The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 16, 1932, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1932 Pablished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday Lith St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-956. Cable “D. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION BATES: il everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $2; 1 month, 75e excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign and Cai 3 months, $3 Government Manouvers Against Hunger March (HE capitalist newspapers yesterday featured reports from Washington to the effect that state officials there have wired mayors of a number of cities and governors of numer- ous states, urging them to discourage the marches of the unemployed and the ex-servicemen to Washington now un- unemployed workers arching to Washington to demand ment insurance and $50 winter relief for each unemployed The ex-servicemen are on their way to Washington to again demand the payment of their back pay commonly called the bonus. These telegrams sent out from Washington to the Governors and yors are an invitation to these city and state officials to use terror The use of out- st the ancing columns of the hungry masses. right terror against the marchers will be accompanied by wide-spread propaganda to discourage support for the marchers and to sow all sorts of ions among the workers. The workers everywhere must be on gu inst these efforts. The masses who are marching to Washington, both the unemployed and the ex-servicemen, are fighting the battles of the entire working class. Their den d for immediate relief, for unemployment insurance, for the bonus, for the ex-servicemen, expresses the needs of the millions of work- ers who are totally unemployed, who are employed only part time, who are suffering misery as a result of the crisis. Every worker should realize that the fight that these rchers are making is their fight and is en- titled to their support * * * HE manouvers of overnment officials are manouvers to hamper and break up this militant demonstration of the masses. It is an effort to prevent the masses from resisting the systematic worsening of their conditions that has gone on throughout the entire crisis period. It is a move to break up this protest in order that the government will be able to go forward unhampered with still more fierce attacks against the living standards of the masses. The workers, therefore, should rally to the defense of the hunger marchers. Protest telegrams should be prepared immediately and sent to the District Commissioners in Washington demanding that the hunger marchers be permitted to enter Wachington for the purpose of present- mg their demands to Congress when it reconvenes on December 5. These telegrams should demand furthermore that the hunger march- ers be housed and fed during their stay in Washington at the expense of the National government. They should demand that hospital and med- ical care be provided for those hungry workers who are in need. In every locality where the marchers are to pass through, Workers Committees should be sent to the mayors, to the Police officials, to de- mand that the marchers be given the right to freely enter the city and that in each city also, provision be made for the care of the marchers at the expense of the city administration while there. Telegrams should be sent by the workers to the governors of the various states where the marchers are fo pass through demanding there also that no steps be taken by the state police to interfere with this march of the unemployed and ex-servicemen. . . . ies only thing that will guarantee the arrival of the delegation in Wash- ington will be the support of millions of workers throughout the coun- try for their right to march and for their demands. Unity of all workers behind the hunger marchers is now the burning need. Workers, regardless of their political opinions or affiliations should join in this fight for bread, should join in the demand that the hunger marchers be freely given the right to present their demands to Congress. Unemployd Councils and unemployed organizations of all kinds, A. F. of L. unions, workers fraternal organizations, workers clubs, and all other organizations which see the necessityy of supporting this movement, should now make it known in no uncertain terms that they support the hunger march, that they will resist with all their mass strength any efforts to hamper the activities of the hunger marchers. Forward to the support of the hunger march of the unemployed. Forward to support for the march of the ex-servicemen. Demand unemployment insurance and $50 winter relief. Demand the immediate payment of the bonus. Curtius Praises Social Democrats R. JULIUS CURTIUS, former minister of foreign affairs in German capitalist government, delivered a radio speech Saturday in which he urged his hearers not to be alarmed at the growth of Communism in Germany. Curtius said there is nothing to be feared from the rise in the