The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 21, 1932, Page 4

Page four | Daily, Worker Published by she Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc,, daily except Sunday, at 50 ¥. sth Bt., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York, N. ¥ SUBEOBIFTION RaTRe: By mail everywhere: One year, 36; six months, §: exeepting Borough of 3 Canada: On months, $2; 1 month, 754 Foreign and The Daily Worker Is Our Strongest Weapo By EARL BROWDER. O we sufficiently realize the fact that the Daily Worker is the strongest single weapon which we have in all the struggles which are develop- ing? No, it is certain that as yet we do not Otherwise, we would not allow our paper to remain as weak as it is. Our “Daily” has many weak points. We must re must make our paper strong and powerful in every weak the revolutionary movement cannot be strong Let us consider the circulation of the Daily W It is. our and the mass movement ,what the lation of the biood is for the y the beating of the heart, its remotest cells. Into ries the information, the the mass movement and dy them all. We t. While it is 1,800 cities, into 40,000 wor' r the plan and call to action, ich mal Why not into 100,000? Or even © grow “spontaneously”, “by itself” can do anything. Its circulation can grow and supporters, make we left the Daily Worker our paper is not something which ful only to the extent that we use it. and extend only to the degree that we. reade: it grow. It depends entirely upon us. The Daily Worker is a weapon in the class When we expect the “Daily” to operate automatically, we resemble to vary the illustration a soldier who would expect his bayonet to fight his battles for him. Such a soldier would not be a serious fighter, and would not win many victories the WHE DAILY WORKER is more important for us in the class war than is the bayonet to the soldier. It might better be compared with the ma~- chine-gun, with some important modifications. Like a machine-gun it does not operate by itself, automatically; it must be used. Like a machine- gun, it requires ammunition composed of bullets (political contents) driven by explosive power (finances). All of these things must be provided by the army which needs and uses the machine gun. Unlike the machine-gun, the Daily Worker cannot aim its shots en- tirely from the center. Here in the “Daily” office, we can only take aim politically, with the help of all our political helpers over the country. But each paper, each political bullet, must reach and kill an illusion, an enemy idea, not in the abstract but rather as it exists in the mind of each separate worker. We cannot fii and reach this worker from the center. That can ony be done in each shop, each neighborhood, each un- employed council, each trade union, each workers’ club. A truer measure of the importance of our “Daily” can be gotten by imagining what our daily life would be like without our paper. Suppos- ing it were destroyed. How eagerly, with what energy and stubbornness, we would exert ourselves to bring it into existence again. It is a life- necessity for us. But for millions of workers the “Daily” does not as yet exist, because they do not know it, or know it only so slightly that they do not realize its importance. Into the task of enlisting these millions in the ranks of Daily Worker readers we must put the same eagerness, the same energy and stubborn- ness, that we would put into re-establishing our paper if the enemy should destroy it ‘THE circulation of our paper must be made to grow, to multiply itself. That is a task which should be near to the heart of each individual reader. Especially it should be task of constant attention by every unit of the Party, by every fraction, by every trade union and workers’ club. With the growth of the circulation of the Daily Worker all our or- ganizations will grow and flourish, every battle will win greater victories. ‘With every new reader to our paper we take another step nearer to the eat battles which wilf smash the power of capitalism and open up the growth and development of a new socialist society. Forward to the proletarian revolution! This means, at this moment, forward in the fight to win new readers for the Daily Worker! The War Debt Question- Two Class Views IHE entire capitalist press and all the alleged statesmen of the country, down to such “thinkers” on economic and political subjects as vice-president-elect Garner, continue to put the question of war debts in first place. A canvass of the leaders of both houses of congress showed all sorts of conflicting ideas on the question. Henry F. Ashurst, blatherskite democratic senator from Arizona, opposes can- cellation on the pretext of defending American taxpayers from more burdens. John J. Blaine, republican senator from Wisconsin, and