The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 18, 1932, Page 4

Daily, Morker’ ed by the Comprodaity Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 5¢ ‘New York City, N.Y. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7936. Cable “DATWORK." itdress and mai) checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 15th 8t., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION BATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, §3 exeepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York Cit 8 months, $2; 1 m Foreign end 3_months, $3 Canada: One year, $9: 6 months, Build Party Through Hunger March BL over the country the columns of the Hunger Marchers ‘A are swinging into action. The masses are being deeply stirred by the local struggles for relief and the unification of the movement on a national scale by the march to Wash- ington. Through these actions the Unemployed Councils and neighborhood committees are beeing built up. At the same time, the farmers are building their mass ors: tion. And the ex-servicemen are coming together on a larger scale than ever before. In the midst of all these actions, everywhere we find among the most ative leaders and organizers the Communists and their sympathizers. The toiling masses are learning through the experiences of their strug- gle that the Communist Party is the most reliable guide, leader and or- ganizer of the fight. ‘The Communist Party is still a relatively order to meet the tremendous tasks thrown upon it must grow and renew itself. And especi Party draw into its ranks all of the most ac able workers who come forward from the ™ great struggles. ‘This means that in the preparations and carrying through of the Hunger March, and of all other mass actions, the members of the Com- munist Party and the Party fractions and units must carry on an energetic recruiting campaign. One of the most important slogans of the Party at this moment is the slogan “Build the Party; Let Every Member Bring in at Least One New Member.’ The building of the Party in the midst of the Hunger March will strengthen and consolidate the march itself. It will be a big help in the task of establishing new Unemployed Councils in every city and town through which the march passes. It will help to consolidate all the existing Unemployed Councils and strengthen them for their local strug- gles. It will help to build the farmers’ organizations and develop the farmers’ fight for the possession of his farm and to avoid starvation. It will help the veterans to build a really strong ex-servicemen’s move- ment for the bonus and ward off the threatened attacks against their disability allowances. For the solution of every problem that faces the working class, it is necessary to make as our starting point and our conclusion, to trengthen and build the Communist Party which represents the interests of the toiling masses as a whole, which is the organized leadership and vanguard in the struggle aga starvation, which is the only Party which leads on the revolutionary road to a solution of all the problems of the toiling masses and the creation of a Socialist society. Workers, farmers and veterans, join the Communist Party! The Morning Freiheit Must Be Saved! T such a time as this, when the toiling masses in ever larger numbers are in action against the hunger and war program of the capitalist class, the revolutionary press must be made to become and increasingly powerful weapon for guidance and organization. Every day should see greater support for our press. The workers and farmers, Negro and white, native-born and foreign-born are looking to our press for guidance in their every-day struggles. Yet, at such a moment, we find indespensable organs of our revolutionary press facing the actual threat of death. This deplorable situation is driven home with great emphasis when the condition of the Morning Freiheit is considered. This paper has for years been one of the most powerful of the foreign- Janguage’ press and has helped to write brilliant pages in the record of class battles. But today, at a time when it is needed more than ever before, so serious is the situation that the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party issues a special appeal to save the Freiheit. This statement of the Central Committee which is as follows must be a warning signal to save the Freiheit! Comrades! The Morning Freiheit campaign for funds has not yioled the necessary results. Aid has been slow in coming. The mobili- zation of the workers to save