Com- munist vote because all the political parties in Germany, in- cluding the Social-Democrats, are against them. He stated that in 1919 the Social-Democratic government put down the revolution; and implied that they would again play the same role in the developing class struggle. In tribute to the ser- vices of the Social-Democratic Party, Curtius heralded Fred- Ebert and Hindenbi as the greatest figures in post-war Germany. It is e1 ly fitting that Curtius, who as minister in the Hindenburg- Bruening government, which with the aid of the Social-Democrats paved the way for fascism, should praise Ebert, who, with Scheidemann and Noske, drowned in blood the Spartacus revolution and murdered its fore- most leaders—Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. Curtius knows that the present leaders of German social democracy can always be relied upon to act as bloodhounds for the reaction. As far as the Social-Democratic leaders are concerned there is nothing too debased for them to attempt to save the rotting capitalist system from annihilation under the blows of the proletariat e I 'URTIUS’ speech again emphasizes what we Communists have said all along—that the social democracy is the main social prop of the capi- talist class. But Curtius deceives his hearers when he tries to make them believe that the millions of social democratic workers will be aligned against the revolutionary struggle. In spite of the most adroit demagogy, in spite of the ability of the leaders of the social democracy to put forth new decep- tions in every changing situation, there is a rapid swing of the rank and file workers a: from social democracy to the Communist Party. The recent elections in Germany showed that clearly. Curtius’ real United States is not clear, inasmuch as he is here But an ex-foreign minister does not roam about the is not unlikely that Curtius is trying to enlist fi xerman investments, either governmental or industrial ion certainly would not admit that there at this moment the forces that will One on such a mii @re gathering togethér in Germa: overcome the crisis in the only way it will benefit the toiling masses of workers and farmers—the revolutionary way out under the leadership of the Communist Party, class in such decisive sec Hamburg, and which will t to the revolutionary stanc he majority of the working -Brandenberg, the Rhineland, e majority of the working class which has been off the press several months, mentioning it in a short item Finally Mention Spivak Book—After Election CHICAGO, Noy. 15.—Now that the | elections are over and a faithful ser- | vant of Wall Street electeq to the | White House, certain things may he | mentioned in the capitalist press, among them the existence of such | a book as John L. Spivak'’s “Georgia | Nigger,” the smashing exposure of chain gang torture and Negro peon- age in the Black Belt, which the Daily Worker is publishing serially. The JOHN REED EXHIBITION In a note on the exhibition by John Reed Club artists which ap- peared in a recent issue of the “Daily,” the address of the gallery is given incorrectly. The correct address is ACA Gallery, 1269 Mad- ison Ave, Workers are invited to view the paintings, drawings and lithographs by 20 artists of the day after the elections, on Nov. 9,/ John Reed Club, whose new head- the Chicago “Daily News” finally |, quarters is now located at 450 Sixth ‘eeaike ite ellence concerning Aye <a ae Emery Still Held in San Quentin Cell ee R possession and distribution of Communist literature...” This was the final indictment of | the Chlifornia capitalist class | against the eight workers who were sent to the dungeons of San Quen- tin and Folsom, in the Imperial . - Valley case. Lawrence Emery, j who entered priso. gates with his comrades in June, 1930, is still 4) inthe San Quen- tin prison. The others have been released. Those who were not de- ported were re- leased on parcle. Carl Sklar who was released on October 3, came out of Folsom prison after serving two years and three months. But Lawrence Emery must serve six months longer than any of the other Imperial Valley prisoners. ‘Why? There is no other answer than that he has been made the object of special discrimination by the State Prison Board. By the time Emery will be released he will have served nearly three years in prison “for possession and distri- bution of Communist literature”! LONG SENTENCES Just as there is no limit to the capitalists’ lust for profit, so there is no limit to the vengeance and hatred of the capitalist class against workers who fight for the interests of the working class. This is why the Imperial Valley pris- oners were at first given “only” three to 42 vears. Later, under pressure mobilized by the Interna- tional Labor Defense, these sen- tences were reduced to one to 14 years. Yet, most of the workers in this case served over two years in prison for possession and distribu- tion of literature of which the “Daily Worker” was considered by the covrt to be the most “obiec- tionable”, And