The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 19, 1932, Page 4

Me ILY WORKE EW YORK, SATURDAY, VEMBER 19, 1932 orker Porty USA. Published by the Comprodatly Publishing Co., Inc., daily exeept Sunday, at 50K. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $: & months, $2; 1 month, Te excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3 Debt Program of the Imperialist Bandits e on inter-allied debts that is to take place y between President Hoover and President- bles the capitalist press to let loose floods ted to foster illusions among the toiling ts try to cover up their own responsi- the workers and farmers by statements that the ecenomic crisis that has brought to i confer next elect Roo: Tuesc avelt er of dema he capital responsible for d capita tat on, ‘They would have us believe that the stom of the deep-going economic crisis and , 1 capitalist world, is\the cause instead of one in every capitalist country in introduced at the expense of of the farmers—these are some sis. s not the war debts. grew, as Lenin said, nd rotten bourgeoisie for vement of the ‘small’ na- ate , the allied bi 1 .e world the whole bandit system of ) sailles treaties. r ism itself places on the order of the day dr of the world * : to inter-allied debts is determined s between the imperialist powers. + these debts will never be paid. erences about them that have been the powers to juggle for position her world war. tries to use the debt question to deceive nd its own imperialist robber policy. se who oppose cancellation of protecting the taxpayers who European countries cannot be uument upon the fact that the loans m. the issuing of war bonds (liberty and that the taxpayers must pay interest on the principal when due. In other words, if the the toiling masses of the Uni- list politicians and the capitalist down to the time-serving lackeys oid any discussion of wiping out including payment of those para- and the stock exchange ion practiced upon the farmers debts are paid they may expect relief. This is discontent of the impoverished farmers into a nongering policies of American imperialism. The nts to hand the farmers a protested check. iso used as an excuse for the Wall Street govern- eater burdens upon’the backs of the masses in the particularly the sales tax, which will further beat f life. The fact that these debts, which even the s know will not be paid, are being used as argu- e sales tax proves that such a tax is on the program nd must be ruthlessly fought against. * ® * - 1 case the reparations is used in attempts at manouvering for zied Vv preparations. Great Britain, France and Germany would not be required to pay reparations they unwritten “gentlemen’s agreement” ould be required to pay under. the no agreement were reached with the United ts of the former allies in the World War. This Germany also behind the Lausanne agreements, attempt to build a uniform front on the debts ted States. Meanwhile Wall Street uses its finan- wing Germany behind American policy and also me purpose. bts, an inseparable part of the whole world-wide with all its ramifications, is proceeding also: on the adiction of the general crisis of capitalism—the world of decaying capitalism and the world , the Soviet Union. every turn in the struggle, impels the capitalist dly seek a way out of their crisis by plotting nst the Soviet Union. ‘s of the imperialist powers, the toiling masses lation not only of war debts, but of all debts. t against the Young Plan, against the whole rob- t to cancel all debts and all the bonds held speculators. The capitalist debtors will not and can- masses must not bear the burden of these bonds. ther. Such is the only answer of the toiling masses ntion the m ht for the ¢ g a determined struggle against the whole system of nternational debts as a part of the fight against war and against hun- must understand that the final solution for this question cannot apitalism. Only the proletarian revolution, the smash- power of the capitalists and the setting up of workers and vernments can finally liquidate this and all related questions. Relief March in N. Y. The workers of New York City must reply in terms of mass struggle to the despicable attempts of the Tammany machine and the charity mongers to use the weapon of star- vation against the ex-soldiers who are mobilizing for another march on Washington. ber of them reported that the individuals in charge of the Home Relief Bureau threaten to cut off all relief to veterans who go to Washington. ‘To further aid in the attempt to