the Morning Freiheit has not proceeded as vigorously as circumstances demand. Today the Morning Freiheit finds itself in a more difficult and more dangerous position than at the beginning of the campaign. Debts are mounting. Payments, long deferred, cannot be made. Other obligations cannot be met. The obstacles in the way of the continuation of the all organization. In by these mass actions, ly must the Communist e, loyal, honest and reli- es as leaders of these Morni Freiheit are becoming insurmountable and suspension threatens every minute. As a matter of fact, there was a suspension for half a day on November 16. & uspension of the publication of the Morning Fr eit would be a blow not only to the Jewish workers but to the revolutionary movement, of country as a whole. Suspension of the publication of the Morn- ing Freiheit would amount to a catastrophe on the front of the class struggle. The Morning Freiheit is a organ the Communist Party of the U.S. A. It fighting in specific social surroundings, saturated with social-fascism, with the most pernicious so- cial-nati-calism, which aims at undermining the fighting energy of the workers through: the slogan of “national unity”. The Morning Freiheit is faced with one of the most unscrupulous and destructive daily papers of the Second International, the socialist organ, “Forward”. The Morning Freiheit is one of the most effective instruments for the spread of correct information concerning the building of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. The Morning Freiheit must live The Jewish workers and the rs generally must do their utmost to save the Morning Freiheit. At ihe present moment, when the tide of the cl struggle is rising ever higher, when the workers have to fight in great masses and with great determination for every piece of bread, for every ce..t of relief, when larger and larger numbers of workers have to be drawn into the class struggle for the purpose of defending the very lives of millions of toilers in the face of the brutal and bloody attacks of ti~ capitalists and their government, the task of saving the Morning Freiheit is particularly urgent. It must be borne in mind that it is just the kind of struggles that are led by the Morning Freiheit and Daily Worker that have secured the little unemployment relief given at present here and there. Miserably, inadequate as this relief may be, it amounts to tens of millions of dollars and it is a direct result of the workers’ struggles in which the workers’ press occupies the forefront. The workers’ press must live! The Morning Freiheit must live! Every mass organization, every worker, employed or unemployed, must the Central Committee of do his utmost, whether in his shop, in his organization, or in the circle of his friends and acquaintances, to collect funds for the Morning Frei- heit. Aid must come in substantial quantities, and at once. Raise higher the banner of the live the Morning Freiheit! CENTRAL COMMITTEE, Morning Freiheit everywhere! Long COMMUNIST PARTY, U. S. Endangers Charity Profits; Arrested LOS ANGELES, Cal—The commu- nity chest of Long Beach has defin ately exposed itself as an anti-worker relief organization, as is shown in the arrest of Denton Limbaugh, an Amer- ican worker. Limbaugh was arrested in Long Beach on Nov. 9th while distributing leaflets put out by the unemployed councils, which exposed the commu- nity chest racket. The charges xa against him were “the distri- tion of handbills déterring sub- scriptions to the community chest.” Limbaugh’s bail was set at $500, and his trial will come up on Nov. 22nd. The International Labor De- tense calls upon all workers to or- De- | Socialist “Decline” | Jamestown Challenge | | lute equality. JAMESTOWN, | The s N. ¥., Nov 16, cialist, Party here has declined © debate the Communist Party on the following issues: (1) that the | Socialist Party is the third capitalist party; (2) that the Socialist Party 4s the betrayér of the working class; (3) that the Socialist Party was fin- ancing and organizing e counter- revolutionary work in the Soviet Un- jon to overthrow the workers’ and | peasants’ government; (4) that the | Socialist Par helping the capital- ist block-aid, which méans to put the burden of the capitalist crisis on the Only Path to Liberation of | | Negro Masses NEGRO LIBERATION, by James 8. Allen, International Pam- phiets No. 29, 10 cents, oe 8 Reviewed by MILTON HOWARD workers of America will not be able to overthrow the rule of their exploiters, the American capitalists, if they