orna- ment of the LaFollette machine, takes the same stand as the Arizona democrat; so do Dill, democrat of the state of Washington and Hatfield, republican of*West Virginia. But A. H. Vandenberg, republican senator from Michigan, repeats the campaign cry of the democratic president- elect Roosevelt, and says a reconsideration of the debt question should be based upon “reciprocal American considerations”, while the eminent Garner blurts out (in conflict with Roosevelt's stand) that he opposed the first moratorium and is opposed to an extension of it. * . . Roosevelt's “views” as expressed In his campaign speeches, were that debt arrangements be concluded with foreign nations upon “interna- tional trade compacts and other international trade rehabilitation pro- jects”, or, in the words of the New York Times, that “we give up some- thing in order to gain more.” The position of the United States government on debts will not be decided by the paltry opinions of the senators and congressmen at Wash- ington, nor by Roosevelt. The government is simply the executive com- mittee of the capitalist class and these and all other important questions will be decided by the Wall Street gang, again emphasizing the correct- ness of th€ profound observation of Lenin who said: “Bourgeois parlia- ment never decides the most important questions in a bourgeois demo- cracy, as they are decided by the stock exchange and the banks. (Em- phasis Lenin's.) (is is quite obvious that the utterances of Roosevelt on the debt question were echoes of Wall Street—that they were prepared with the active aid of such people as John W. Davis, Thomas W. Lamont and other eminences of the Morgan galaxy. The proposals of Roosevelt to recon- sider the debt question on the basis of reciprocal trade agreements, tariffs, etc., with individual nations constitute an attempt to smash the “gentlemen’s agreement” reached at Lausanne between Britain, France, Italy and Belgium and, of course, clearly reflects the tremendous sharp- ening inner imperialist antagonisms throughout the world. In order to dupe the starving workers and the impoverished farmers the capitalist press and all politicians state that the only alternative to “favorable debt settlements”, that is debt settlements satisfactory to Wall Street, is placing greater tax burdens upon the masses Tt is generally recognized that these debts cannot be paid. ‘That is to say, it is not possible to gouge these billions out of the masses of European workers and farmers to pay back money their capitalist governments borrowed from the United States—money that was in past used to rev for terror campaigns against the revolutionary masses in many coun- tries, especially Italy, Poland, Yugoslavia, Rumania, Hungary and to support war and interventionist conspiracies against the Soviet Union. But the Wall Street shylocks insist that, even though the masses of Burope are bled white they must still get their pound of flesh. And in all the comments of the press and politicians upon this, there is not one who questions the demands of the Wall Street jackals. Not one of those who pretend to be concerned’ about the tax burdens upon the American masses utter’ one word about the complete wiping out of these debts, say nothing of the billions of dollars of private loans floated through the House of Morgan, the National City Bank and other such institutions. . . . § against all this trickery, this imperialist policy of utilizing the debts arising out of the past war to juggle for position as the world swings into a new round of wars and revolutions, the workers and farmers must raise the demand for complete cancellation of all debts—both public and private. That means to wipe out of existence the bows now held by the bankers and speculators. ‘The fight against the deets is an in- separable part of the fight against the whole Wall Street program of hunger and war. As against the ¢apitalist “solutions” for the debts question and for overcoming the crisis of capitalism we fight for the revolutionary way vut—the overthrowing of capitalism and the establishment of a workers’ ind farmers’ government—the only final solution, DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1932 | Youth and By SADIE VAN VEEN IN the United States at the present time, nearly half a million boys between the ages of 12 and 21 are roaming the country in search of food. According to the registra- tion department of the Bureau for the Homeless, 5,000 of these young boys are in New York without food | or shelter, eating and sleeping | where they can—a prey to every | danger, disease, accident and stary- | ation, Many thousands of these home- les wanderers, hopping freight trains across the country, are in danger of being crippled or killed. On one railroad system more than fifty boys were killed