this in a country where the ruling class still dares to pose before millions of workers as a “democracy”. And Lawrence Emery whose only “crime” was his activity in the organization of a union and a branch of the Commu- nist Party among the workers of the Imperial Valley, {s still in prison. EMERY CAN BE FREED! Can Lawrence Emery be freed before the time scheduled by the State Prison Board of California? He can! The board can be com- pelled to return to Emery some of the “good time” allowed to every prisoner by prison rules and of which Emery has been deprived. But to compel the Board to do this mass pressure of organized workers must be organized. More- over, this is the time for redoubl- ed efforts in behalf of the Scotts- boro boys if the U. S. Supreme Court is not to lull the workers into false security. Our efforts for the release of Tom Mooney and all other class war prisoners are not separate from our efforts to save the Scottsboro boys from cepi- talist class “justice”. The case of ALL class-war prisoners must be combined into a single and mighty offensive against capitalist terror. SEND RESOLUTIONS OF PROTEST ‘The fight to save the Scottsboro boys must be carried to its high- est pitch, precisely at the present moment. But our fight will be all the stronger if we combine it at the same time with the fight for the release of Mooney and the other class war prisoners. It is for this reason that every Scottsboro meeting should pass resolutions de- manding freedom for Mooney and the immediate release of Lawrence Emery, both of whom are in San Quentin, Send these resolutions to the State Prisom Board, San Quen- tin, Cal. How Soviet Worker EMERY * Treated if He Gets Sick ROSTOV-ON-DON, Soviet Union. —Here is what the Soviet Union does for the workers when they are sick. I was sick with bronchitis—unable to work from Oct. 1 to the 15th. On the Ist I went to the doctor, was ex- amined, treated, and given two pre- scriptions to be filled free at the drug store. The social insurance fund takes care of all charges for the care of the sick in this workers’ country. I was not so sick as to need a place in the hospital. If I had been, a place would have been furnished me and the expense taken care of by our social insurance. I was back to see the doctor twice more. The second time I was in shape to go back to work. Again the doctor said there were no charges. Instead, she gave me a sort of check stating how many days I had been képt from work by sickness. ‘This check I took to the time- keeper, who filled in the rate of pay TI haq been receiving the past three months, and the amount due me as sick pay equal to those figures. The shop foreman checked the figures and signed the paper and sent me to the cashier, who handed out my sick pay just the same as he handed out my pay for the days I worked. The thing was as simply done as I have told you. This same care and attention is regularly given to every sick or injured worker, and to mem- bers of his family, from the lowest laborer to the highest specialist in the Soviet Union. I know how things are in the Uni- ted States. Comrades, the land by right belongs to the workers. Join today with the Communists, and do “—and I announce with pleasure that my employees have, er-r-r-mp, volunteerd to cut their \ in order to feed the unemployed!” —By Burck By S..GUSEW. ‘'HE decisions of the XII. Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International mar! an exceptionally important phase for all the C. I. sections. ‘The end of capitalist stabilization, the development of the revolution- ary upsurge, the transition to a new cyele of revolutions and wars, —all this makes it incumbent on the C. I. sections to prepare the struggle for proletarian dictator- ship. Although the development of the revolutionary movement in the Anglo-American countries (Great Britain, U.S.A., Canada, Australia), still lags considerably behind the high tension of the whole interna- tional situation, even in these coun- tries the C. I. sections are faced with the same task: preparing the struggle for the proletarian dicta- torship. In the Anglo-American ‘| countries the wining of the major- ity of the proletariat is for the C. I. sections a practical task of the present day: these C. I. sections must turn their face to the mas- ses, to mass work, and take up work among them; they must es- tablish, broaden and_ strengthen constant connection with the mas- ses, for without it the winning of the majority of the proletariat is impossible. But it would be a great mistake to infer from the fact that the re- volutionary development in the Anglo-Saxon countries lags behind, that these countries are doomed al- ways to remain behind the more ad- vanced countries with regard to revolutionary upsurge. Three years of monstrous economic crisis within the general capitalist crisis, an eco- nomic crisis which cannot be over- come by peaceful means, without revolutions and wars has called forth intense upheavals in the world’s capitalist system which as- sume, in