed MPHE text of the report of the sub-committee on unemploy- ment insurance of the Executive Council reveals the fact that the A. F. of L. leadership, forced to retreat from open opposition to insurance, is engaged in the most ambi- tious—and vicious—maneuver of its entire career with the exception of that carried through by Gompers at the Buffalo convention, addiessed by President Wilson, which lined up the Federation and its affiliated unions for support of Wall Street’s war. ‘The Executive Council of the Amer n Federation of Labor, under the tremendous pressure of the revolt of hundreds of local unions and central labor bodies against its open opposition to unemployment insur- ance at its Vancouver convention last year, and of the growing power of the mass movement for federal unemployment insurance at the expense of the government and employers, led by the Communist Party and the ‘Unemployed Councils, has made a right about face in Cincinnati, ‘The s®port which formally endorses compulsory unemployment in- surance on a state basis, with some federal participation of @ statutory but not financial character, marks a decided and important change in the tactics by which the A. F. of L. leadership continues its opposition to unemployment insurance for unemployed workers. It is a change from the tactic of frontal attack to one of killing the unemployment insurance movement by kindness—to be accompanied of course by continuing the policy of expulsions whenever local unions and central bodies undertake serious campaigns to force compulsory unemployment insurance. The strategy of the A. F. of L. leadership is to check and disrupt the militant mass struggles with unemployment insurance as their central political demand. Its report,, with its rejection of federal unemployment insurance because of the “provisions and limitations of the United States sonstitation as inierpretated by the courts,” is intended to divert the mass struggles in which thousands of members of A. F. L. unions take part, into channels of endless and ineffective lobbying through the maze of state legislative procedure. ‘The report makes no provision for the inclusion of the existing army of 15-16,000,000 unemployed workers even in the proposed state imsurance. It is entirely a proposal for the dim and distant future. The history of workmen’s compensation | ation and of old age pensions on a state basis which has dragg out over a period of more than 25 years, and which still remain? either unenacted as in some states or exists in the form of laws providing pitiful pittances for workers, shows the callous disregard for the unemployed and their dependents which is characteristic of the reactionary leadership. The recommendations of the report, far from proposing additional taxation of the employers for the huge sums needed to furnish the unemployed with a minimum standard of decent living, actually en- dorses the proposal of Senator Wagner to allow employers to deduct their unemployment payments from their federal income taxes. The financing of the A. F. of L. plan as recommended in the re- port is a cruel joke on the hungry millions of workers to whose aid it pretends to come. Payments are to be financed by a 3 per cent levy on employers’ payrolls. At the present percentage of employment, with part-time work the rule, it would take years to acquire by such a plan the necessary reserves to put state laws into operation even for those still employed—to say nothing of the millions now jobless. The report is a forced recognition of the fact that the “individual- ism’ of the American worker, so long a catchword of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy, and its excuse for a continual series of reactionary meas- ures, ig a fiction. It has vanished with other shibboleths, like “perma- ent American prosperity” production and high wages, ete.” under the impact of the worst crisis in the history of American capital- ism and the decline of capitalism throughout the world. * ® . hs, $8; 1 month, THe Foreign and 33 HE growing radicalization and militancy of the American masses is @ basic and indisputable fact. Their militant struggles, especially for immediate relief and unemployment insurance are organized and led by the Communist Party. In the A. F. of L. unions there is an inereasing resistance to the tyranny of the bureaucracy and a growing movement for trade union democracy and a policy of militant or- anization and struggle. There is now in session in Cincinnati a rank and file convention of several hundred delegates from local unipns all over the country working out a program for