The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 22, 1932, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1932 Page Four ; GREEN: “YOU CAN’T GET FEDERAL JOBLESS INSURANCE!” ~ : | Dail orker Contre Party USA t Weal uas hs Gas Gimeecchs ity Ssaiag On, int eally ecu Bem, 8. 13th 8t., New York City, N. ¥, Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St. Cable “DAIWORK New York, N. ¥. | SUBSCRIPTION BaTws: months, $2 By mail everywhere: One year, 36; six months, $3.50 excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City Canada: One year, 39; 6 months, $5; 3 months, Mr. “Private Citizen” Roosevelt great show was put on in the Executive Mansion at .Al- bany last Friday “for the benefit of the unemployed”. President-elect, Franklin D. Roosevelt, was cast in the lead- ing role as “Private Citizen Roosevelt”. Unlike other such shows, football matches, etc., it was not designed to raise money for one of the numerous charity funds. It was put on with the view of cloaking the capitalist Roosevelt with the garb of a “great demo- crat”, “a friend of the people”, as one ready to “tolerantly” and “sym- pathetically” listen to the demands of the masses. 1 month, Tbe Foreign and A committee sent by the Unemployed Councils to Albany was in- vited by Roosevelt to his study in the Executive Mansion—along with Roosevelt’s publicity agents. The Committee demanded that Roosevelt, in his conferences with Hoover and with democratic leaders*in Washing- ton next Tuesday, throw his influence on the side of the demands of the Hunger Marchers and take steps to insure the free entrance of the Hunger Marchers into hington and a hearing for them before the congress of the United States. In addition certain specific demands were made pertaining directly to New York State—no police interference with the hunger marchers in New York, the opening of the armories for the marchers in several cities, the provision of food, trucks, gasoline and @il for the marchers, etc. | “Leaning forward in his chair’, according to his own publicity agents, “Mr. Roosevelt listened carefully the three spokesmen voiced their views . the governor replied to questions that might have wearied a less patient man.” Poor Mr. Roosevelt! And what were the character of these replies? “] am just a private citizen”, Roosevelt reiterated at regular inter- yals, “and I cannot tell the president (Mr. Hoover) te do anything.” Poor Mr. Or should we say—Poor Mr. “Private Citizen Roosevelt? Roosevelt! * 2 s 'T must hurt him terribly to be unable to “tell the president anything”. He must be very anxious to get into the harness where he can begin to carry out all the promises he so freely made in his campaign. ‘We recall here only a few such promises, and we quote an editorial in full from one of the papers which actively supported Mr. Roosevelt's campaign so that we cannot be charged with an endeavor to put the president-elect in a htle—the New York World Telegram: (11-16-32). “Governor Roosevelt has set up an excellent relief program in | answering the questions sent out by the leading social welfare | workers. Mr. Roosevelt pledges himself to: | “Prompt and generous federal unemployment relief to supple- | ment inadequate local aid, “not as a matter of charity but as a matter of social duty.” A general government economy program which will not, how- ever, be practiced ‘at the expense of the starving people’. “A public works program which will include not only self-liqui- dating projects but also projects essential to public welfare, such as schools, playgrounds and slum abatement. “Compulsory state unemployment insurance reserves based on sound insurance financing. “A nationally co-ordinated system of state-federal employment exchanges as provided by the Wagner bill but vetoed by Hoover. “In advocating this constructive welfare program Roosevelt takes his place beside the social service leaders of the nation who have worked in vain for these reforms during the Hoover ad- ministration.” “Prompt and generous federal unemployment relief to supplement.. inadequate local aid and “compulsory unemployment insurance”—that is exactly what the workers want—‘Not as a matter of charity but as a matter of social duty.” * 2 Mu ROOSEVELT speaks of ‘ine need for promptness. So do we! ‘That is why the hunger march is being organized for December 5, | for the opening of the next session of congress. “Generous federal un- employment relief”? must be provided NOW—at the beginning of what | will be the worst winter of the crisis for the masses—and not next spring. Mr. Roosevelt fully agrees, if words can be taken at their face value without looking at his deeds. He can only be troubled by the fear that | he “cannot tell the president to do anything.” | | How can Mr. Roosevelt and the masses realize what he says is their joint