last winter. The toll of accidents and death is not known. Railroad officials in Kansas City report that in one | month alone more than fifteen hundred boys passed through the city on freight trains. NO FOOD AT HOME This great army of the youth of the United States is forced out on the road because there are no jobs |. at home. Thousands of the boys | are fresh from grammar and high schools. Many of them are col- | lege graduates. Others have had jobs for years, but are now in the army of the unemployed. In many cases the boys belong | to families that have broken up, | each member out in search of food | and shelter. Sometimes the mother and the youngest child are taken in by relatives or friends while the rest of the family goes on the road. So est oe | | instances of cruelty and cal- lousness on the part of city and | charity, organizations in bringing | misery and despair to the fam- ilies of the unemployed are too numerous to go into here. The un- employed of every city in the land | could tell many tales about it HOMELESS WAIFS The greatest number of the homeless boys are‘ forced to leave home for the reason that there is not food enough at home to go around and they go on the road hoping to find some way to pro- also to be able to get some work and send a few dollars home to the family. The nine Scottsboro boys are & typical example. They left home looking for work. Mrs. Wright, the mother of two of the Scottsboro boys was not anxious to see her boys leave home- even though she was earning only six dollars with which to provide food for herself, her two boys and her little girl. The frame-up of the Scottsboro boys and the danger df the electric chair are typical of the dangers of all the Negro boys on the road. Both white and Negro boys in the south are picked up and sent to the infamous chain gangs. Parr eae pe authorities have reported that the jails of the country are filled at the present time with young boys of 21 and under. While thousands have been picked up on the road for vagrancy and sent to jail, many others, according to the reports turn to theft as the only way left to provide food for empty stomachs. her | ACCORDING to the official fg- ures of the U. S. Bureau of ‘| Census fhere are at the present | | time 3,300,000 boys and girls of school age, nct in school. Where | are they? | These millions of children be- Jong to the unemployed and face cold and hunger this coming | winter. This is the situatior! of the youth of the working class in a country bursting with piled up food, shoes, clothing, and with thousands of empty houses and apartments. This is the way that the btttionaires of the country deal with the children of the workers. This is capital- ism in the richest country in the world. Hearst's New Yor American sug- gests that the homeless boys be recruited into military camps. They would like to make soldfers out of the boys and bribe them with food and shelter, to shoot down other workers who fight against unem- ployment and starvation. Unemployment insurance would save the children of the workers and the tens of thousands of homeless boys. Unemployment tn- surance and winter relief would mean food, shelter and clothing for them and their families. WILL JOIN HUNGER MARCH In the forthcoming hunger march to Washington many of these boys will take their place along with other thousands of unemployed. ‘The hungry and homeless unem- ployed, men, women and children of the country are fast learning that they have nothing to hope for from ‘this system and its Wall Street government. They are learn- ing that while the millionaires and high officials are pretending to weep for the unemployed, they have their jails and chain gangs ready. The rich capitalist govern- ment has bullets, not bread, for the starving. eo 8 LL these facts are known to the government and its officials of New York and every other large city are fully aware of all these things. But they have no inten- tion of yielding up part of the wealth that they have hoarded, to the millions of the unemployed and their families. They will not dig into their dividends and in- comes and treasuries unless they are forced to do so by the militancy of the unemployed. Unemployed workers, and march! Demand immediate cash relief! Demand Unemploy- ment Insurance at the expense of the Government and the million- aires, Join and support the Na- organize oko ARRIGO Ye tional Homger March! The Homeless | Relief Fight vide for themselves and hoping | pea ie The Farmers’ National Relief —By Burck Conference in Washington The Forces at Work in the Growing Struggles of the By MOE BRAGIN AY by day the overwhelming mass of American farmers are being pounded more savagely a- gainst the rocks. Farm products hit new lows under the vicious pile driver of the crisis. Wheat prices strike the