strengthening the fight for unemployment insurance. Here too the Communists take a leading part. The demagogic Maneuver of the A. F. of L. bureaucrats is directed not only against tts own members but the working class as a whole, in the interests of the capitalist class. It is a maneuver designed to split the ranks of the working class in the fight for unemployment insurance, create hesitation and con- fusion, isolate the Communists and thereby deprive the . unemployed millions of their only revolutionary leadership. . ‘The report makes no basic change in the policy of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy. Its recommendations, with some minor exceptions, will Probably be those of the Roosevelt administration. The A. F. of L. leadership remains part of the machinery of capitalist government. But the demagogic character of its maneuver places before the Communist Party, members in A. F. of L. unions certain special and immediate tasks. The, demagogy of the bureaucrats must be utilized to win still larger sections of the union membership for the struggle for immediate federal unemployment insurance at the expense of the government and employers. It is evident that, as a result of the report, and in spite of the fact that this is the last thing the bureaucrats want, the struggle for unemployment insurance can now more effectively be carried on within the unions and—if attempts are made to institute a new policy of ex- pulsions and blacklisting great numbers of union members can be ral- lied for the most militant resistance thereby further breaking down the spamence of the officiaidom and administering defeat after defeat to em, — whole movement of revolt against the A. F. of L. officialdom can be strengthened greatly by the wide-spread and rapid exposure of the calculated and callous hypocrisy in the service of American. capitalism which prompted the change of tactics on unemployment insurance at Cincinnati. Xt is not among the high-salaried bureaucrats in the convention that the fight will be waged. But the betrayal of the interests of the hundreds of thousands of jobless A. F. of b. members, and of the entire workingclass perpetrated there under the zuise of assisting them will arouse whole new sections of union and unorganized workers into action if explained and exposed for what it- is—strike-breaking in a new form by the sellont of the millions of hungry unemployed workers in this, the fourth winter of the capitalist. crisis. On with the mass struggle led by the Communist Party for im- mediate relief and federal unemployment insurance at the expense of the employers and their government. the National Hunger March to Washington! Support Down with the hunger policy of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy! Winter Relief for Jailed Miner’s : Wife and Children UR skinny children, one sickly woman, asking only to be al- lowed to live Such is the state of Anna Jackowski and her children aged 4 to 16. No work for any of them no one to help but the In- Labor up charge of bombing. As & member of the United Mine Workers of America he had been on strike for 20 months. With ArT his union official deserted him. He writes from London. Pri- son Farms, London, Ohio: (Prison- ers are only permitted to write on the first and third Sundays of the seth), ey 4 & “I am separated from my sickly wife and four little children. The bosses have framed me up and i and my family must suffer for cape an Dear Comrades if you not be supporting my family they sure will be hungry, if not dead. 1 am glad that I longed to this organization be- | cause it fights for the workers.” His wife, Anna, the four children, struggle along waiting, wadting, for y's release. He needs help. They need help, Do not desert them. Join the I. L. D.; support | the Prisoners’ Winter: Relief cam- Room 430, 80 Mast 11th Gt, New = Come! Pork, WF. wort, Te gees oera! 4 ia ae al ah diac DAILY WORKER, NEW WORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 23 1932 PARTY LIFE For Personal Contact In Our Activity By CHARLES BLANK our mass agitational activities we have gradually reached a higher stage of development, but in carrying out agitational work by personal contact we find that we have hardly paid any attention to this most important phase of agi- tation. I learned the importance of per- sonal contact activities and the lack of carefully worked out meth- ods of doing it during several years in a factory which had more than two huridred workers. WORKERS AT THE JOB During work time every worker fs busy at his task. The work in | hand is timed, the slower worker is working harder