desire for prompt action in the present emergency—when millions of men, women and children are admittedly starving in a land of plenty? } For tt part, the masses haye decided! With or without the aid of Mr. Roosevelt, the masses are already marching on Washington to demand “prompt and generous federal unemployment relief” and “com- pulsory unemployment insurance”; they are demanding “$50 federal win- ter relief for each unemployed worker” and “a system of federal unem- ployment insurance which will guarantee each unemployed worker ‘his average wage with a minimum of $10 per week and $3 for each dependent, the funds to be provided by the government and employers”. These will be put as demands to Mr. Hoover and to congress. The masses, of course, do not feel the same hesitancy in talking to Mr. Hoover, as does Mr. Roosevelt who feels that he “cannot tell the President to do anything”. “Just what, if anything, can Mr. Roosevelt do?” That would NE question is- He says he just cannot “tell the President” what to do! not be nice! But assuming that Mr. Roosevelt has the same burning anxiety to help the unemployed now as he said he had before November 8th, we | can think of several things that he might be able to do. | | First, of course, Mr. Roosevelt is still Governor of New York. Here | he is not a “private citizen”! Without telling Mr. Hoover anything he could be a little more prompt and a little more generous in caring for the unemployed masses of New York state, directly through state chan- nels and through pressure on the city governments and relief agencies. And also, if as he says, he sees the need for “prompt and generous fed- eral relief” and yet “cannot tell the president anything” himself, he could aid the hunger marchers, who are ready to talk to Hoover, in their journey to Washington. This would be an indirect way of emphasizing the need for prompt relief. Secondly, while Mr. Roosevelt is a “private citizen” still to the fre- pulicans, he is the president to the democrats; he is the head of the Democratic Party. His Party—the Democratic Party—and not the Party of Hoover is the majority in the coming session of Congress. The lower house of congress has an overwhelming democratic majority; the Senate has 47 democrats, 46 republicans, and 1 farmer-laborite. From among the republican senators 8 or 10 label themselves as progressives, broke with Hoover in the last election campaign and have definitely allied themselves with Roosevelt. This in short means that Roosevelt,not. Hoover, can say the decisive word as to the policy of the lame duck session of congress. It would be possible, therefore, that when Mr. Roosevelt is in Wash- ington on Tuesday, that, though he cannot “tell the president anything”, she say a few words to his democratic colleagues. He could remind them of the democratic campaign promises to provide “prompt and general federal unemployment relief” and “compulsory unemployment insurance”; he could insist, as the Democratic Party leader, that they uncondi- tionally support the demands of the Hunger Marchers! Finally, when he discusses the foreign debt situation with Hoover on Tuesday on Hoover's invitation, he might inform Hoover that the democrats in congress are going to fulfill their campaign pledges to the letter now in the lame duck session of congress, particularly so far as relief for the starving people is concerned. * ° oe could be decisive acts by Mr. Roosevelt if he really wanted to act. This is the question—not whether Roosevelt is still a “private citizen”. As president-elect, and as the head of the Democratic Party, Roosevelt has plenty of power. Will he use that power to fulfill his promise of “prompt and gen- erous federal unemployment relief’? Obviously not! His treatment of the workers’ committee at Albany was proof already that he does not intend to carry out his promises. The action of the Democratic Party toward the Hunger Marchers —By Burck The European Scottsboro Tour --An Outstanding Achievement By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL, (National Chairman of the In- ternational Labor Defense, who yesterday died of pneumonia in Moscow, following a six months’ tour of Europe in behalf of the Scottsboro boys. aie eee} ‘HE European tour of the Scotts- | boro Negro Mother through six- teen countries in six months must | be considered as an outstanding working class achiévement in the period of mounting terror and growing war preparations. It has now been successfully ended on the eve of the World Congress of the International Red Aid, which or- ganized and carried through the tour. It was the roar of European and world protest that originally halted the judicial lynching decreed by the Scottsboro Judge, Hawkins, of “Death by the passage of a current of electricity through your bodies”, and now has