break up the ranks of the bonus march- ers the Emergency Relief Bureau at 297 Fourth Avenue makes fake prom- ises to obtain work for veterans if they refrain from going to Washington. This is a continuation of the dirty, underhanded policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the democratic machine who did everything \they could to help Police Commissioner Glassford and the Hoover Government dis- perse the bonus army from Washington a few months ago. Promises of jobs today are only cynical deceptions, like the maneuver of Roosevelt who, last summer, sent his agent Anderson, to Washington to promise jobs to all New Yorkers who would desert the bonus marchers, Roosevelt, never intended to furnish jobs then. His aim was to break the ranks of the veterans. The same aim is behind the promises of jobs today. It was this same Roosevelt who promised that he would furnish transportation back to New York two days after Glassford started his police ban by trying to deport the ex-soldiers fifty miles from Washing- ton in trucks. In Pennsylvania, the “liberal” republican governor, Pinchot, is mobi- lizing his state constabulary (cossacks)—trained posses of strike-breakers and thugs and gunmen—to try to stop the hunger marchers and the bonus marchers. In that state there have been a number of “practice” mobilization drills of military units with the past few days. In every part of the country the machinery of government—federal, state and local—is in action against the toiling masses. Dirty, under- handed deception and demagogy is used to try to weaken the ranks of the unemployed, the farmers and ex-soldiers. If these tricks can succeed it will be easier for the capitalist government to resort to violent attacks against the marchers. This fact must be clearly understood by the work- ers and farmers and ex-soldiers, and right NOW there must be carried on a. relentless fight against all such attempts. The action of the charity and hunger-mongers in New York should be met with mass demonstrations before these “relief” and “emergency work” stations. These vile methods should spur masses of workers in New York to march to City Hall and protest and demonstrate on No- vember 25, In every locality there should be such determined demonstra- tions and throughout the country there must grow a movement that by its very numbers and relentless militancy will cause the political lackeys of Wall Street to hesitate before they try to stem the movement to Washington to put before the December session of congress the demands for immediate unemployment relief and insurance, the demand for im- mediate payment of the soldiers’ bonus and for emergency relief for the impoverished farmers. Determined action of the starving masses at home backing up the marchers that are now moving toward Washington Is the best guarantee of an effective struggle that will compel the capitalists to disgorge some of their toot this winter. ‘Pry, = N dis . 4 Lausanne conference clearly showed how the ques- | At a mass meeting of veterans a num- The old cook to the new one:—“THIS IS HOW IT’S DONE!” —By Burck Chiang Kai Shek “‘Arrests”’ the Trotskyite, Chen Du Shu But Only for an “Interview” With Kuomintang Butche: D. L. HAN, (Shanghai) EST the Trotzkyists be the least bit concerned over the fate of their fellow renegade, Chen Du Shu, leader of the Trotzky counter- revolutionary clique in China, who | awas reported “arrested” in the In- | ternational Settlement of Shanghai | on October 15, we want to assure them that the Kuomintang as well as the imperialists are very much interested in Chen Du Shu's wel- fare. Latest reports from the Kuo- mintang headquarters declared that Chen Du Shu, well supplied with warm clothing was, at his own re- quest, on his way to interview the chief butcher of the Chinese pro- litariat, Chiang Kai Shek. “ARRESTED” AT OPPORTUNE TIME Chen Du Shu’s “arrest” was made at a very opportune time. The dwindling Trotzkyite clique was fast losing its meagre. influ- ence among the Chinese proletariat. While the Trotzkyites were “warn- ing” the proletariat not to preci- pitate strikes in the present ca- tastrophic crisis, “because strikes cannot be won at this time,” the largest strike wave since the 1925- 27 revolution was sweeping China. While the Trotzkyites were, in com- mon with the imperialists and Chiang Kai Shek, branding the Red Armies and the Soviets, as “ban- dits,” the Fourth Anti-Communist Suppression Campaign, with 1,000,- 000 soldiers headed by Chiang Kai Shek, could not stop the extension of