and taking looks at the faster worker to see how far ahead that worker is from him. The twelve o'clock bell rings. To wash hands before the bell rings is not allowed ang from every side of the factory workers rush to the wash rooms. Some eat their lunch inside the factory and many go out | to eat. There is quiet in the fac- tory until 20 minutes to one. In these 20 minutes is to be seen a miniature picture of how men bal- ance their life. As if, by com- mand, the workers divide them- selves into groupings. All social contrasts make themselves visible in full view—nationality, language, color, sex, ete. The cultural back- grounds also come to the front. Some remain to play ball outside, others checkers, others carry on discussions according to their polit- ical and social development, ae ae UT there is also visible the silent, observing worker. A personal contact with these workers reveal many who, though not actively connected with the revolutionary movement are yet critically watch- ing every step of the Party and the revolutionary movment as a whole. I made notes of a series of con- versations with those workers in- dividually on various questons. 1 am citing here the essential part of one of them. “I like to go to your big meet- ings, to your big demonstrations, to your big picket lines, because I find there life ang warmth, but at your small group meetings I find myself in another extreme—everything so rigid and mechanical, lacking flex- ibility. You exercise great influ- ence when you are in regimental formation, but your influence is re- duced to near zero when it comes to individual contact. I once joned one of your trade union groups. I | | The Rising Mass Struggle of “We Need Another War to Solve This Problem!” —By Burck | Sure, NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobn L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” WOTDAH George Nigger” fo » smoshing exposure of the hideous persecution nations! oppression of the Nerre The Daily Worker Is relentiessl te the white ruling cless term, “nisi nd_to the opp: trestment of Negroes which {4 symbolizes, The enthor conditions, he considered tt ¢ inte the mouths of the boss ym jo Rot _use.—Eitor, } SS anEnEEInineeee order to paint = ire pictare of these horri Se el Siew ce cikervino he would hav exe terme of respect for Nesr the; INSTALMENT 20 THE STORY SO FAR: David Jackson, a young Negro lad, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, escapes from the farm of the in- fiuential white planter, Jim Deering. Though Deering is supposed to be | paying wages, his plantation is actually a slave camp where Negroes are | driven like beasts of burden and are tortured and murdered {f they pro- test. David's f: succeeds in enlisting the aid of the white plantasy Ramsey, who is driving David in his car to the next county when he overtaken by Sheriff Dan Nichols, a Deering hireling, and forced to tw back to’the courthouse. Ramsey declares he is taking David to the stat capitol to prefer charges against Deering before the governor. Whil Nichols tries to persuade Ramsey to give up the boy, he summons Deer- ing and Shay Pearson, the white planter on whose farm the Jacksons are the Workers of Great Britain _R. Palme Dutt Analyzes Situation in Relation " Tasks of Congress of British Communist Party (The following article was written especially for the “Daily Worker” by R. Palme Dutt, editor of the “Labour Monthly” and one of the leaders of the Communist Party of Great Britain. We hope to publish regular correspondence on this page from Comrade Dutt.) ee : By B. PALME DUTT ONDON (by mail).—On Novem- ber 12, the Twelfth Congress of the British Communist Party meets. ‘The Communist Congress meets in the midst of rising mass strug- | gles unequalled since the General | Strike and of a type and intesity had influence among the workers | in my shop. in the shop. Any activity that I I tried to be active | undertook I was in it with real | | earnestness, but once I committed a serious tactical error. I recog- nized my error openly at a meeting before all the workers, but in the group where I belonged I was al- ready looked upon as an outcast. Instead of taking pains ang in- vestigating the facts in the case to find out the reasons that led to my error I was simply informed by one higher up that there were sug- gestions from individuals of the group to expel me from the or- ganization. It is already about nine months that I did not come | to any meeting of the group and I did not receive even one postcard or have somebody to come to see me and find out why I was away ATTENTION TO INDIVIDUAL WORKERS “Do you want to grow organiza- tionally that way? I am very sorry to tell you, you will not. Even now I am agitating for and contributing as much as I can to the move- ment. I love the movement, but I cannot fit in organizationally.” “As to the press and literature, I would like to say that I fully agree with your way of fighting | for the working class, but you are {| all absorbed with the working class | ang the individual is entirely for- gotten. Just consider the ideological spider-web the capitalist class has woven uround the worker, when he is out of his place of work; in his home, in the press, in books, radio, movies and other mediums where man balances life when not work- ing. Balanced agitation and prop- aganda will bring the masses to you in the millions.” T want to state that the argu- ments cited here are not fictitious, but actually how a worker ex- pressed himself. Yet us discuss these little things. “From petty things we are building up big ie now,” Comrade Stalin has Song to the Soldier -- By ROSE PASTOR STOKES. Workers in uniform— Farmers: in uniform— ‘We are your fathers! ‘Your fathers, your brothers, Say will you aim at us?— Shoot at the hungry? Shoot at ine mass? ‘We are your sisters! Turn to your officers “We will not shatter Bone of our bone!” Workers in aniform— Parmers in uniform ~~ new in British working class his- tory. Alarm signals in the capitalist camp as to the seriousness of the situation are sounding with in- creasing frequency. The rising cri- sis, the still continuing fall in trade and production, the growing inter- national complications, the rising social struggles in Britain and co- jonial struggles in Ireland and In- dia—all these are filling the Na- tional Government and the ruling | class with doubts as to the whole future outlook, and driving them to more violent and reckless policies, both of intensified repression and attacks against the workers, and of active preparation for war. MASSES ARE DESPERATE Symptomatic of the present trend is the famous defeatist speech of the hitherto silent Gov- ernor of the Bank of England, Montagu Norman, on October 20 at the bankers’ dinner at the Man- sion House: “In spite of every attempt that has been made—mostly {m isola- tion to a large extent—the vast forces of the world, the herd in- stinct, the desperation of the peo- ple who have neither work nor market, have brought about a series of events and a general tendency which appears to me at the present time to be outside the control of any man, of any gov- ernment of any country.... I will admit that for the moment the way to me is not clear.” In the forefront of the rising cri- sis, for this declaration of the principal spokesman of the ruling finance-oligarchy, is the rising mass struggle, which defeats all their aims—‘the desperation of the people who have neither work nor market.” mit ie N its side, the Labour Party ech+ oes the capitalist cries of alarm. ‘The “Daily Herald, the millionaire- | press organ of the Labour Party, whose normal role is to deny and suppress every sign of working class militancy and deride the possibility of revolution in Britain, is com- pelled to adopt @ very different | tone in its editorial of October 7: “The signs of social discontent continue to grow in number and gravity and to take on uglier forms. “Demonstrations, marches, riots, and police charges have become diseuietin=ly |familiar in the great industrial centers of the country. “A situation is developing more serious than anything known in this generation, and so deplor- able that it must cause the deep- est disquiet to all who care for a decent Britain.” “Deplorable”, “disquieting” capitalism and its Labour servants. Full of hope to the workers and to heady cause of the workers’ revolu- Needless to say, the “Daily Her- ald” blames the Communists for | @ situation so “disquieting” to the Your sisters, your mothers. Labour Party and its hopes for the peaceful gentlemanly starvation of the workers. e Communists,” it finds, “are der”; and in plotted by by it”. sel workers’ struggle for bread, and with the only. party of the workers which leads that struggle. What lies behind these expres- sions of alarm of capitalism and its Lebour servants? RISE OF STREET BATTLES The immediate occasion, which has drawn the attention of the whole world on the rising struggle in Britain, has been the gigantic battles of the unemployed in all parts of the country against the gov- ernment police forces. Masses of unemployed workers, driven by need, and with them many em- ployed workers, on a scale never before equalled in Britain (1p0,- 000 participants in