The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 15, 1932, Page 4

Pubuished by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at #0 B. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks te the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. ¥. By mall overywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3.50; 3 months, $f; 1 month, Te @xeepting Boroush of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, 35; 3 months, 33 The March Begins! TY-TWO Delegates of the Unemployed Councils and as- sociated organizations left Seattle yesterday, beginning the 3,000-mile trek to Washington to present the demands of the starving masses to Congress. They will be joined by others along the way at each important city and town, This is only the start of the first column, eight of which will converge from all over the land upon Washington, reaching there on December 5, when Congress gathers. Thus begins a historic battle in the struggle against starvation. The solid ranks of the vanguard are swinging into the battle line. One after another, hundreds of detach- ments are preparing to step into line. The battle is for un- employment insurance at the expense of the Federal govern- ment and the employers. It is further, for the immediate payment of $50 emergency winter relief for each unemployed worker, plus $10 for each dependent, in addition to the miser- able local relief. T the same time the impoverished veterans, heroes of the +4 world war, given their reward by the capitalist system, in the form of being thrown onto the streets, clubbed and shot down like dogs—these veterans are gathering their forces to renew the demand that the government shall pay them the duly acknowledged debt of back wages, usually known as the “bonus”. The farmers, crushed under the weight of monopoly capital, being driven from their farms, are sending delegates from all over the Union to Washington, to present demands to Congress for relief from debts and taxes, immediate in- rease in prices without increasing the cost of living in the cities, freedom from evictions and foreclosures. Already delegates have been elected from more than 30 States, and are beginning to move to Washington. The foundation and background of these actions are the growing organization and struggles in each neighborhood, each town and city. How strong these local organizations and struggles are erowing are exemplified, above all, in the great victory of the Chicago Unemployed organizations, when 50,000 workers marched into the loop and compelled Mayor Cermak to express his agreement with all their demands, and forced the Federal Government to immediately provide the money to restore the relief which had been cut 50 per cent. Also in Birmingham, in the heart of the reactionary South, where 5,000 workers, Negro and white, came into the streets, shoulder to shoulder, defying the threats of the Ku Klux Klan and the police, and forced the authorities at least to promise food for the starving. In every locality, the amount of relief being given is in direct proportion to the amount of struggle and organiza- tion among the workers under the leadership of the Com- munists. Where the workers are quiet, there no relief is given. Where the workers fight and organize and march, there the relief funds, miserably little as they are, grow con- tinually. ET the workers everywhere learn this lesson to the full. Send your delegates into the hunger march. Organize all your forces to support the march, with meetings, reso- lutions, demonstrations, and also by collecting food and cloth- ing for the march, and money for its small expenses. Let the workers in every union, every club, every mutual aid organization, make it his personal responsibility to see that his organization does its part in this struggle. If your officers lag behind in leading this work, write a letter to the Daily Worker about it, criticising their slowness and fore- ing them into action. All forces into the struggle for winter relief and for unemployment insurance! THE MARCH HAS BEGUN. Timely Action Halts Wage Tax AYOR J, HAMPTON MOORE, the Philadelphia city coun- cil, and the rest of the servile mercenaries of the notori- ous Bill Vare organization of graft and corruption, decided to slam a wage tax on the workers of that city. With revenue falling off, it was a question of raising additional funds or cutting down the city governmental machine. ‘The Vare machine decided not to tax the rich but to again rob the poor. No sooner had the move been announced than it met with widespread mass resistance. Moves were started for mighty mass demonstrations in historic Rayburn Plaza where the unemployed and part-time workers, under the leadership of the unemployed organizations and the Communist | Party, have heroically stood up against the most savage police attacks, So determined is the resistance that the City Council has decided temporarily to refrain from going through with the wage tax. However, the Vare machine is undoubtedly waiting for its labor henchmen, like the notorious Phillips, president of the State Federation of Labor, to get in their disruptive work before renewing the attempt to further beat down th standards of life of the masses of Philadelphia. ° ° . yess action has won a temporary victory. The utilization of that victory to consolidate organization of the unemployed and part-time workers, the participation of larger numbers of Philadelphia workers in local hunger demonstrations, the joining in the great national hunger march to Washington at the opening of Congress, the mobilization of the vet- crans to join in the demands on Congress—all these actions will contribute toward building a force that will make impossible the renewal of this shameful attempt to tax wages that are already below the starvation level. This action in Philadelphia shows that it is possible to defeat