the Soviet territory, the con- solidation of the Soviet power, the growing mass sympathy and sup- port for the Soviets throughout China. Du Shu’s attack against the Communist Party of China found a response only among the ranks of the Kuomintang and its various allies, that is, in the ranks of the native bourgeois reformists, the Third Party and the “Kuo- mintang Reorganizations” group of Wang China Wei, General Chen Min Shu, and the “crown prince,” Sun Fo. The last vestige of Trot- zkyism was being rooted out among the proletariat. ‘The betrayal of the Trotzkyites in the telephone strike, when the Chen Du Shuists urged the workers not to strike against the American imperialist concern, practically ended the or- ganizational roots of the Trotzky- ites among the revolutionary trade unions. FORCED TO MAKE NEW MOVE The collapse of the Wang Chiang Wei regime, the open sell-out of Manchuria by the Kuomintang to Japanese imperialism, the growing influence of the Communist Party of China, made it necessary for the Chen Du Shuists, as well as | their Kuomintang supporters to make a@ new move. Wang Chiang Wei, the “leftist” Kuomintang lead- er who jumped into the breach of the Nanking regime on the eve of the Shanghai invasion of Japanese troops in order to make it easier for Chiang Kei Shek to betray the 19th Route Army, found it neces- sary to “resign” in order to pre- serve the illusion of his “opposition” to Chiang Kai Shek, to save the illusion of his “revolutionary” in- tegrity. Chen Du Shu, with the advise of his Kuomintang support- ers on his “executive committee,” found it necessary to’ arrange an “arrest” and “interview” with Chi- ang Kai Shek in order to plan his future attack against the Commu- nist Party in China. Chen Du Shu’s counter-revolutionary propa- ganda against the Communist Par- ty of China had proved futile. The Communist Party in the white ter- ritories had doubled its member- ship in the past few months. The revolutionary trade unions has not, only increased their membership, establishing a textile union, among the 200,000 textile workers, with red trade union groups in nearly every cotton mill in Shanghai, they had not only won over thousands in the imperialist and Chinese tobacco factories, but the red opposition in the yellow trade unions were gain- ing in strength and influence, a ‘Trotzkyite propaganda against the Soviet territories had reach- ed in phraseology and intent so closely to that of every branch of Kuomintang supporter that an “in- terview”’ was absolutely necessary to work out most closely a common plan of campaign against the So- viets and against the Communist Party of China. Hence the “arrest” of Chen Du Shu. For those who do not understand the relation of the Trotzkyites with the Kuomintang, we might explain that for the past three years while the most ferocious campaign of ter- | ror was directed against the Com- munist Party of China, the Trot- zkyites were left unmolested. Chen Du Shu lived quite openly in Shan- ghai. His whereabouts were well known to the very polce who were daily arresting dozens of members of the Communist Party of China. Had Chiang Kai Shek required the presence of Chen Du Shu, or any other Trotzkyite, this could have been arranged any day within the past three years by the Chiang Kai Shek emissary who was a member of the Chen Du Shu leading com- mittee. But this was not necessary so long as Chen Du Shu proved to Chiang Kai Shek under the appear- ance of leading an “illegal” and “conspirative” existance. But now more heroic measures were neces- sary and Chen Du Shu and ten of his followers were without the least difficulty “arrested.” IMPERIALIST REACTION TO “ARREST” ‘The m&mer and process of the “arrest,” as well as the reaction in the imperialist and Chinese bourgeois press, is extremely im- portant. The savagry is well-known to the proletariat throughout the world. In 1931, when the secretary of the Communist Party of China was arrested, he was virtually torn limb from limb. No interview was arranged with him for Chiang Kai Shek. Instead of “warm cloth- ing,” his lacerated and mutilated body was stuck into an obscure hole. In July of 1932, 83 workers and students, who were holding a united front anti-imperialist conference in Chapei theatre, were arrested and charged with being members of the Communist Party of China. Doz- ens of them were immediately ex- ecuted at the Lunghwa arsenal, outside of Shanghai. The rest were subjected to the most frightful tor- tures such as could be invented only in the brain of a Chiang