do not win over to their side the 10,000,000 op- pressed Negro workers from whom American capitalism sweats even greater profits than it does from the white workers. And, con- versely, the Negro workers will never be able to win their freedom from all oppression without the aid of the millions of American white workers and small farmers. It is therefore obvious that a proper un- derstanding of the Negro question as @ basis for correct action is ab- solutely vital for all workers, Ne- gro and white. Tremendously im- portant as this understanding is, it is not too much to say that be- fore appearance of this pamphlet it was impossible to obtain in com- pact form a popular Communist analysis of the whole question. But this pamphlet takes up the whole question, its beginnings, its his- tory, its development and its pres- ent status, thus providing the key to an understanding of why the Communist Party demands and fights for “Equal rights for the Negroes and sel% determination for the Black Belt.” KEEN HISTORICAL ANALYSIS James S. Allen, who is also the author of another pamphlet in this series, “The American Negro,” cor- rectly insists that to consider the Negro question in America from a Marxist-Leninist viewpoint means to consider it historically. He shows by keen historical analys that the Negro people are a de veloping nation. But what is a nation? Allen gives a good sum- mary of Stalin’s teaching on this | question. A nation is a historically | developed, permanent community of people having a common lan- guage, & common history, a com- mon economic and cultural life, and living on a common territory. By the end of the Civil War the Negroes already had many of the elements of a nation. And by 1900, with the development of a Negro petty-bourgeoisie and class antagonisms among the Negro peo- Ple, the Negroes, says Allen, “had already developed all the charac- teristics of a nation—of an op- pressed nationality.” In other words, the Negro masses in the Black Belt constitute today a young nation whose tremendous cultural and social forces Ameri- can capitalism is trying to strangle in order to preserve the tremen- dous super-profits which it sweats | out of the Negro toiling masses, Mer ee 'HE Communists all over the world fight for self-determina- tion for all nations. In the Soviet Union they have put this theory into practice. Allen’s chapter on | this problem is exceptionally clear. He shows that Communists believe in bringing all nations closely to- gether in one international unity. | But he points out, quoting Lenin, that a “fusion of nations on a truly democratic, truly international basis is unthinkable without the | freedom of separation. . . . The | working class strives to bring all nations closely together, to fuse them, but it intends to bring that about not by the use of force, but only by @ free, brotherly union of the workers and toiling masses of all nations.” WHAT SELF-DETERMINATION MEANS ‘Then the author goes on to show how this conception applies to the Negroes of this country. He says: “The right of self-determination means that the Negro people in the Black Belt, where they have formed the majority of the popu- lation for many generations and where they have developed as a people, have the right to set up a republic of the Black Belt in which the Negroes would exercise gov- ernmental authority (and where the significant white minority would have full equal rights with the Negroes) and determine for themselves whether their country should be federated to the United States or have complete political independence. . . . The Communist Party strives to unite the Negro toilers and the white masses of the country, but this objective can- not be reached until the Negroes have the freedom—which they do not have now—to enter of their own free will and without coercion into such a union.” It is obvious from this how reactionary and false is the propaganda of the So- cialists, especially Norman Thomas, (who allowed Jim-Crowism of the Negro workers in meetings on his Southern speaking tour), that. self- determination means segregation, when it actually means the oppo- site, complete freedom and abso- Allen shows teow the very ex- | istence of t: Negro bourgeoisie | and its Jeaders, DuBois, White, | Pickens and others, depends on the | existence of Jim-Crow districts where Negro business can thrive, That is why these “leaders” are ° TT only path to liberation. for the Negro and white workers is the path of revolutionary unity un- der the leadership of the Commu- Party. situation