stayed the lynching again by forcing the U. S. Su- preme Court to grant the Scotts- boro boys another trial. In an effort to stifle this pro- test the prosecuting attorney in Alabama threatened the telegraph agencies with contempt of court, which might mean several months | in prison, if telegrams of protest were received and delivered. FEAR MASS PROTEST But the waves of protest con- tinued to lash against the whole judicial structure and the lynch system of Alabama so that when the official lynch mob raided a meeting of Negro share croppers at Camp Hill, Alabama, murdered the leader, burned down the church: in which the meeting was held, and made numerous arrests, imme- diately the Internationot Labor De- fense took up the fight, all the prisoners were freed, because, said these official mobsters, “we do not want another Scottsboro case!” EN Mrs. Wright left New York for Europe in April the Scotts- boro boys, two of whor) were her own sons, had been condemned to die on June 23. At that moment the Federal Government at Wash- ington stood ready, and still does, to give the lynch courts of Alaba- ma every possible aid in carrying through the mass burnings in the | | electric chair. President Hoover's department of state, at Washington, because of the mass proportions of the Scotts- boro campaign, did not dare stop Mrs. Ada Wright, mother of two of the Scottsboro Negro boys, and | J. Louis Engdahl, National Chair- man of the International Labor De- fense, leaving the United States, although it had their every move- ment under surveillance, tried to bring pressure on various European governments to accomplish its pur- pose. Thus the New York Times, which speaks quite authoritatively of the activities of the Wall Street gov- ernment in Europe, said at the very beginning of the European Scotts- boro tour, that: “The American Embassy (Ber- fin) is reported to have brought informally the proposed acitation to the attention of the foreign- office, which in turn has referred the matter to the local police at points where the woman (Mrs. Wright) is scheduled to appear.” ‘The German government, like the government of the dollar reaction, would not assume the responsibil- ity of suppressing the Scottsboro tour. It left this task, for the most, part, to social-democratic police presidents, who, __ nevertheless, failed in their task, for the German tour was ended successfully. CONTINUE THEIR DRIVE. But this in no way ended the activities of the dollar diplomats in will also prove that they were faking to get votes and did not intend to | Europe. They imereased their ef- carry out their flowery promises. Only Macch will force the granting of relipf and mass support for the Hunger | forts to gag insurance ‘ Vee ’ carefully chosen by their Wall St. masters, divided into several clas- | ses. There is the multi-millionaire, Andrew Mellon, Wall Street’s am- bassador in London, who is with John D. Rockefeller and Henty Ford, one of the three richest men in the United States. He has even refused to receive worker delega- tions bringing Scottsboro protests. Then there are the trusted editors, or other intellectual lackeys, like Schumaker, at Sofia, in Bulgaria. ‘Then there is the leading lame- duck politician, who had been de- feated for re-election to the U. S. senate. ‘This is the pack of human blood- hounds that the Hoover government turned loose on the Scottsboro Ne- gro mother in Europe. They ac- complished her arrest and expul- Sion twice in Belgium; they orga- nized the grand reception for May- or Cermak of Chicago, and the ar- rest and three days’ imprisonment of the Scottsboro mother in Czecho- slovakia; secured the prohibition of all-her meetings and her expul- sion from Bulgaria. This “influ- ence” was openly admitted by Bel- gium’s minister of justice and by Bulgaria's minister of the interior. oe ie IN spite of ali obstacles, however, the Scottsboro tour pressed on | through sixteen countries in six months, in nearly two hundred meetings and demonstrations that reached upward of half a million listeners, while the press campaign found its way into hundreds of mil- lions of copies of daily newspapers and magazines of all political tend- | encies. { Under the glare of this publicity “Roar of World-Wide Protest Halted Bosses’ Conspiracy to Kill Innocent Negro Youths in Electric Chair” the nine black-gowned judges of the United States Supreme Court listened in silence to the demands for a new trial made by the lawyers on October 10th and then withheld decision. The very forces let loose by the Scottsboro European tour and by the world protest, a better understanding of the savage and bloody oppression of the many mil- lions of the Negro masses in: the United States, es the basis for the development of the caim- paign. The Buropéan Scottsboro tour was the first of its