Kai Shek with his experience in slaughtering hundreds of thousands of Commu- nists ang Communist sympathizers. Last year, when the left wing Chi- nese writers, artists and students were arrested, some of them in their teens, no “interviews” were ar- ranged. They were slaughtered pell-mell. Instead of arranging “interviews” with Chiang Kai Shek the Kuomintang follows the prac- tice of cutting out the tongues of Communists so they will not be able to cry “Long live the Commu- nist Party of China!” “Long live the Chinese Soviets!” before the executioner’s sword falls on their heads. SOLICITUDE FOR CHEN DU SHU But for the cheif adherent of Trotzky in China a different fate is arranged. On October 20, 1932, the Chinese papers carried the fol- lowing Reuters dispatch from Nan- king: “The ‘Communist’ leader, Chen Du Shu, who was recently arrest- ed at Shanghai submitted a peti- tion today asking for an inter- view with General Chiang Kai Shek so as to submit a report concerning the activities in China of the so-called ‘Trotzky group. “The request has been granted and Chen Du Shu will be sent to Hankow tomorrow under a military escort. “Chen has also asked for heav- ier underclothing because of the cold weather and his ill health, The request has been granted.” en sire 'T is only natural that Chiang Kai Shek should expect a report of the “Trotzky group” in China after so long a period of collaboration and support. And the note of con- sideration In the latter part.of the dispatch, the touching concern for the welfare of a “Communist” by the Kuomintang is unequalled in the long and bloody history of | Kuomintang butchery, nor will it be unnoticed by the great mass of Chinese workers and _ peasants whose underclothing is not so warm and whose ‘ill’ health is not so-con- siderately treated. THIS IS A “DIFFERENT ARREST” ‘Wheneyer a Communist is arrest- ed in China, the imperialist press either passes over it in silence or Pauses only long enough to utter a sigh of relief or to praise the Kuo- mintang. With Chen Du Shu it was different. Chen Du Shu and the ‘Trotzkyites throughout the world might try to palm off their “Communism” on the proletariat, but the imperialists in China know a friend or foe through long ex- perience. The Trotzkyite press throughout the world has lost no occasion to malign the Chinese So-~ viets and to support the present “left” leaders of the Kuomintang in their effort to give a new lease of life to the Nanking butcher re- gime by the slogan of a “Constitu- ent Assembly.” And this has not been lost on the imperialists in China. The Lytton Commission in its report stated that the Chinese Soviets were a formidable rival gov- ernment and represented a revolu- tionary threat to the very existence of the Kuomintang. The common ground of agreement of all the bourgeois counter-revolution, and the Trotzkyite attacks in China, has been against the Chinese Soviets. It is no wonder then that we read the following estimation of the Trotzkyite Chen Du Shu and his followers in the very Shanghai newspapers that most openly and shamelessly supported the Japanese imperialist butchery of the Shan- ghai proletariat. In a leading edi- torial, entitled “Communism -in China,” the Shanghai Times on October 19th declared: “Chen and those with whom he is standing trial here must be re- garded as being in a totally dif- ferent category from the Commu- nists’ of the interior against whom, as ‘Red Bandits,’ General Chiang Kai Shek and the Cen- tral Government have been wag- ing a military campaign with successes here and failures there.” The organ of British and Jap- anese imperialism correctly finds it necessary to draw a wide dis- tinction between the gentleman ‘Trotskyite, Chen Du Shu, and the workers and peasants Soviets in the interior under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. It is this basic, difference that makes it necessary and advisable ‘ for both Chiang Kai Shek and Chan Du Shu to arrange an in- terview, and to make mutual re- ports. ‘The same sheet which called for the blood of the Comrades Ruegg, goes on in the defense of the Trotzkyites, quite conver- sant with their anti-Soviet at- tacks: “The ‘Reds’ against whom the government has had to wage war are not of the same kind as Chen Du Shu and his fellow prisoners. They (the ‘despicable’ Reds,—D. L. H.) are for the most part, the people of the countryside. What they have been denied they have now seized.” Together with the imperialist press, the Chinese bourgeois news- papers follow the line of calling for “toleration” of Chen Du Shu and the other Trotzkyists; for the Chinese Soviets and its leaders they cal] for a war to the death, a war of extermination, with no quarter, interviews or warm clothing given. TO MEET BUTCHER OF MASSES We may well ask, what will be the substance and result of this famous interview between the Trot- zkyite Chen Du Shu and the chief butcher of the Kuomintang, Gen- eral Chiang Kai Shek? The in- terview itself is to be held in Han- kow, in the military headquarters NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY + masses. contemptuous treatment of Negroes which it symbolites, "GEORGIA NIGGER" Jobn L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel .NOTE:—“Georgie Nigger” is a smashing exposure of the hideous persecution and national oppression of the Hage ‘The Daily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white ruling class term, “nigger.” and to the oppression ‘The author shares this view, but, in order to painé = true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise he would have put tnt the mouths of the boss lynchers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use—EDITOR, INSTALMENT 17 THE STORY SO FAR:—Legally kidnapped by the county authorities at the behest of the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, who needs cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under th reat of being sentenced to the chain gang, to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as ad vances against wages. David soon learns that Deer= ing’s plantation is actually a slave camp, ruled by terror. One of David's fellow-slaves is shot dead by Deering for talking back to him and another is beaten in the most brutal manner. David decides to make a break for liberty. With the aid of Mary Lou, wife of another Negro, Waiter Freedman, with whom David has made friends, he manages to escape through a ruse. Now go on with the story: INETEEN miles to the county seat, but only sixteen to home, and the road to Live Oak clear be- tween fields of dun colored cotton. Travelers were infrequent even in daytime and at night the highway was a wide ribbon of deserted clay. David left mile upon mile behind him. There was exhiliration in the new freedom. Once, in the early hours of the morning, the ap- proaching rumble of a car warned him to stretch out in a ditch at the side of the road. He was still wide awake when a tiny square of light in a cabin leaning against a deep, purple sky told him that morning was not far away. He scanned the fields an- xiously for a safe spot to spend the day and at the first glimmer of a ay gawn struck rapidly through soft furrows towards a horizon of trees beyond a picked field. NEARING HOME ‘The sun was high when he awoke. The grass on which he lay was tall and pleasantly soft. The trees were alive with the chatter of birds. Patches of sunlight. Fields visible through trees. And no cot- ton to be picked. The need of water was trouble- by night. The temptation to seek it at the first silhouette of a cabin was strong, but the fear that it might be a white or some Negro cropper who would turn him in to curry favor with Deering dissuaded him. Cabins became more frequent and when he saw Lem Haskin’s house, with its square barn and the shelters beside it, he knew he was only three miles from home. eo Gene | ete the broom weeds lining the mule path Dayid listened in- tently for some sound of guard or deputy waiting in the shadows, but only crickets chirping of hot weather on the morrow disturbed the stillness. He glided to the shadows of the house and tapped softly on the window pane of the room where his father and mother slept. “Who dat?” startled call. Dee’s quick voice almost smoth- ered the question. “Dat’s David! Doan talk so loud, woman!” “Hit’s me,” the boy said softly. “Anybody roun’?” “Ain’. nobody here, Son. roun’ tuh de do’.” BACK AGAIN! His father let him in quickly. His mother, in a frayed nightgown over her underwear, clasped him to her, crying happily. ‘Stop fussin’ wid him,” Dee grumbled. “He’s tard. Cain’ you see he’s tard? Better stop yo’ weepin’ an’ git him somethin’ tuh eat.” She released the boy and started fumbling with the lamp. “Whut’s de matter wid you, woman!” Dee exclaimed irritably. “You out o’ yo’ haid? Doan you mek no light!” “I want some water fus’,” David said. “Sho! Sho!” His father pat- tered to the water bucket. “Lawd, I mus’ be gittin’ foolisher’n yo’ mammy fo’ not thinkin’ about hit. Co’se you want water. P’obly ain’ hhaq nothin’ tuh drink sense you run away.” . he heard