lowest level in history. Oats are so cheap and gas so high |. that the Oklahoma farmer hitches his horse to pull his car. Whole lambs sell for twenty-five cents. Thousands of orchards are full of rotting fruit it does not pay to pick; wasps get fat, drunk, while the number of hollow-bellied un- employed mounts from coast to coast. Within the last twenty years taxes have shot up two hundred per cent in many of the southern states. Out of a total of a billion acres in farms, more than two hundred million are tax delinquent now. In Mississippi in one day forty thousand farms go under the hammer. Only about one-fifth of the total farm land in the country is owned by the working farmer. And to add to this dark picture, hundreds of thousands of men and women from the stilled factories flock back to the farms from which they so eagerly escaped. THE FARMERS ARE AROUSED Times are bad and going to be worse. This winter will be a ter- ror for there's no cash on the homesteads. Farmers are aroused, They feel like a bull tied to a crow- bar in a poor lot and left to dig and paw the same old eaten circle. At Camp Hill, Alabama, during the summer of 1931, the Negro crop- pers revolted and organized a croppers’ union. Attacked by a white posse, one Negro was killed and seyeral “disappeared.” A dep- uty sheriff told the newspapers, “They went to cut wood.” In spite of the reign of terror, the crop- pers won their demands. In Janu- ary 1931, Coney, a tenant farmer, led five hundred starving farmers into the town of England, Arkan- sas, demanded, and got food. Poet tea IN Minnesota two hundred farm- ers stopped an eviction in the snow, eighteen below zero, In El- gin, Nebraska, on October 6 five thousand farmers, representing ten counties, spiked a mortgage sale on the farm of a widow with seven children, The farmers elected three men to bid. Every one else kept still. They bid 35 cents per head on the cattle, 15 cents on the hogs, 50 cents per set for harness, and 25 cents for all farm implements such*as wagons, plows, etc. The banker was forced to sign the re- lease of thé mortgage and can- cel the notes, “EVEN IN NEW ENGLAND” ‘The yeast is working even in the hard sour lump the New England farmer has seemed to be. The fol- | lowing is taken from a letter by a New Hampshire farmer: “I saw Rufus today. One of his cows got thru the fence into my pasture. He came up and T helped him re- pair the fence. We had quite a talk. He says that he has about 70 cows, has been selling milk at a great loss to a big dairy firm, that he bas had to do without farm help, and is broke. He can’t even sell his cattle at a decent price, half a decent price. He blames his troubles/on the middiemen who, he says, are getting vastly rich on his losses. They make their spread, he says. He has been farming for 30 odd years, and has seen a steady slow descent all that time, one greatly accelerated in the last three years. As he loses more, his time of work increases until he now works from 4 a.m. till 10 p.m, and may lose his farm this winter, He just won’t stand for that.” And last, most indicative of the awak- ening and growing militancy of the American farmer is the Towa milk strike. Followed in a half dozen states, it has jolted a million heads | into hard thinking. THESE explosions appear merely sporadic. They certain locality for a time, to be | shake a and Impoverished Farmers Thruout the U. S. then the old rural hush in which the farmer lives set in again. In many quarters it was the impres- sion that these scattered uprisings would be as little effective as the agrarian revolt of the eighties with its battle cry, “Raise more hell than corn, boys.” The effects of the Iowa farmers’ strike on. farm- ers throughout the country, and the calling by rank and file farm- ers of a Farmers’ National Relief Conference to be held in Wash- ington show there is no basis what~ soever for such impressions. THE STRUGGLE IN IOWA During the height of the farm strike in Iowa, 1,000 farmers met in a small Sioux City Hall. They decided. to issue @ call for a con- ference of farmers from every state in the uniom, the meeting place Washington, the time De- cember 7 to 10. One of them ex- pressed the spirit of the meeting when he said: “The National Con- ference of rank and file farmers to formulate a national relief pro- gram and to decide on united ac- tion by all militant farmers of the country is our answer to the bank- ruptey and ruin which threaten the farm population. Eviction and foreclosures are just around the corner for the majority of us. Since our leaders, both those elect- ed by us to represent us in goy- ernment and those who head our farm organizations, have shown | that they cannot or will not help | us, we, the farmers, must take | matters into our own hands.” | In the call for the Conference the farmers summed up their grievances in these four demands: 1, Debts, rents, taxes, mort- gages remain high. Prices are ridiculously low. Therefore we demand a moratorium on all these debts. 