kind. The world-wide protest must reach broad proportions not yet achieved. FOR FREEDOM OF SCOTTSBORO BOYS. ‘This effort will face new and greater obstacles since the Scotts- boro protest joins well with the struggle against the growing white terror and fascism in the capital- ist countries, and against the mur- derous terror regime that develops evermore fiendish attacks upon the worker and peasant masses in the colonies and semi-colonies. Of this, it is certain, the judicial lynchers and: the raging mob thirsting for Negro workers’ biood: in Scottsboro, Alabama, April -6, 1931; was not aware. It only knew its vicious mission, to strive by every means “to keep the Negro in his place”, and to maintain the boasted “white superiority”. It is clear that the ‘Wall Street government in Wash- ington now fully understands the implications of the Scottsboro cam- paign that today rocks some of the strongest pillars in its edifice. Letters from The Fight of Chicago Jobless for Relief and the Socialist Party MADISON, Wis. Editor, the Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I am sending you the enclosed clipping from “The American Guardian” (Socialist organ) of November 4 reporting the success- ful united front demonstration in which 50,000 workers participated against the 50 per cent relief cut in Chicago and for which the Socialist Party is given major credit in this | lying sheet. | | Té is amusing to note how the | ish Party, who are one in condemning | such “vulgar displays” as demonstra- | tions, hunger marches and the like, when they are led by Communists, attempt to give the impression that it was the Socialists and their un- employed organization that made the Chicago march a success. Inciden- tally, at one place in the article men- tion is made of the fact that the red flag headed the procession, yet later on it is brought out that the naughty Communists carried political banners. I would like to inquire of the gentlemen, “when did the red flag lose its political meaning?” It seems to me that there is no banner having more political significance than the. red flag, except perhaps when the Socialists are waving it. Comradely, J.D, oe EDITOR’S NOTE The Chicago demonstration against the relief cut was called by the Un- employed Councils of Cook County, supported by the Trade Union Unity League and the Communist Party who urged a united front of un- employed, part-time and employed rank and file workers of all organiza- tions in Chicago for struggle against this relief slash of the bosses. of the Socialist Party by the and file members of the 8. P. them- selves. Even 50 “American Guardian” and the Social- | It is) The International Labor De: interesting to note that this united| defends these front was forced upon the leadership| more Our Readers places where the workers were to meet on the day of the march, which accounted for thé small percentage of members of the Chicago Workers Committee and the Socialist Party who participated in the demonstra- tion. Comrade J. D. is right in say- ing that the success of the demon- i of the’ Unemployed Councils and ths Communist Party. “Death Hanging Over Their Sons’’ EATH hanging over their sons, months and months of anguish + » . and then the Supreme Court is forced to grant the Scottsboro boys a new trial. the of One writes: “My nerves are so bad I don’t know if I can stand it.” Another: “I can’t stay here alone anymore. I must go where I can tlk to the mothers of the other boys.” All this is constantly in the minds of these mothers, but their troubles do not end there. Their families are destitute, food must be third child was born. “But I have to work, sick or well. Sometimes I earn as much as $1.50 a week.” Not only are their families at home in want, but the boys, in the death cell since over a year, are in need of many things which the state does not supply to its oners. 3 of the International Labor Defense | stration was predominantly the work | t NOTE:—“ 5 ioe contemptuasy treatment of Negroes plotare of these horrible conditions, months of the bess lynchers terms ‘Georgia igger” masses. The Dally Worker ts relentlowsly smashing exposure to the white which it symbolises. he considered it necessary to w of respect for Negroes which they do not use. + INSTALLMENT 19 | NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobs L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel - iI + | national oppression of the Negro T,” and to the oppression and but, im order to paint » trae ise he would haye put into the TTOR. ful white planter, Jim Deering, THE STORY SO FAR: Legally kidnapped by the county authorities at the behest of the power- Pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under threat of being sentenced to-the chain gang, to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as advances