connection with the gi- gantic success of socialist construc- tion in the U.S.S.R., such a cata- strophic character that one cannot exclude the possibility of the U. 5. A. or Great Britain or Australia pushing forward to the front with regard to the swing of the revolu- tionary demonstrations of the pro- letariat and the masses of workers in general. In such a case, it will be up to the C. I. sections in the Anglo-American countries to pre- pare the struggle for the prole- tarian dictatorship, which imolies the same, direct, practical tasks confronting now the Communist Parties of Poland and Germany. ‘The miners’ strikes, the veterans’ movement, the “strikes” of the U. S. A. farmers, the unrest in the British navy, the Lancashire strike in England——all these are only the harbingers of pending revolu- tionary events, and by these harb- ingers one can. get an idea of the magnitude of the’ events them- selves, and what enormous progress these countries can make alqng the revolutionary path. LAG BEHIND MASSES. That the influence of the C. T. sections in the Anglo-American . countries has grown is an estab- ished fact. This growing influence among the masses is first of all due to the upsurge of the mass strug- gle. It is no longer necessary for the Communist Parties “to) look out” for the masses to arouse them for the struggle. On the contrary, the rising masses are on the look- out for leadership and follow the Communist Parties wherever and whenever these Parties place them- selves at the head of their actions. ‘The growth of the influence of the sections of the C. I. in the Anglo- American countries is also due to some improvements in their every- day work, However, there is an enormous difference between the achievements of the Communist Parties in the sphere of the im- provement of their work and the enormous tasks which are placed before them by the end of capital- ist stabilization and the develop- ment of the revolutionary upsurge. In practice our Anglo-American sections are all the time lagging behind the upsurge among the mas- ses, with the result that the leader- ship of mass activity, espectally your bit in the fight for the promised land ; —McDowell, ———-*~ey,.. emme Bovhos, No. % strikes, has been left in the hands of the reformists with the excep- tion of a few movements, which, tt is true, are of great importance. Thus the chief danger which threatens the Anglo-American sec- tions of the C.I. is the danger of lagging behind the revolutionary path, i. e. the Right opportunist danger. But in the Anglo-American sections, this danger is supported particularly by the fact that their contacts with the basic strata of the proletariat are still very weak. Sectarianism, in the sense of weak contacts with the masses, is inher- ent in all the Anglo-American sec- tions, although historically the roots of sectarianism vary in the. differ- ent countries. Sectarianism is the main source of the failure to understand the tactic of the united front in mass actions, and consequently is the source of the inability and some- times the absolute lack of desire to apply it. It is also the main source of the insufficient ability to expose the social-fascists to the masses, without which the tactic of the united front in practice leads to capitulation to the reform- ists or to peace with the social-fas- cists, to a “gentleman's agreement” with them on the “division” of spheres of influence. wee HE exposure of social-fascism and the operation of the united front with the workers of reformist organizations and socialist parties can only be regarded as two sides of one and the same task, the task of winning the masses. In order fully to expose the social-fascists, the social prop and pillar of the bourgeoisie and our chief enemy in the working class, make our ex- posures more effective by the ex- perience of the masses themselves, and bring over these masses to our side, there is no other way than go- ing right into the masses of work- ers, regardless of their adherence to any organization, organize their | struggle, their economic and polit- ical demonstrations on the united front basis, and establish and strengthen thereby the leadership | of the Communist Party in mass actions. The practice of dividing workers into “ours” and “not ours” followed, by sectarian elements, which in fact means objectively a “gentleman’s agreement” with the leaders of reformist trade unions and the Socialist Party (in Amer- ica), the Labor Party (in Great Britain) regarding “division of spheres of influence”, — means smashing up the united front of the workers, voluntary handing over of “not our” workers (i. e., as yet an overwhelming majority of the workers in these countries) to the tender mercies of the social fascists, relinquishment of leader- shiv in the struggle of “not our” workers, blocking the road to the winning of these masses and of the majority of the working class, abandonment of struggle against social fascism, i.e. abandonment of the fulfilment of the main strategi- cal