today and the history of - America... This ig the lesson which Allen lusW YORK, PRIDAY, NOY BER 18, 1952 —By Burck F97 -s monon a By N. BUCHWALD (Daily Worker Correspondent) «MLOW your trumpet, Gabriel, the world is coming to an end!” shouted the hero of Gorky’s new play (“Egor Bulichev ang Others”) at the stirring conclusion of the magnificent second act, and the audience leaped to its feet. The magic of Gorky’s artistry, the wis- dom of his character portrayal and the vigor of his revolutionary spirit had overwhelmed them, THE DYING ORDER Then Gorky himself appeared on the stage. He had been noticed among the audience and, finally yielding to the continuous stormy applause, he stepped to the stage to acknowledge the ovation. Grey and somewhat stooped, but still sturdy in appearance, he bowed awkwardly, obviously embarrassed by all this fuss about himself. He did not make a speech, and it was hardly necessary for him to add anything to the play. For two acts the audience had been witnessing a@ masterly portrayal of the decay of capitalism on the eve of the October Revolution. In the person of the unscrupulous, greedy mer- chant, Egor Bulichev, the audience recognized the composite portrait of Russian capitalism, and in his agony of body and spirit (Bulichev was‘ dying of cancer) one could easily read the doom of the old order. The crafty charlatan Gav- rila (Gabriel), who undertook to cure Bulichev by the simple process of blowing the trumpet and thus expelling the “bad air” from his vitals, blew with all his the orchestra caught up and nted the ominous sounds of umpet, and with the fall of curtain one felt as if the very Is of the old order came tum- bling down. might, Undoubt play was heigh' stance that thr Union preparations were going’ on for the celebration of the fortieth anniversary of Gorky’s literary ac- tivity. Indeed, the premiere of “Egor Bulichev and Others” was given on the very eve of the formal Gorky celebration at the Bolshoi Theatre where the working-class representatives of the Party, the government, the trade unions, the Red Army, the literary and scien- tific societies of the workers and peasants republic paid glowing tribute to the great talent and the equally great revolutionary fight- ing heart of the veterans of prole- tarian literature. . 8 N the 25th of September, when the celebration at the Bolshoi Theatre took place, most of the Soviet papers were filled with ar- ticles on the Gorky anniversary. Throughout the land of workers and peasants the proletarian press acknowledged the great service rendered by Gorky to the working class and its struggle for emanci- pation. High praise, expressed in words of human warmth and af- fection, came from the workers, from the Central Committee of the Party, the Council of People’s Com- missars, the Revolutionary Military Council, the Commissariat of Edu- cation. To these were added per- sonal greetings by Comrade Stalin, who wrote: ‘L heartily congratulate you and firmly shake your hand, 1 wish you many long years of life and work, to the joy of all toil- ers and to the fear of the ene- mies of the working class.” Among those to greet Gorky was the immortal leader of the work- ers’ revolution, Lenin. The papers featured Lenin’s high opinion of Gorky as a proletarian writer. At the’ time when the Mensheviks were trying, to belittle Gorky as a proletarian writer and were show- ering upon him the slanderous praise of being a writer “for all . points out is forced upon us by the the Negm megees in } classes,” Lenin wrote (in 1910): “M. Gorky is undoubtedly the greatest representative of proles ’ NEWS ITEM—Three children in P. 8. 57, New York, have been poisoned by the rotten meals out to them. One is already dead. .... Gorky--The 40th Anniversary of His Literary Activities Sovie: Masses Honor Great Proletarian Writer; “Task of John Reed Clubs to Popularize His Work in U.S.A.” tarian art who has done much for it and can do still more.” | YES, A PARTY WRITER! Taunting the bourgeois critics who maintain that the Communist. Party “owns” the Russian writers body and soul and thus devitalizes their creative substance, Gorky has proved the opposite, It ts pre- cisely during his years of close as- sociation with the revolutionary labor movement, when he was “owned” by the party of Lenin, that Gorky became the great writer that he is today, the world-famous literary artist whom even the bour- geois critics are forced to recognize as one of the greatest writers of all time. It is during that period that he has “become