the London demonstration of October 30), have shown a new intensity of fight and power to resist police vio- lence unbroken, and have extorted concession after concession fram the authorities. But let there be no mistake. It is not a question only of the un- employed, three to four millions. It is throughout the entire working class, among the employed workers no less, that the new spirit of fight is rising. MASS TEXTILE STRIKE The Lancashire textile strike of 200,000 weavers from the end of August to the end of September was the powerful demonstration of this. The significance of this con- flict was not only that of a strike | forced through from below in the face of the intense resistance of | the union officials, in the face of widespread unemployment and fear of victimization, and in the face of all the capitalist-plus-union propa- ganda of the “bankruptcy” of the cotton industry’ and “hopelessness” of struggle. The significance lay above all in the new element of mass-initiative and mass-activity which characterized the strike, in the militant activity of the mass- pickets which, in defiance of the Conservative Government’s Trade Union Act, closed mill after mill, overpowering in many regions the Police forces sent against them, afid establishing what the Lanca- shjre employers and local press were pleased to call “mob-rule”. Such a development in the tradi- tionally “‘liberal-labour” Lanca- shire, the former stronghold of class-peace, where Communist in- fluence had previously hardly reached, is a measure of the pro- cess that is taking place throughout the working class. Through cyery industry, in all trade union. conferences, the same rising activity is visible. The im- mediate struggles are stll defensive in face of the continuing and inten-’ cified capitalist attacks. But be- neath the defensive form is already visible the beginning of a new of- fensive spirit of refusal any longer to accept inevitably and hopelessly the results of the crisis of direct cnalene to the whole capitalist DECEPTIVE “LEFT” PHRASES 5 The ferment is reflected in the trade unions and in the Labour Party. The trade union and Labour bureaucracy are compelled to ma- neuver, to make a show of moves to the “left”, in order to maintain their hold. Aged Labour Party Councillors besin to mumble forth slogans of “Revolution, Ni Conference) proclaims that “the capitalist system’ cannot be “peiched”, and calls for ‘its “final destruction”, The chairman of the Labour Party, Lansbury, sets forth in October, and is replaced immedi- | ately. after it by Lansbury as the | official Leader of the Labour Party. The organ of the Left Labour ele- ments, Party, the original party of Mac- Donald and Snowden, fakes a for- and professes adoption of a “reyo- Iutionary” “Marxist” prograrhme. #f5 @, 8 LL this process reflects the se- quel of the collapse of the La- bour Government a year ago. The in 1931 was the world demonstra- tion of the collapse of Reformism before the crisis. Those advocates who ,were a short time back so ea~ ger to transplant the model of do well to study the fate of their outcome of the boasted leaders, MacDonald and Snowden, in the camp of Conservatism, but the out- come of the whole Labour Party in universal discrediting and the be- ginnings of disintegration. The for- mer Labour Ministers are engaged in denying ‘their own record, in seeking to bury the memory of the Labour Government, in attacking reformism and gradualism, and gram”, which turns out in the end to be only a re-hash of the old; RISING MASS STRUGGLES Tt was already the rising wave of working class discontent and strug- the General Strike of 1926—which swept the Labour Government into office on its surface in 1929. It was the same rising wave which led to its fall in 1931. When the Labour Government in 1931 proved incap- able any longer to hold in the mass struggle, it was. ruthlessly thrust aside by capitalism to make way for a “strong” government of capi- talist concentration, the “National Government”, with one or two La- bour leaders as figureheads and the Baldwins and Chamberlains as the real government. The Labour Party leadership broke up into two sec- tions, one to join the government in carrying, through the attack upon |the workers, the other to maintain contact with the workers and take the lead of their epposi- tion in order to disarm it. This maneuver of 1931 has al- ready failed. In the face of the overwhelming attacks of the Na- tional government, the mass-strug- gle has risen higher, has taken on naan has reached new strata before; and this struggle has gone forward, not under the Labour