against wages. who needs cotton Deering’s plan- one Negro is shot dead by the white planter and another brutally beaten, David escapes. his way home and hides in the woods, while his father goes to seek the aid of the white planter, Ramsey, on. whose farm the Jacksons had been slaves before the Civil War. Ramsey refuses to buy back David from Deering. He makes tation is actually a slave camp ruled by terror. After | \ | Now continue: | | «qyIST’ RAMSEY,” Dee cried de- spairingly. He rose to his feet, twisting his hat nervously. “Den he's got tuh git out 0’ dis county, suh! Hit won't do no good tuh tek him tuh Mist’ Pearson——” “Yes, I know.” “No, suh. If he could git out o° de county, maybe tuh a mill town—— Oh, Please, suh, you bin good tuh us niggers an’ dey ain’ nobody we kin go tuh, suh. Dey’ll kill David if dey eber git im back on dat farm.” HELP AT LAST Ramsey stared at the distracted Negro and chewed on his cigar. “I cain’ do nothin’, suh. I got tuh wuk in de fiel’s till sundown an’ if I go dey'll ketch him, sho, an’ if David walks out o’ de county——” “Have you any money?” planter asked abruptly. “Yes, suh,” Dee said eagerly. “I got fo’ dollars an’ I'll gib dat tuh him. We ain’ needin’ no money, suh, All I’m axin’ is a li'l he’p tuh git him outuh dis county—maybe tuh Alabama——” “It's just as bad there,” Ramsey interrupted, “You better hold on to, your four dollars. You might need it yourself. I'll give him a few dollars to keep him until he firids a job. Now, I'll help you, but I don’t want you to tell all the nigras in the county that I did or »Tll have @ swarm on my hands and a lot of trouble from the Crackers.” the EE fell to his knees again and seizing Ramsey's hand began to kiss it, sobbing, “Thank-ee, suh, thank-ee.” “Here!” the white man exclaimed, pulling has hand away. “Don’t be a damned fool!” “No, suh! No, suh! I’m. sorry, suh!” He rose to his feet and wiped his eyes. “Have him here at breakfast time.” “In dé mo'nin’?” “Yes. I'll take him out of the county myself. Just have him here.” PARTING Tt was a tearful parting for iis. “Ain’ no sense takin’ on lak dat,” Dee said. “Hit might be a lot wussen hit is. He might a-bin killed or hu't pretty bad. Lawd, my grandfather was sold a week WAL CLeveiens Ooerge Hoare Jimate Mapp Andrew Rosenen ! John Howard agers Seard clitters Clarke Howats ifoait Dan Fuller Jenee Theenan ‘Franklin riten Brittain Johnny Cleveland Johnnie Rarris Crip Brittain ae EE NEmew. @ aun ee eee Rrterned | ' after I was bo'n an’ he neber did set eyes on his chillun again. An’ he didn’t go tuh weepin’.” He walked with David to the Ramsey fields. It was safer, for though it was not as fast, Negroes a-foot can hide easier than a mule and a creaking wagon, if necessary. iy) 6h a T THE driveway they. paused in the dark shadows of a hedge. “T reck’n we'd bes’ res’ here till hit's time,” Dee said. “You bes’ git yo'se’f some sleep. I'll set up an’ call you w'en hit's time.” An hour before sunrise he touched the boy gently. “I reck’n I'll be leabin’ you, Son,” he said. “I gottuh be gittin’ back tuh wuk. FATHER AND SON He caressed the boy’s face, some- thing he had not done since David was a child. “Son, I’m sho serry tuh see you go. We'll be kind o’ worryin’ ’bout you so doan you fo’git us. An’ wen you git out an’ settles down some place, hit’d be right nice if you got some preacher tuh write a letter fo’ you an’ tell us whey you is.” He paused uncertainly and raised his head to the sky studded with stars. Tears long repressed trickled down his cheeks. \ “Son, I'm gibin’ you intuh de han’s o' de Lawd——” ° IVE OAK drowsed in its week- day somnolence. A few whites on the sidewalks looked at the stern Ramsey in the back of his car and David and the driver in front and raised forefingers in salutation to the planter. They reached the open highway unhurriedly, but seyen miles out of the county seat a dusty Ford overtook them and Dan Nichols honked its horn loudly, motioning the Ramsey car to the side of the road. “Pull up,” the planter ordered sharply. “Mornin’, sir,” the sheriff said without getting out of his car. He nodded towards David. “That nigger, sir—I have a warrant for his arrest.” “So I understand, but I’m taking him to Atlanta with mé to see the governor.” ‘What fo'?” Nichols asked in sur- “To prefer charges against Deer- ing for murder!” he snapped. “It’s about time these disreputable whites anting Fighting Fighting PAghting so} working it Wein Yet working sot, working Tot working Sot working Yet working dot working Wot worcing Mot working et working Jot working Praying oft sick by De.Miileve's ode s Puliilevele Plgring off etek by Dr ing ordere of Sight Ouard areas it RAE det working 5 fe ss Perera po nenonniys yD bs ps be ba be benebe Beane be EDA EE pH obese De BE iene dete en nae hie eae AP TORTURE RECORD—The official