Louise’s Come AVID gulped the water and Dee refilled the cup, moving with eager restlessness in his excite- ment, a ghostly pair of underwear in the darkness. Trembling ques- tions tumbled from his mother, an eager torrent that did not wait for an answer. “Hush!” Dee interrupted. “Let de boy eat. Lawd, why did you gib me such a fool woman! Cain’ you see he ain’ had nothin’ tuh eat fo’ two days?” “THE SHERIFF WAS HERE” Louise became quiet, leaning on the table, watching her son. “We knowed you done run away,” Dee said. “De sheriff an’ a deputy was here at sunup an’ said you done run away yestiddy ev’nin’. I to’ ’em I didn’t know nothin’ *bout dat but dey suched de place.” “Maybe dey'll come back. ‘You cain’ figger ‘em out,” his mother cautioned. “I didn’t see nobody,” David said assuringly. “I was mighty careful fo’ I come roun’ tuh de window.” “Maybe so. Maybe so,” his father said quietly. “But you eat an’ tek a mess 0’ food wid you an’ git out in’ de woods w'ile I study whut tuh do. Cain’ be too keerful. Dat man Deerin’s gontuh try tuh git you back tuh show de county niggers hit ain’ smart‘ tuh run away.” 1 See OUISE began to cry. “What's ailin’ you!” Dee turned upon her. “Good Lawd, I never did see such a fool woman. “Hit’s never seein’ Son no mo’,” she wepi. “He cain’ stay here now, Dey’ll res’ ’im an’ sen’ ‘im iuh de chain gang or back again tuh Mist’ Deerin’s place. Lawd, whut’d You go an’ do tub dis here fam'ly?” “Hit's a lot better not tuh see | ’*im no mo’ den tuh see his fun'ral,” Dee, said grimly. “Dat Deerin’ place’s bad, Bad.” xean, said wvayid, "Vat man’‘d jes’ as soon kill a nigger as spit. He killed one while I TEARING AT THE LEASH— | Trusties chaining bloodhounds to trail two prisoners who escaped from a Georgia chain gang. These bloodhounds are also used to trail Negroes who, like David Jackson, in “Georgia Nigger,” run away from the slave plantations where they are subjected to such barbarous treatment. was dey.” . “Gawd a-mighty!” exclaimed. “Hush yo’ mouf!” Dee cautioned angrily. “Lawd,” she wept, a-bin him.” “Yeah, hit might a-bin. Dey wen’ after me wid a pick handle, once.” “Lawd, Lawd,” shaking her head. * 8 his mother “hit might she breathed, AVID explained briefly why he fled. “Dat place ain’ fit fo’ no- body,” he concluded rebelliously. “De chain gang's better’n dat.” “Yeah,” said Dee slowly. “Reck’'n Mist’ Pearson’d buy me back an’ lemme wuk out wid you?” David asked anxiously. “I dunno. I reck’n not. Dey was Bill Huston. He was a Pear- son nigger, but two years ago w’en Mist’ Deerin’ couldn't git nobody tuh wuk fo’ him, he tuk him wid- a gun an’ Bill, he run away tuh Mist’ Pearson, but nothin’ come of hit. Mist’ Deerin’s pow'ful strong here’bouts. I reck’n Mist’ Pearson ain’ gittin’ intuh no fight wid him.” INTO HIDING “Whut's de boy gontuh do?” Louise asked tearfully. “I dunno. I got tuh study hit, got tuh do some tall studyin’. But de fus’ thing is for him tuh git some pone an’ pork an’ a pot-full ‘o’ water an’ git out in de woods rend dey tuhmorrer till hit’s Louise bundled the food and filled a small iron cooking pot with water. “Bes’ git movin’,” Dee suggested. “An’ come back here w'en hit’s dark.” ee ih 'S of a runaway spreads quickly in a land so isolated that everything is a matter of gos- sip. The Pearson overseer wandered out to Dee that morning, spat a mouthful of tobacco juice on ® furrow, and said: “I hear David done run away fum the Deerin’ place.” “Yes, suh,” Dee said. “De sheriff was roun’ lookin’ fo’ him,” “Pretty harg man, Mr. Deerin’.” “Yes, suh. Dat’s whut I hears.” “Bad place.” He squinted at a distant field. “I hope he gits awayy” he added siowl: “Thank-ee, suh, Thank-ee,” Dee | said. | GRIEF | During the day Louise cried re- | peatedly. Once he nodded sympa- thetica “Sho,” he said, “you go right on weepin’, Hit’s nachral fo’ a woe man.” “Dey might a-killed him.” “Yeah. But dey didn’t, an’ now he's safe an’ maybe by tuh-morrer he'll be outuh dis county.” “An’ Tl neber see him no mo’.” “Cain’ tell,” he said hopefully. ARES RIS F T sundown Dee fed the mule and left him harnessed outside the barn, When the supper dishes were washed and Zebulon put to bed, the three sat on the porch. Louise warged to extinguish the lamp in the kitchen, but Dee shook his head. “Jes’ set aroun’ lak allus,” he advised. “Dey’s nobody roun’, but somebody might come roun’.” Dee smoked in silence. Louise rocked nervously in her chair, rat- tling a, loose board in the porch, “Allus movin’ an’ rockin’! Nuf noise tuh mek a man like tuh slap you!” “TLL NEVER