leadership, Today, to meet this rising mass struggle, British capitalism is bringing two weapons into play. ° “AMERICAN” POLICE ATTACKS The first is police violence on a scale and of a type familiar enough in America, but not previously fa- miliar in Britain, and imported from the methods of British rule in the colonial empire. Wholesale baton charges and mounted police charges against unarmed crowds, beating up of working class dis- tricts, and in Belfast armed police Shootings to kill, are rapidly driy- ae out the old pacific illusions in | ing with stubborn resistance and | vapid re-formation of the ranks, ° | SOCIAL-PASCIST | TRICKERY the Independent Labour | mal break with the Labour Party | collapse of the Labour Government | British Labourism in America will | model now—not merely the final | fumbling helplessly for a “new pro- | for the only alternative line to La- | bourisnt is the line of Communism. | gle—rising after the heavy blows of | and icts on & scale unequalled | share-eroppers. Now continue: AMSEY did not answer. The sheriff shook his head again: “Eyen if the charge .is. preferred an’ a dead nigger’s body is found an’ even if you git witnesses you've got to git a coroner's jury to de- cide it was murder an’ not self- defense. An’ then you got to git the grand jury to indict. An’ even if the coroner’s verdict is murder an’ the grand jury indicts, which is very doubtful, Mr. Deerin’ll have to’ be tried in this county. How many whites do you figger'll find | him guilty? I’m jes’ lookin’ at all this from the stan’point of arrest an’ conviction. There's no goin’ off half-cocked.” “That remains to be seen.” DEERING IS MASTER The sheriff. spat. leisurely. “Why, there’s hardly a -white man fit for duty on. any o’ the juries who don’t. deal with or | Work for someone who deals with ‘Mr. Deerin’. “A verdict against Mr. Deerin’,—an’ mind you, sir, I'm even assumin’ you git to the trial stage—would upset the whole business life 0’ the county. | How. many of ‘em dealin’ with the Southern Cotton Bank Mo you figger'l risk havin’ their notes called?” |. “Why, sir, Lbelieve even you deal with ‘the Southern Cotton Bank.” “I have other. sources of obtain- ing money if they call my: notes.” o * 8 1 UT all this trouble over a nig- \ ger,” Nichols said disapprov- ingly. “There are still some who re- | volt against the acts of swamp scum!” Ramsey, said angrily. “All I'm tryin’ to do is avoid a lot 0’ trouble,” the sheriff said soothingly. “I’m jes’ tryin’ to point out that it'd be almost impossible to convict Mr. Deerin’ or even in- dict him. You ain’ he'pin’ the boy. Yo’re hurtin’ him, him an’ his folks. The whites’ll git the no- tion they're gittin’ uppity an’ take it out on ’em.” | “JUSTICE WITH REASON” enforce the law.” ‘The sheriff shrugged his shoul- ders regretfully. “ The law must temper justice with reason. don’t vote. If we didn’t temper the law with reason we'd have nigger officers, nigger judges, intermar- riage, race trouble. No man likes to-see murder done, if it was done, anyway. They’re ready to.cook up any charge to git the sympathy of @ man like you.” | He paused and rubbed his chin | thoughtfully. “T’ve known Mr. Deerin’ since he was a boy. He may show a bad temper when he’s mad, but he ain't the man to go Killin’ his he’p. It don’t stan’.to reason. This boy jes’ didn’t want to work fo’ him an’ if you want to git him gut o’ his. contract, why, I figger Mr. Deerin’s a reasonable man.” eae cok GAVE my word to see this boy safe from. Deering’s farm and I shall keep it,” Ramsey said firmly. t “Well, I'm pretty sure you kin buy’m yo'se’f or maybe Mr. Pear- son’ll dq it.” . “And let Deering continue mur- dering his peons?” “T wouldn't say that. There’s no evidence that he did except a rin- away nigger’s word, a nigger with a chain gang record, too.” | THE NEW SLAVERY Ramsey did not answer. Georgia Crackers were in the saddle, a ris- ing class squeezing wealth from blacks freed from slavery. Crack- ers had seized the power to vote, so they were the law, and by legal trickery had maneuvered the Ne- | to denounce reformism, to talk of strike action, and even of “revo- lution”, in order to maintain their and the Labour Party leaders are finding thom- selves renented!y how'’sd down end refused a hearing at mass meet- ings in their own former strong- holds in the East End of London. The attempt of the “left” LLP. leader, McGovern, to draw the un- employed Hunger Marchers’ agita- tion into parliamentory channels, under his leadership .was rejected with scorn by the Hunger March- ers’ Council, who recognize in the Communist Party the sole work- ers’ party voicing