closely attached to the labor movement of Russia and the world” (Lenin), And during these years of struggle against czarism, against reaction, against capitalist oppression which devital- ized the best. creative forces of the Russian masses, Gorky grew in stature as a writer, not despite his association with the revolutionary movement, but precisely because of it. This circumstance is indeed very irksome to the bourgeois crit- ics who would like in Gorky’'s in- stance to make out a case against “propaganda in art.” For Gorky’s great artistry derives its importance and vitality precisely from the fact that it is at the same time great and far-reaching propaganda. The meeting at the Bolshoi ‘The- atre was one of many hundreds of such celebrations throughout the breadth and the length of the Soviet land. You are undoubtedly familiar by now with the contents of the greetings and praise ac- corded Gorky by the Central Com- mittee of the Party, by the lead- ership of the Soviet government, the trade unions and other public | agencies of the proletarian dicta- torship. You also know that the great industrial city of Nizhni- Novgorod, the central Park of Rec- reation and Culture in Moscow and the Tverskaya Street in the same city are from now on to bear the name of Gorky. But in order to get an idea of the extent of Gorky’s popularity with the Soviet masses you would have to read the thousands of resolutions adopted by the workers in the factories, the peasants in the villages and the Red Army men in their quarters. You would have to go through thousands of newspapers, visit hun- dreds of theatres, clubs and other public halls, listen to hundreds of earnest, searching, competent lec- tures on Gorky ang his works, and listen to hundreds of splendid Gorky concerts, where the works of the great writer and revolutionist are presented in an overwhelming variety of forms. You would have to be tm living contact with the mass-spirf® and the tremendous mass interest accompanying the Gorky celebrations in order to ap- preciate fully the inter-connection betwen literature and socialist up- building in the Soviet Union, the inter-connection between artist and revolutionist, between art and proletarian rule. es On= is tempted to quote at length from the many splendid essays that have been published in the Soviet press about Gorky, his work, of literary ‘activity of Maxim Gorky, the John Reed Club of New York is holding a mass toe a 3 IN CELEBRATION of 40 years | | his personality. On the occasion of Gorky's literary anniversary a whole body of Gorky criticism has grown up almost overnight. When published in book form some of the leading essays on Gorky will | constitute a great contribution to the study of proletarian literature in gerenal and of Gorky in y_r- ticular. You take at random an article in Pravda, organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and your attention is ar- Tested on a passage like this: “Gorky’s stories (of the earlier Period) are grave indictments against the bourgeois order which turns the majority of mankind into warped and crushed human beings. His is not the sadness of Chekhov, it is the rebellious and wrathful art of the new , class that has turned his atten- tion upon the contradictions of society and seeks a revolutionary solution. of these contradictions. The art of the young Gorky was @ portentous art; it commanded the attention of the entire world, it conquered East and West with the tremendous power of Gorky’s talent and gathered around itself millions of new readers, who for the first time learned of the ex- istence of an art of the op- pressed class, The exceptional Success of even the earlier stories of Gorky is the historical success of the proletariat which for the first time spoke out with such a powerful voice in the realm of art. In Gorky’s person the work- ing class gained a creative writer whom even the bourgeois society could not ignore. Gorky alarmed the bourgeois critics and the bour- geois reader, he went forth against them with the ideology of a proletarian writer who mer- cilessly exposed the capitalist system, emphasizing its inevitable doom and the growing power of the proletariat.” (S. Dinamov, “The Struggle of the Menscheviks Against Gorky,” Pravda, Sept. 25.) ete re 'VEN now some of the bourgeois and social-fascist critics would like to see in Gorky a great “hu- manitarian” writer gone wrong. But as early as 1914 Maxim Gorky emphatically rejected the Menshe- vist (and Trotskyite) theory that the proletariat cannot create its own cuiture and must rely upon the intelligentsia for its spiritual food. Writing about a eollection of stories of proletarian writers, published in 1914, Gorky stated: “In time this little volume will be referred to as one of the first steps of the Russian prole- tariat toward the creation of its own literature. Some will say skeptically that this is an idle dream, that such a literature never existed anywhere. ... 