2 2. With 15,000,000 unemployed and no hope of jobs in the cities, we proclaim our right to remain on our farm homes. We demand that all foreclosures, tax sales, or evictions be stopped. 3. We demand from the deal- ers, middlemen, food trusts that a deep cut into their swollen profits be used to raise farm prices. We insist that the rise in the price of food products come out of these middlemen, and not from increased prices to city con- sumer. 4. Our crops are bringing no cash return but sell for a loss. Without money, millions of us cannot buy food or clothing. Our children are slowly starving, con- tracting pellagra and other hun- ger diseases. To insure at least the bare necessities of life, we demand cash relief for all poor farmers, eras tamale. 'HE farmers rolled up their sleeves higher. They wrote to Lem Harris, Pennsylvania milk farmer (now secretary of the Call Committee for the National Farm Relief Work), to become their ex- ecutive secretary: “We have no funds and no salaries. We will have all we can do to raise, feed and fuel to move our covered wagons. Help us to come to Wash- ington, and we will tell the world as well as the government.” Lem Harris accepted. A Call Committee of seven farmers from such widely scattered localities as Lauderdale, Florida and Sanish, North Dakota, was elected to as- sist him. Like loud bugles, organ- ivers were immediately dispatched throushout the country to mar- shal all militant farmers for the march to Washington. They were instructed to invite all farm or- ganizations to elect rank and file members. This include the Grange, the Farm Bureau Federation, Farmers’ Union, the United Farm- ers’ League as well as unorganized groups. MEETINGS THROUGHOUT ~ UNITED STATES Meetings are being held all over the country. Delegates are elected, | early in December, and so will be | used on the march. Farmers are | being taxed forty cents a piece. Each delegate must be supplied with $10, which means $100 per truck, enough to cover gas, oil, and some of the expenses on the road and in Washington. Routes which the caravans of trucks will take have been mapped out already. Sympathetic farmers on the way have been organized to provide meals and overnight sleeping places. Many private citizens have ; Offered accommodations in Wash- ington. Delegates are to hold meet- ings on the road to recruit new members and so insure nationwide representation at the conference. Whether three hundred or five hundred farmers will reach Wash- ington is difficult to say at the moment. Even 300 representative delegates, however, can speak for 30,000,000 people on American farms just as well because from Maine to Arizona and from Oregon to Florida the reasons for discon- tent are the same. The farmers are not coming to Washington to shake Hoover's hand or gape at the eyeless needle of the Washing- ton Monument. They will place their demands against foreclosures, against evictions, for debt mora- torium, for cash relief before the President and Congress. , They will formulate a national farm program which will meet the needs of farm- | ers throughout the whole country. | They will meet in smaller groups to tackle sectional problems. They will listen to delegations of unem- ployed and draw up a joint fight- ing program for the unemployed and the small and middle farmers. They will lay plans for future con- ferences. Immediately after the Conference, farmer speakers ‘will be sent to a thousand one-horse towns and cities to report on the work of the conference, to line up sympathizers and farmers for fur- ther mass action. OVERCOMING OBSTACLES ‘There are obstacles in the way of the Conference. The Church has been set against it. In Ne- braska the Catholic Church ar- ranged services purposely on cer~- tain nights when meetings were taking place in order to stop the election of delegates. Local, state, and federal officials look with dis- favor upon the whole business. Washington’s new Police Commis- sioner has sent a message to the nation’s police to investigate this proposed “invasion by disgruntled farmers.” The exclusion of the rich farmer and the so-calleq farm Jeader, whose income comes from other sources. than farming, has aroused intense antagonism. The farmer's long isolation and suspi- cion of radical ideas must be over- come; he must be moved to break through the long thin promises sspun by busy politicians, especially during election time. Despite such difficulties, the odds appear to be all for a successful Conference. The antagonism. of church, politician, business man prove the essential soundness and militancy of this rank and file