and leading their The Labour Party- leaders in Parliament are now crawling on their knees to MacDonald to assist them against the © Communists, openly complaining that the gev- | exynment concessions to the unem- use | Ramsey's face was expressionless. | “Perhaps we can find means to | That's why niggers | an’ you can’t trust these niggers | | groes into another bondage. Men who had lived like slaves were now building mansions on the bent | backs of Negroes and those whites with contempt for Cracker thievery had. to live there, ca on their businesses, raise their families. Protests would mean business p: | sure, social pressure, .commu: pressure, for many Ochlockones whites dreamed of riding to riches | On the descendants of slaves. The Cracker was riding high, with th Jaw in one hand and the whip in the other, The proclamation to free Negroes haq really only re- duced prices for Negroes. White men who never had a thousand dollars or fifteen hundred dollars to pay for a slave could get Ne- groes now for a few dollars a head by giving them an advance against wages Times change and new ways of | getting slaves are cunningly de- | vised, f ’ . FORD coughed up to the court ‘Through the open win- YY saw Pearson, his. face aded by his hat, walk quickly uy steps. | “What's all this excitement about?” he asked with a wry | smile. “Jes’ li'l difficulty,” the ‘sheriff said mildly. “well, 1 heard that Deerin’ certainly s’prised me that. Mr, Ramsey”—he smiled brighfly to him—‘was talkin’ "hout’ murder.” |. Pearson looked at David with a puzzled air, | “I don’t know what the hell's happened to this nigger in the las’ | year. Seemed tobe behavin’ him- self alright befo’.” “Maybe ‘the desire: to pick ton cheaply,” Ramsey suggest Pearson smiled. Ramsey on a cigar, Pearson st: | Some steal with a pistol a. | with the law. | THE VICTIM Ramsey’s glance travelled to thi | worried boy. A Negro in the hands of the whites, the black South, needed for the planting and the | reaping and these whites were driv- ing him away. Those two black hands planted the fields and gar- nered the harvest, built the roads and the mills, raised Georgia from a wilderness. Upon that back the South had built its civilization. ‘There was strengih in that Negro, strength to destroy what he carried on his back and these money- grubbing, Negro-trapping whites were too short-sighted to see where they were driving him. “That nigra doesn’t know own strength,” he thought.* | had trouble with his. niggers, but it | his (Continued Tomorrow.) * ee WHILE RAMSEY ALONE COMES TO DAVIN’S AID, WHAT FATE AWAITS THE NEGRO BOY WITH THE WHITE PLANT- ERS AND THE PLANTERS’ LAW LINED UP AGAINST HIM? BE SURE AND READ TOMORROW'S INSTALLMENT! ae) \ . sgprnor’s NOTE—The Daily Worker considers it necessary to reprint here the note it published earlier in the course of this serialization: ‘The planter, Ramsey, depicted here, 19 not typical. While isolated instances of this kind may exist, the impression ere+ ated here that the oppression of the Ne~ gro people is due to the fact that “hard- hearted” planters have gained the upper hand over “good-hearted” planters is | false. Ramsey's dislike of the upstart “Crackers” represents actually ® conflict within the exploiting class—between the | old feudal slaye-owners who lost heavily in the.Civil War (the author tells us that the Ramsey family's $160,000 investment in Negroes was ruined by the war) and the new planter class that arose after the war and instituted, with the aid of the law, the regime of legalized slavery and terror against Negroes that now rules the Black Belt. appealing to the National Govern- ment for co-operation against the common, enemy—an appeal to which the National Government has declared its delighted response. ae re ‘THE task of the mass struggle, in the face of these tactics of canl- tetom, and. in the faer of this unite ed front of the National.Governe Mont end the Lobcur Party, is to stroncthon. the rans fer. this new stace of strucvle, to draw closer tovether the unem-loved and eme ploved wortcrs on the basis of thelr common aims, to build un the unite ed'froft from below on the basis of the unions and the factories, and so develop the mass revolutionary opposition, under the’ leadership of the Communist Party, strong enough to counter and turn the onslaught of the capitalist offen- sive. The present movement, if it is to go forward, must drive right into the heart of fhe mass of the em- ployed “work: of the trade union workers. of the TLabour iy work= ers, and draw them into the coms | mon fight. On these tasks, in par- ticular, the Twelfth Congress ¢