1 am firmly convinced that the prole- tariat can create its own’ litera- ture, just as it has created with great effort and at great sacri- fice its own press.” Gorky himself contributed in no small measure toward the creation of such a literature. Not only. have his works served as an in- spiration to the younger genera- tion of proletarian writers, but his tireless éfforts on behalf of prole- tarian culture, his constant en- couragement of creative effort on the part of the workers and peas- ants, his profound faith in the dor- mant creative forces of the masses waiting-to be released and given expression—all_ this has made Gorky not merely a_ proletarian writer but a veritable builder of proletarian culture. It is this Gorky that was honored by the masses, it is Gorky the builder, the inspiring and inspired revolutionist that has become the trusted friend of millions of workers at home and abroad. LEADER OF PROLTPARIAN LETERATURE ‘The American workers, too, should know aud appreciate their Gorky, for he is theirs as much as he is Russian, He is a leader in prole- tarian literature, he is a tireless tighter a | | | | | NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobn L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTEMGeorgia Nigger” 1s 2 smashing exposure of the hideous persecution the Negro masses. The Daily Worker elentiessly opposed ss term, “nigger,” and to ad contemptiors treatment of Negr: which it symbolizes. The is view, but. in erder to paint a true picture of these horrible con dered it necessary term as otherwit ye would have put into the mouths of the boss lynch- respect for Negroes which they do not use.—Edi' THE STORY SO FAR: ties at the behest of the powerful white planter cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the poor | share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under threat of being sentenced. to the chain gang, to accept Decring’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of | them as advances against wages. Ominous tales are told about Deere { ing’s plantation, which is actually a slave camp ruled by terror. One of | David's fellow-slaves, Limpy Rivers, is shot dead by Deering for talking back to him, while another, High Yaller, is beaten in the most brutal | manner. Cooky, husband of the cook, Mary chances of escape, Now continue: (ARY LOU joined them, “Whut yo’ conspirin’ about?” she demanded. “Y'all look serious enough to be figgerin’ on runnin’ away.” “Dat’s jes’ whut we wos fig- gerin’,” Freedman said guardedly. “Man!” she exclaimed. “You gone clean out 0’ yo’ haid? Whut you mean messin’ roun’ wid dat idee? Whut you gonner do wif me an’ li'l Harrison? Whey we go? Whey we eat an’ sleep? How we git outer dis heah county? You crazy?” “IT’S ALRIGHT FOR A BOY” Her husband nodded in agree~ ment, “Runnin’ away ain’ fo’ a man’ wid a wife an’ c! she contin- ued excitedly. “You cain’ even git outer dis county wifout bein’ ketched an’ all you'll git’ll be a whippin’, Hit’s alright fo’ a boy to run away. He kin sleep in de woods or de swamps, but man, you cain’ tek a chile inter no swamps.” “Whut we gonter do?” he asked. “Stay heah fo’ de res’ o’ our life?” “You gotter stay some place. No- body's mekkin’ you no trouble. Whut you wan’ to go lookin’ fo’ hit fo’? food an’ clo’se. Whut you wan’? A thousan’ dollars?” IREEDMAN did not answer. She turned to David. “wr'en you fixin’ to go?” “Fus’ chance I git. Ain’ no sense stayin’ heah waitin’ tur git beat up.” “No. right.” “Yd go dis minute if I had a chance.” “Law’, dey’s plenty chances. Jes’ tell Charlie you got a date wif one o’ de gals up at de big house. He let you go, an* you jes’ keeps right on goin’.” “Yeah? An’ Charlie'll say ‘Whey’s dat gal? W’en you git a chance tuh date her up?’ an’ den I git slapped all aroun’.” “Yeah. Dat’s right.” She nod- ded sympathetically. “ I tell you whut. You bin comin’ here an’ mekkin’ my ackquentance. You tell him you got a date wif me.” “WE'VE GOT TO HELP” Freedman looked up, startled. “We gotter he’p dis boy,” she ex- I reck’n dey ain’, Dat’s David has made friends with You got a house an’ wuk an’ | Walter