task in the period of preparation and development of revolution, — of the task of isolating the social fascist leadership from the masses. RUTHLESS WARFARE AGAINST SECTARIANISM. Sectarianism which in the Anglo- American C, I, sections directly supports the Right opportunist lag- ging behind the task of leading the mass movements can be no longer tolerated. We must declare ruth- Jess war against it. Such is the main demand made by the whole situation which has undergone & thorough change owing to the end of capitalist stabilization. “Con- stant contact of every Communist Party with the majority of the workers wherever masses of work- ers congregate”,—such is the prac- tical task set to all the C. I. sec- tions by the XII, E.C.C.I. Plenum. But this is not all. One must not: imagine that the C. I. sections will first establish constant contact with the masses, according to a definite plan, and only then take up Jeader- ship of their actions. The masses cannot wait and are not willing to do so. Therefore, constant con- tact with the masses can and must be established in the process of the struggle. There is not and cannot now be any other way. “The present At a New Stage--Main Tasks of. Anglo-American Sections of C.I. sions and sharp turns of events. This demands of every Communist Party to be prepared to cope with the rapid development of revolu- tionary events, and rapidly change forms and methods of struggle, or, in the event of inadequate contact with: the masses, to obtain in the trend of the struggle itself estab- lishment and consolidation of the connection with the majority of the workers.” At the congresses of the British and American Communist Parties, to be held shortly, the question of overcoming sectarianism once and for all must be the central qyes- tion. It must be discussed from all sides, from the political and the or- ganizational. All the congress reso- lutions (on inner Party tasks, on work in the factories, in the trade unions and mass organizations, on the policy of cadres, etc.) must be drawn up from the standpoint of an irreconcilable struggle against sectarian isolation from the masses of workers, whith brings grist to the mill of Right opportunism, and against the main danger, Right opportunism, lagging behind the ‘tasks of the leadership of the work- ig class, the leadership of the class struggle and also subordina- tion to the spontaneous actions of the masses (for it is possible to ap- proach the masses, to get into con- tact with them from behind, “from the tail end”. . . VERCOMING sectarianism, turn- ing towardsgthe masses, estab- lishing, expanding and strengthen- ing contacts with them, leading their demonstrations, winning the majority of the proletariat——all this is not to be thought of without @ radical change in the inner Par- ty regime, without establishing ge- nuine democracy, meaning that all Party members particinate in the daily struggle, in the discussion of all the tasks confronting the Party, and that the self-activity and initi- ative of the basic organization: developed. There is important wo. in store in this domain, work which requires great perseverance. This is one of the decisive links which must be got hold of, to stretch the chain to its full length. Another ‘such decisive link is the tasks of strengthening and renovat- ing the cadres. For a number of reasons, and, first and foremost, owing to sectarianism and the in- adeouately developed political life of the Party, incredibly little has been done in the last few years re- garding the promotidh of new cad- res. It is impessible to overcome sectarianism and effect radical change in the inner life of the Par- ty without setting up new cadres from the ranks of workers who have distinguished themselves in the mass struggles. The old cadres alone are not able to cope with this task, all the more :so as part of them—and precisely the most stub- born sectarians—will in some form or other interfere with the turn to- wards the masses. Therefore, the question of strengthening and re- novating the cadres is the most acute question at the present junc- ture. FRESH CADRES AVAILABLE. Enormous fresh forces are matur- ing in the working class. Take for instance the miners’ strike in the U,. S. A. what enormous initiative, what genuine heroism is displayed by hundreds and thousands of rank and file miners stubbornly fighting for many months, despite savage police terror and infamous betrayal by the strikebreaking trade union bureaucrats, Aren’t they our cad- res, aren't they the fresh cadres which can renovate and strengthen our ranks and extend our Party's connection with the masses, with the main detachment of the native American workers? Take the Lancashire strike, espe- cially the strike in Burnley during which new militant cadres of cot- ton operatives made a mark. By drawing these cadres into the Party do not we create the most impor- tant condition for its consolidation and for the strengthening of its NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE.—“Georgia Nigger” is a smashing exposure of the hideous persecntion and national oppression of the Negro masses. The Daily Worker Is relentlessly eppesed fo the white ruling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and contempteous | | treatment of Negroes which it symbolizes. The author shares this view, but, te | | order to paint « true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise he would have put into the mouths of the boss lyneh- ers tertis of respect for Negroes which they do not use—Edltor. INSTALMENT 14 THE STORY SO FAR: Legally kidnapped by the county authorities because the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, needs cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David Jackson, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, are forced, under threat of being sentenced to the chan gang to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as ade vances against wages. Ominous tales are told about Deering’s plantas | tion, which is actually a slave camp. There David meets an old acquaine tance, Limpy Rivers, and makes friends with the cook’s husband, Walter Freedman, known as Cooky. David and his fellow-slaves are subjected to a terror regime, with armed guards watching them constantly. One day Limpy falls sick and is unable to work. Charlie, one of Deering’s flunkies, brutally orders him to go to work, and threatens to report him to Taylor, the white overseer. Now continue: IMPY looked at him with hatred and turned his head. Charlie left, and returned with the overseer. Breakfast was almost over when Limpy appeared with a rapidly swelling lip. He swallowed a mouth- ful of coffee, but did not touch the food. Taylor and the guard watched him from the doorway, their faces grim. When the crews straggled out of the mess hall and Taylor shouted; “Pile in!” Limpy took his place in the truck, holding his head in his hands. Once he shivered as with a chill. HEN the trucks returned for the noon meal Taylor spoke to Deering and the two watched him walk: to the mess hall and slump against the screen door. The planter went to him quickly. “What’s the matter with you?” he asked coldly. “I got de mis'ries bad, awful bad, Mist’ Deerin’,” Limpy said weakly. “Mr. Taylor tells me you were Jazying in the fields all morning.” Deering clipped the words. “I got de mis'ries, Mist’ Deerin.' I’m willin’ to work, but I got fever dats burnin’ me all up an’ makin’ me shiver half de time. I cain’ work. I wisht you'd git me a doctor.’ BULLYING A SICK SLAVE “I’m not paying you to get fever!” Deering exploded. “You've been too damned uppity from the day you got here You're always hunting trouble and if you hunt a little more, you'll find it! Now if you don’t want to go in there and eat, that’s your lookout, but I don't want to hear of any more trouble over you. You get out in the fields and do your share!” “I got de mis'ries bad, Mist’ Deerin’,” Limpy repeated. He held on to the wall for support. “I doan wan’ no trouble. I got de mis’ries. Cain’ you see-I got ’em?” EERING ignored him. “Let me know if he does his work,” he said to Taylor “Sho, said Limpy bitterly,” “if I was yo’ slave an’ you paid a tousan’ dollars fo’ me, you'd tek care o’ me w’en I git de mis’ries, but you kin’ git plenty mo nig- gers cheap if I die . 5 Deering turned on him white with fury. His fist smashed against the Negro's face. Limpy sank to the ground, blood running from his nose and mouth. He wiped his chin with a hand and looked at it dazedly. “I got de mis'ries, Mist’ Deerin.’ T ain’ lazyin’ on you, suh. you something to get sick over!” A PLANTER’S ANSWER Limpey’s eyes flared. “Sho,” he growled, “why doan you kill me now instead o’ sendin’ me out in de fiel’s to die!” The’ planter’s face turned apop- leptic. For a moment he tried to restrain himself, Then, wiih a swift movement his hand darted to his hip and drew his pistol. With a hoarse sc n “Limpy tried to scratnble to his feet, hi hands half raised in supplication. ‘Mist’ Deerin’——” he cried. Deering fired twice. Limpy . slumped to the ground, his head on his chest. His hands lay loose in his lap as though he had fallen asleep. “You asked for it, you black bastard!” ‘The planter swung the door open. “I want no impudence around here!” he shouted to the terrified Negroes at the tables, “Remember that! And I’m not paying you to play sick. I’m paying you to work!” . He turned to the gigantic Negro beside him. “Weight the son of a bitch and bury him in the swamp! 