report for the month of August 1930 at the Clarke County, Ga., prison camp. Since whipping is barred by law, the are by being subjected to move- prisoners ment.” This includes several forms of torture: “stretching,” in which the shoulders are nearly pulled from their joints, the terrible stocks, and be- ing hogtied and left to lie in the prisoners who have been tortured month. On August 19 Robert the same day! One Chicago Precinct Vote is Explained By A Worker | Voter Here is what the voting looked like in the 27th ward, 53rd_precinct. The democrats got all of 770 votes except 86 which went to Hoover, 7 straight that went to the Communists and ten split votes for local Communist candidat patches, wee milking fea jude. sun. A half hour is generally enoush to produce unconsciousness, Note in the al rec Osborne was tortured for one hour twice in ol were held responsible for their acts!” David was terrified. A wave of resentment swept over him that this man to whom he looked for help should endanger him. He wanted to deny any such intention, but Ramsey’s determined air and tightly clipped words frightened him as much as the sheriff's frown: Nichols leaned easily against his steering wheel. “Ain’t you a lil hasty, sir?” he asked suggestively. “The Governor —an’ I respect him highly, sir— cannot supersede me unless I have failed to do my duty. If this nigger has any charges I'll hear them from him or anyone else.” ear sear | “I PREFER to deal directly with the coldly. “That is something, of course, for you to decide. But I took an oath of office an’ I inten’ to keep it. I cannot permit a man charged with @ crime in this county to leave un~ less he is bailed. I have no charges against Mr. Deerin’ before me, but I have got a warrant for this boy. I would appreciate it, sir, if you let me have my prisoner.” “Till go this nigra’s bond,” Ram- sey said shortly. “Then we'll return to the county court house.” “Tl follow you.” RULING CLASS LAW Governor,” Ramsey said Nichols nodded and with “Thank you,” turned his car. “Mist’ Ramsey——” the terrified soy began. “That's alright, David. Don't bite You wili be released on ail.” “Yes, suh,” said David miserably. Were it not for his father's faith in the man returning him to the law and whose kindness to blacks Was common gossip the boy would have risked jumping from the car in a desperate effort to escape the Jaw he had learned to dread. He had heard tales of this law, on the chain gang and on the Deering farm. “Trials doan mean nothin’,” Limpy Rivers had once said. “You's guilty fo’ you come fo’ de judge.” a Ee \ | IN THE sheriff's office Ramsey motioned the boy to a chair and asked: “What is the bail, Sheriff?” “The justice of the peace will have to set it, sir, but I sent Jess Pitkin out to locate’m. In the mean- time I'll lock this nigger up pend- ing arrangement for bail.” Ramsey's face flushed. “I am responsible for him.” There was @ hard ring to his voice. “T do not think it is necessary to lock him up.” CALLING HIS MASTER Nichols smiled quickly. “Very well, sir, if you arc re- sponsible. Jess ought to be back right quick. Ive telephoned Mr. Deerin’ an’ Mr. Pearson an’ they! be along. I figgered you'd want ta talk to ’em since he’s originally a Pearson nigger.” Ramsey shrugged his shoulders indifferently. “I do not see what Interest they could possibly have ‘in him, Mr, Pearson permitted him to be taken away by Mr. Deering and the boy ran away from Deering.” iar fine Nichols spat into the spittoon at his feet, “Perhaps this whole difficulty can be straightened out,” he suggested amiably. “To avoid a murder charge acainst your political backer?” Ramsey asked sharply. The sheriff shook his head and smiled. “I’m sure you don’t want trouble in your own community, Mr, Ram- sey, but if you persist in pressin® this nigger’s charge, which, mind you, sir, is still unsubstantiated an’ probably will be, because a nigger’s a nachral bo'n liar anyway, it'll only result in a lot o' uufviendly feelin’ against you, this nigger an’ this nigger’s folks. An’ I know you don’t want to hurt his folks.” (CONTINUED TOMORROW) . WHILE THE HIRELING SHER- IFF MAKES THREATS AGAINST \PAVID'S PARENTS, WHAT I8 DEERING, WHO. IS SPEEDING TO THE COURTHOUSE, PLAN- NING TO DO? IS THE POWER OF THIS WHITE PLANTER SO G°EAT THAT HE WILL SUC- CEED IN WRESTING DAVID FROM RAMSEY AND TAKING THE NEGRO LAD BACK TO HIS TORTURE AND MURDER FARM? DON'T MISS TOMORROW'S INe STALMENT. ‘Go over to the city hall and if By board of election commissioners it, we'll let you vote.’ p I went there and proved I had filled all requirements, I am at the place for over two years. Ye they didn’t let me vote—G. G. H, JAMESTOWN PAINTED RED, JAMESTOWN, N. Y.--This starva. tion town has seen many strange sights but this morning |(election day), they saw a sight that will nol t i PROBES: aT