farmers’ movement. This draws the class lines clearer. The plan to invite the unemployed and to send farmer speakers to cities will help emphi the interlocking inter- ests of producer and city céh- sumer, It will strike home more forcefully the viciousness of a sys- tem which gives the farmers half a cent a pound for wheat, while it soaks consumers eight cents. The Conference does not intend to propose one more plan for juggling the tariff, raising prices by Farm Board action, debentures or allot- ments: The exclusion of bankers and business men is evidence enough that the farmers have also lost all faith in the banker-busi- ness man-farmer cooperatives, pools from which foxy corporations flipped the farmer and crunched the last life out of him, ICH headquarters in are flooded with news from dirt farmers all over the | | NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobn L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” HOTE.— “Georgia Nigger”? pression of the Negr smashing exposure of the hideous persecution anf auses. The Daily Worker Is relentlessly opposed md to the oppression and contemptuows The author shares this view, but, in ble conditions, he considered it necessary \erwise he would have f the boss Iynoh- INSTALMENT 18 ‘ THE STORY SO FAR: Legally kidnapped by the county authorities at the behest of the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, who needa © cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under threat of being sentenced to the chain gang, to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as advances against wages. Deering’s plantation is actually a slave camp ruled by terror. One of David's fellow-slaves is shot dead by the planter and another is savagely beaten. David decides to run away, and, alded by the cook, he manages to escape. He makes his way home and learns that the sheriff is already on his trail. While David goes inte hiding in the woods, his father, Dee, decides to seek the aid of Ramsey, a white planter on whose farm the Jatksons had been slaves before the Civil War. Now read on: ‘HE mule moved champing at the bit. “Whut you gontuh do wid dat mule?” restlessly, “Maybe I'll ride him tuh Liye Oak dis eb’nin’,” he returned ab- sently. “Wid David?” “You got ‘bout as much sense as Zebulon,” he said. “I reck’n hit's time fo’ you tuh go tuh bed, Henri- etta.” PRECAUTIONS The girl got up without a word. Dee followed her in. He removed the chimney from the lamp, pinch- ed the wick between thumb and forefinger, and returned to the porch. “I reck’n you'd bes’ git outuh dat, chair an’ stop rockin’,” he sug- gested. For half an hour they sat in si- | lence, Dee puffing at his pipe and- | sheltering the glow with a cupped | hand, Louise whispered: 4 “Maytt he didh’t wait in woods.” “He waited. Hush.” “I'm seairi——” “Woman,”) Dee said tensely, “if you doan hush dat mouf o’ yourn Tl slap yo’ teeth out right now!” owes 6 HE became silent. The minutes dragged. Suddenly she touched Dee's arm and pointed to the barn. “Dey he is,” she whispered ex- citedly. “Son,” he said when David join- ed them, “dat was fine. If you wrk lak dat in de night dey ain’ no- body gontuh ketch you. Yes, suh, dat was fine.” “You better he'p him an’ not talk so much,” Louise interrupted. DEE LEAVES. “Sho,” he said good-naturedly. “I jes’ waited fo’ him tuh come fo’ I lef’. Now, Son, you git yo'se’f some mo’ water an’ a mess 0’ food an’ git ober tuh dat bale shelter caise maybe I'll be wantin’ you dis eb’- nin’. I’m gontuh town an’ we'n I git back I want tuh know jes’ whey you is.” He turned to his wife. “An’ you stay right here on de po’ch an’ let dat boy sleep. If anybody comes you shout louder’n at prayer meet- in’ who dey is. Dat’ll wake him up an’ he kin silp out o’ de shelter. I doan figger nobody’ll come but I want tuh be keerful.” “Sho I'll wait,” Louise said con- tentedly. “I couldn’t go tuh sleep nohow now.” San ea Te driveway to the spacious Ramsey mansion, little changed from the days when Dee’s father Played there, was heavy with the odor of jasmine and rose. Two dogs barked at the wagon’s approach. Old Brigadier Joe, white haired and neat in his dark suit, switched on the lights of the kitchen p-rch and peered out, “Git away f'um heah!” he shout- ; €d to the dogs. “Cain’ y’all see hit’s Jes’ a ol’ niggah? Go on nov, git back to yo’ kennels! Whut you wan’, Dee?” he added, recognizing him. “Doan. you know no better’n to come heah at dis time o’ de eb’- nin’? Whut’s de matter wif you?” “HAD TO COME” “I had tuh come,” Dee said apol- ogetically. “I got tuh see Mist’ Ramsey.” “Whut's de mattah? You got mo’ trouble? Law’, you got mo’ trou- ble’n any seben niggahs!” “I got tuh see Mist’ Ramsey,” Dee repeated. “Please tell im I’m here.”, “Sho! Sho! Jes’ come right on in an’ set down. Mus’ be trouble, I reck’n. You