9X. Sse UARDS and® overseer rode grimly, and Deering’s Negroes moved from stalk to stalk, silent and apprehensive -..A fear he had not felt even on the chain gang was in David's heart. There, convicts were pun- war time to the army. We must expand the cadres of our army, from peace contingents they must become war contingents, the reserve forces must be mobilized, the men on furlough must be called to the colors, new auxiliary corps, detach- ments and services must be set up. One must not forget that in war time it is inevitable and necessary to replenish one’s ranks by raw re~ cruits, frequently replace officers by rank and file soldiers, accelerate and simplify the promotion of sol- diers to officers’ rank.” ‘We are rapidly approaching such revolutionary times. And the cadre question, like all other tasks, must be considered not only from the minor point of view of present re- quirements, but also from the point. of view of the entire revolutionary perspective. “The maturing of the revolution- ary crisis is not far off” (theses of the XII E.C.C.I. Plenum). One must prepare for the advent of the revo- lution rapidly, straining every nerve. From this angle one must approach the main task—overcoming sectari- anism, establishing constant con- taet with the masses, setting up genuine inner party democracy, our ni eesti “Get up and go to work!” Deering | ordered tensely. “Get up, or I'll give | ished, One, who had tried to es- cape died while being unished but no one had been killed for impu- dence. In Snake Fork there were Negroes who, rightly or wrongly, were convicted of ¢rimes, but Yere there were only Negroes who kad | accepted a few dollars. from Deer- ing. Dee’s father had brought eighteen hundred dollars in open market, and no man eighteen hundred dollars into swamp in a fit.of anger, but had cost Deering only five-dollars, Five dollars. ‘That was all. there were lots of five dollar Nes groes, five dollar Negroes twenty-five dollar Negroes to be taken from jails and chain gangs or hired for an advance. None cost @ thousand dollars or eighteen hun- dred dollars. Cheap Ni the south was full of them, plough- ing the soil, chopping cottim, pick- ing cotton, ginning cotton. And if Limpy were never seen agtum, why, he was just a Negro wh® owed Deering money and ran @Way, a runaway Negro afraid to sllow his face; and if someone told the sher- iff—well, look at what ha~pened to Sam Lowie. “KEEP YOUR MOUTH SiIUT.” “Keep yo’ mouf shut an’ ack lak nothin's happened,” Cooky ad- vised David when they feturned from the fields. No one spoke of Limpy. It was hard to believe that this noon he had opened his mouth and this evening he was ima dismal swam} dead, with weights around his bod; Their feet were heavy on the m« hall floor. The clatter of cups ant | plates sounded harsh. Some tried | to speak, casual talk of food and | dung flies buzzing about them, but | their voices were strained, un- | natural. On their cots in the bars! | racks they tossed restlessly, Mat-' resses rustled and beds creaked and) shadows of the window netting threw tiny squares on them and the walls and the floor, * 8 NEGRO on a cot near David whispered: “J kin still see ‘im, squattin’ dey, an’ him jes’ kilt.” Joe Wallis uttered a high, ner- vous laugh, “Boy,” he announced earnestly, “dis ain’ no place fo’ li'l Joe Wallis. W’en dey starts killin’ us, dat’s wen lil Joe starts follerin’ de road f'um here to anywhey!” “Hit'll be a long time fo’ I fo'git de way dat Limpy man looked,” a voice said fearfully. “Fo'git ‘im!” Joe loudly, saw hfs ashes in a whirlwin’!” A Negro turned upon him irri- tably. “Hush yo’ big mouf,’ "he advised | Sharply. “Dis ain’ no time fo’ | talkin’.” | A SLAVE ESCAPES | In the morning Joe Wallis was gone. How he slipped out they could not guess. His absence was immedi- ately reported, and though neither’ Deering nor Taylor commented upon it, the tension over the stock~ ade grew. At breakfast, in the | trucks and in the fields, they were glum, nervous, fearful. Each order, each command was given sharply, harshly. . (Continued Tomorrow.) a Oe WITH ONE OF THEIR NUM- BER MURDERED AND ANOTHER ESCAPED, WITH AN OMINOUS TENSION CONSTANTLY GROW- ING, WHAT NEW TERRORS AWAIT DAVID AND HIS FEL- LOW;SLAVES ON THE FALM OF THIS FIENDISH WHITE TER? BE SURE AND READ MORROW’S INSTALMENT! COMMUNIST GAIN! Aberdeen, Wash. SEATTLE, Wash., Nov. 15.—There are big Communist gains in the elec+ tion returns from the lumber and sawmill towns of the Pacific North: west, Complete returns from the election are still lacking but in Al Wash., Lydia Laukanen, running on the Communist ticket came within eight votes of winning a place on the city council. Her vote was 132, She will now appear in the run-off election and the campaign to put her in office is being carried on. In Anacortes, Wash., where was formerly practically no'O nist vote, a Red vote of. 208 obtained this year, practically ten per cent of the total vote cast in this town. In this town especially, nists lead big demonstrations. When @ spontaneous seizure of food took place by masses of hungry several Communists were arreste and tred in capitalist courts for their activities. They are on bail now pending sentence, . eee on we EDITOR’S NOTE—Election returns are coming in very slowly, but the Daily Worker will soon begin Tunning, complete official returns by lerge cities and states, for each office which had a Communist candidate. Fig- ures of the Communist vote : _ Of opponents will be given, exclaimed| “Lawd, 'd know him if 1 \ IN NORTH-WEST Win Place in Finals at | j i) |