Freedman, known ag | Lou, and he discusses with him the | . . “I sho hope you mek hit.” “Doan shake han’s,” she cary tioned quickly. t David rose. - “you git back to de barrack: she advised, “Wen you see 15 goin’ out, you foller. I'll be waitid near de fo’ live o: yonder on @ road. But mine, ask Charlie.” \t | IT WORKS David's heart pounded with feam when he approached the guard, The boy tried to walk with an div of casualness. “Reck’n I kin go yonder later" he asked, pointing with a thumb to the road. “Wha? fo’?” “Jes'——jes | nervous grin. “I bin speckin’ you, boy,” Char- lie chuckled. “You bin hangin’ roun’ dat cabin too much, Cooky’ll bus’ ya’ haid wide open if you ain’ | keerful.” ”* David forced a eq hard. pep,” he managed AVID swaile “Hell be as to say Ain’ a bad wench a-tall,” the i continued expansively. “Ain? all.” David could smell moonshine of his breath. ‘Well’ if you gits yo’se’f a woman hit ain’ fo’ me to stop you “Den IT kin go? eagerly. “Sho! An’ Til gi’ you a drink fo’ you go, too! Come on in heah.” David followed hith into the cabin, The guard fumbled in, corner and produced a bottle. Be | took long swallows. “Cain’ nobody say Charlie a human,” the guard said, the boy asked | | ESCAPE | The boy returned to the bare racks. Stars glowed in the sky and the lanterns covered the ade with a mellow light. He rolled cigarette after cigarette nervously. Mary Lou's dark figure came out of her cabin and passed the guard’s shack. David heard his steps on the hard clay. He wanted to look back when he passed the gate, but restrained himself. He strolled leisurely up the road ‘to the clump of live oaks tall against a distant background of wood. Mary Lou stepped out of the shadows. with Governor Richard B, Russell (center), national democratic committeeman from Georgia. ROOSEVELT BACKS TORTURE AND NEGRO PEONAGE—Gove ernor Roosevelt at Atlanta, Ga. during the election campaign, in a car (eft) of Georgia and Hugh Powell In his, speech at Atlanta, one of his usual fake liberal spicls, Roosevelt did not’ say a word about the chain gang tortures, the slave farms, the lynching: and disfranchisement of Negroes in Georgia. Roosevelt, whose winte| home in Georgia is only a few miles from one ef the worst chain gan; is the representative of the very democratic party which operates this whole system of national oppression of the Negroes, a system which has produced such outrages as the Scottsboro case, the murder frame-up of the Negro worker, Euel Lee, and the arrest on a charge of “inciting to insurrection” of the leader of the Atlanta unemployed, the Negro worker, Herndon. It is Roosevelt's job, in fact, to maintain this mur- derous system. cheerfully. plained. “If niggers doan he’p each other, whey dey git he’p?” “Yeah. I reck’n dat’s right,” he /said thoughtfully. “Sho. Tell Charlie you got a date wif me. Den wen Walter goes to bed I walks out in de woods so Charlie kin see me. You ask him if you k'n go, We nach- erly cain’ come back together. I come back alone, an’ hit ain’ my fault if you doan come back.” “Den Charlie’ll git fresh wif you,” her husband objected. “He'll git his haid busied right quick if he do,” she laughed. Re IREEDMAN knocked the ashes from his cold pipe into the palm of a hand. “Well, I reck’n if you’ fixin’ to go, you'd bes’ go,” he said quietly. of its inhumanities, he is still the “Harbinger of Storm,” as one of his early poems is called. It should be the task of our proletarian writers, of cur John Reed Chibs to popularize Gorky among the masses of workers, to bring to them some- thing of the spirit and the fire She took his arm. “Here’s de path,” she explained, pointing to a faint width at their feet. “Hit tu'ns rotin’ an’ gits off three ways.” HE ‘stood close to him. Her hips. touched his. “Boy!” she exclaimed with a high giggle. “Whut you shekin’ lak dat fo’? You ain’ scairt, is you?” “No,” he said. “I reck’n I'd bes! show you s0’s you cain’ git los’,” she ennounced, She took his hand. They watk; into a ‘of uncultivated lar She t r arms ebout” bij Her br warnr end plia and her breath hot on his face. reck’n we'll ster; you off right,” she laughed. "If you's gon- ter have a date wif me you might Jes’ as well have hit!” (Continued Tomorrow.) Cae pre LEFT TO FIND HIS WAY ALONE THROUGH THE SWAMPS IN THE DARK, Wi DAVID SUCCEED. IN M* ESCAPR? CAUGHT Ui K TO THE WHITE PLANTER’S MUKUEK FARM LO BH LUKe fins apiriaeg the work: of, thle | TURAD AS MIG TALLER WARS champion > toiling. masses SURE AND enna: on, Wie, BOWS INGTALLMENSS | 1 ck | “Here you is, boy!” she eho |