look lak de debbil had you by de tail wid a downhill pull on you.” ee he HE servant returned quickly, “You come wif me,” he said. “T fixed hit fo’ you an’ he’ll see you right now in de library.” A broad stairway shiny” from decades of hard. polishing leg to the room where the planter sat in an easy chair with a book in his lap. “Come in, Dee,” he smiled kindly, “Tt must be pretty serious to Bring, you here at this hour. Someone in’ trouble again?” “Yes, suh, Hit’s mighty serious, sth. Hit’s David.” ‘H'm.” He nodded to the waiting servant. \“That will be all, Briga- dier, I'll ring when I want you.” RAMSEY 1! THE NEWS Ramsey lighted a cigar, frown- ing. NS “I heard he was-working for Deering,” he said. “Yes, suh, But he done run away.” “Why did he do that? He knew he would get into trouble, didn’t he?” “He jes’ had tuh run away, suh, A guard wen’ at’m wid a pick handle an’ dey'’s beaten ’em ail up. ‘Bout fo’ or five run away ale ready. Dey couldn't stan’ hit no mo’ “Oh, That bad, eh?” “An’ Dayid, he was scairt dey would kill him, too. Mist’ Deerin’ kilt one nigger an’ had him bur- ied in a swamp.” a, he AMSEY chewed vigorously on his cigar. “Dat's why he run away, suh.” “I think David did wisely,” the }\ white man said quietly. “But what do you want me to do, Dee? Dee- ring isn’t the only planter mis- treating nigras. I cannot help ev- ery darky who finds a hard mas- ter.” “Please, suh. David's a good boy. I know dat, eben if he was on de chain gang. He's will'n tuh wuk. He neber did gib nobody no trouble a-tall till dey picked ’im up las’ year, an’ now mos’ eb’ry- thing seems tuh tu’n out all wreng. He’s wukked off mos’ o’ de fine Mist’ Deerin’ paid fo’ him, I doan wan’ de boy tuh run away up no’th whey we cain’ neber see him no mo’. Maybe he cain’ eben git up no’th. Maybe somebody else’ll pick *im up an’ sen’ him tuh another farm or maybe de chain gang again. Eb’rybody wants cotton pickers. Please, suh, cain’ you buy David f'um Mist Deerin’ an’ let'’m wuk fo’ you? You done he'ped a lot o’ us nig- gers, I know. De Jacksons, suh, was allus Ramsey niggers an’ “Yes, I know. There is no need of going into that.” The frown grew deeper between his eyes. “Why do all you darkies come to me!” he exclaimed. “I can’t take care of all the nNras in the south!” * * ” i) E'S face grow haggard. He slip- ped from the chair to his knees with hands raised in mute appeal, Before he could utter a word Ram- sey called irritably: “Here! Here! Get up! How the devil do you expect me to think with .you down there on your knees!” “But, suh,” Dee pleaded, “cain’ you please buy ‘im back an’ let him wuk hit off fo’ you on yo’ farm, suh?” “No! And for heaven's sake, get up! I can’t do that, Dee. I have more nigras than I can really take care of,” (Continued Tomorrow) ice, Sane FACED WITH THIS CATE GORICAL REFUSAL TO BUY DAVID FROM THE POWERFUL PLANTER, DEERING, FROM WHOSE MURDER FARM .THE. NEGRO BOY HAS RUN AWAY, WHAT WILL DEE DO NEXT TO } .SAVE HIS SON FROM THE LIFE OF TERROR AND TORTURE ON THIS SOUTHERN PLANTA- TION? DON'T MISS TOMOR- ROW’S INSTALMENT! ————————————————————— SS: never crossed the county line be- fore, are becoming orators and talking mass solidarity. dred farmers can stop the sheriff and a thousand the militia.” Spon- taneous meetings are breaking out and electing delegates in a mass way. A troop of fifty farmers is coming from North Dakota. Wyom- ing, Washington, California, Ne- braska are sending strong delega- tions. In Minnesota they are plan- ning a Farming Youth Conference November 19 in preparation for the National Conference. The State Conventions of the Farmers’ Union in Montana and North Dakota have unanimously endorsed the Confer- ence, in each case upon a motion from the floor. From the South @ solid body of Negro croppers and we got together... to show we mean business.” ‘The farmers are coming to Wash- ington to unite on a National Farm Program. The ruin which threate ens to drive them from their farms 1s driving them together. Regional distinctions are disappearing. The farmers are linking up their dis- tress with that of the workers and unemployed who can’t buy food. ‘The unemployed are not only greatly interested in the struggles of the farmers but are actively aide ing the farmers in some of these . struggles. This alliance, which is just. being formed, must be cee mented with further acts of solide arity between them.» Labor unions and unemployed councils should help the farmers to stop evictions and sheriff sales, and also help them picket roads in strikes a-° gainst the marketing monopolies, Farmers should give all aid to workers’ . struggles, including the donating of food for strike relief, From this alliance, which is now being started, between farmers and workers, will come vast might for the struggle against the food trust ruins fi