SEE HIM ANY MORE’ “I ain’ neber gontuh see him no mo’,” she wept. “Oh, hush! He'll be here. Good Lawd, woman I wisht de Lawd could a-gib you mo’ sense!” “whut we gontuh do?” she asked. “I dunno. I bin studyin’ hit all day. Mist’ Pearson ain’ gontuh he’p, but maybe Mist’ Ramsey will, He allus he’ps Ramsey niggers an’ de Jacksons was Ramsey niggers. My father played wid Mist’ Ram- sey’s father fo’ we was freed.” (Continued Tomorrow.) a ee WHILE DAVID HIDES IN THE WOODS WITH DEERING’S HIRE- LING SHERIFF ON HIS TRAIL, WHAT CHANCES HAS DEE TO GET THE WHITE + PLANTER, HAD REFUSED HIS PLEA FOR AID, TO HELP HIM SAVE DA- VID FROM BEING TAKEN BACK TO DEERING’S TORTURE AND MURDER FARM? READ MON- DAY’S STORY OF THIS OLD NE- GRO SHARE-CROPPER’S DES- PERATE FIGHT TO SAVE HIS BOY! FRACE LUMPKIN’S novel of the South which has aroused great interest because of its social con- tent will be reviewed soon in the Daily Worker by V. J. Jerome; Writing about some of the exper- jences that went into the writing of the novel, she says: “I was born in Georgia of a fam- ily with feudal traditions behind it, and have lived most of my life in the South. We lived on a farm part of my childhood and I played with children of white tendnt farm- ers, and the Negro children who worked in the cotton fields. I saw a great many things that made me realize that the ‘Sunny South’ hides brutality and darkness behind the gracious face it tries to show to the world. “T have lived in mill villages and in the mountains, miles from a rail- road. *I have been in strikes. The conclusion which the workers in ‘To Make My Bread’ arrive at as & result of their experiences, are the conclusions to which my own ex- periences have brought me—that the class struggle is a fact—that Communism is the only way out.” vast growth of the Communist Party of China, on the failure of his slanderous campaign against the Soviets of China. He will frankly tell Chiang Kai Shek of the failures of the Trotzky group. Not a little will be said of the grow- ing guerilla warfare in Manchuria and the increasing leadership there of the Communist Party, struggling, not only against the Japanese in- vader, but as well against the feu- dal landlords and the Kuomintang who are the best props of Japanese colonization of Manchuria. Since the uppermost question in Chiang Kai Shek’s mind is how to stem the defeat of his Fourth Anti-So- viet Campaign, he will ask Chen Du Shu’s advice on how best to fight the “Red Bandits.” The of the Fourth Anti-Communist Campaign from which Chiang is leading 1,000,000 men in an attempt to wipe out the Soviets. Chen Du Shu will report. on the greatest portion of Chen Du Shu's advice will follow the lines of his general propaganda and the new line of the Kuomintang in those temporarily able to capture and in the surrounding territories in which the peasants are favorable’ to So- viet rule. He will advise greater stress on the calling of a “Constit- uent Assembly,” as one of the best means of befuddling the masses and withdrawing attention from the Kuomintang’s pro-imperialist and anti-worker ang peasant pol- icy. In this he already has a very valuable ally, Sun Fo, who is talked of as the successor of Wang Ching Wei as head of the Executive Yuan —a sort of prime ministry. Sun Fo’s main plank is the calling of a “Constituent Assembly,” and the first order of business of the “Con- stituent Assembly” would be the carrying on of a more ttensive anti-Soviet war, ee @ UT Chen Du Shun's greatest con- tribution and the one most territory about the intentions of the Kuomintang in order to “liqui- date” the Soviets and to wait for the “real revolution” which Chen Du Shu—perhaps with Chiang Kal- Shek's help now—will bring to toiling masses of China. Chiang Kei Shek has already begun this line, The North China Dail News, recently reviewing the fail- ures of the Anti-Sovict War, de- clared that the Kuomintang was re- sorting more and more to semi- Communist propaganda among the | Reds. It is not altogether out of the realm of immediate possibility that Chinng Kai Shek will create a new bureau in his Fourth Anti- Communist Drive, that of “revolu= tionary propagenda,” both for use within his own comoralized troops and for external us2, at the head of which we may well expect to see none other than the Trotzkyite Chen Du Shu, with warm clothing and other necessities supplied s@ jong as Chiang Kai Shek rules =, “Cain’ you set still??” he growled. | Grace Lumpkin’s Novel ‘To Make My Bread,’ to < ma a Ste ETS RRS RAMSEY, WHO ONCE BEFORE | if ! eo . pene