the plots of the bosses and their political even in the most firmly entrenched places, when we seize upon an issue that impels to action whole sections of the working class population, A New Hand—B ut the Old Deal! 4. The N egro Misleaders on the Scottsboro Decision Walter White, Speaking for ] N.A.A.C.P., Seeks | to Disrupt Mass Fight By CYRIL BRIGGS IN a statement in the New York Times of November €—the very day following the announcement of the decision of the U. S. Supreme Court, reversing the lynch death verdicts against 7 of the Scottsboro boys—W. White, executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, pressed the pious hope that “prej- udice from either side may be kept out of the retrial in Alabama and that the innocence of the defend- ants, of which we are convinced, may be clearly established.” ‘The only logical conclusion to be drawn. from Mr. White's phrase of “prejudice from either side” is that he is referring to (1) the prejudice of the ruling class lynchers against the Scottsboro boys and the entire Negro people, and (2) the prejudice of the revolutionary workers in favor of the Negro masses groaning under @ brutal hational oppression, and in militant'defense of the nine innocent Scottsboro victims of cap- italist justice. WALTER WHITE'S PURPOSE No worker will believe that Mr. White seriously imagines that the rabid hatred of the Alabama ruling class against the Negro masses has been magically wiped out by the decision of the United States Su- preme Court—a decision. wrested from this high court of American capitalism by the tremendous pro- test and mass fight of white and Negro workers in this country and of millions of workers and intel- lectuals throughout the whole world. What, then, is Mr. White's purpose in holding up before the masses the illusion that these Negro victims of capitalist justice can secure a fair trial in the Alabama lynch courts? Plainly, what he is seeking is not the unobtainable | “impartial” and “fair trial” in the courts of the boss lynchers, but the disruption of the mass defense which alone can save and free the Scottsboro boys. It is only this mass defense that has saved the boys so far, that has five times forced back the hands of the lynchers reached out to burn these innocent working-class children in the electric chair. And it is pre- cisely against this mass defense that Mr. White and the other re- formist leaders of the N. A. A. C. P. and the Socialist Party have levelled their attacks in the past, It is pre- cisely (this mass fight, with its uni- fying influence on the American working-class, with its relentless struggle against the whole system of Jim Crowism, lynch law and the national oppression of the Negroes, that American imperialism and its reformist lackeys fear. ie fae IT is significant in itself that on the very day of the Supreme Court's decision, the New York Times should solicit statements on the decision from the white and Negro reformists who have consis- tently hampered and betrayed the struggle for the Scottsboro boys. Can anyone imagine that the New York Times does not know who has mobilized anq led the fight for the freedom of the Scottsboro boys? The whole world knows that this fight is organized and led by the Communist Party, the International Labor Defense and the League of Struggle for Negro Rights, Upon several of those occasions when the mass fight has smashed through the conspiracy of silence of the whole capitalist and “socialist” press, the Times lias been forced to record the fact that all of the boys and their relatives had repudiated Walter White and the other re- formist leaders of the N. A. A.C. P, and had endorsed and were staunchly supporting the militant defense policy of the International Labor Defense. Yet it was not from. the Negro head of the I. L. D., Comrade William Patterson, or other white and Negro leaders of | the I, L. D,, that, the New York Times sought to obtain statements on the present status of the case. The tremendous growth of the mass fight for the freedom of the Scottsboro bovs make it impossible | Aca Gallery, New York for the capitalist press to main- tain its conspiracy of silence. It is now feverishly trying to rehabilitate the shattered prestige of the cap- italist courts in the eyes of the working-class. It is seeking to dis- arm the Scottsboro mass defense by peddling illusions among the masses a the “fairness” and “impar- of the courts. It carefully attempts to hide the real reason for the Supreme Court decision—the tremendous mass pressure exerted on the couri—and attempts to in- | terpret this decision, wrested by the working class from the capitalist boro boys and of Tom Mooney, the murderers of Sacco and Vanzetti— as “proof” of the “impartiality” and “integrity’ ’of capitalism, a court of last illusions. And in its attack on the mass fight, the cap- italist press is mobilizing the white and Negro reformists for an even fiercer assault than tifese lackeys have carried on in the past against the Scottsboro defense. CW ae [R. WHITE eagerly responding to his master’s voice shows clearly that the N. A. A. C. P. misleaders intend to continue their insidious campaign to disrupt the mass de- fense campagin. The white and Negro workers and all those ele- ments sincerely interested in freeing the Scottsboro boys must answer the capitalist press and the Negro and white reformists by further building and extending the mass fight on the basis of the concrete program of the I. L. D, for a united front frgm below, John Reed Club Artists | Exhibition Now on At 'WENTY artists of the New York | John Reed Club are at present exhibiting work on revolutionary themes at-the ACA Gallery, 169 First Street, New York. The ex- hibition, which began on November 7, will continue until the 25th of the month. The work includes thirty- six paintings, drawings and litho- graphs, and among the artists and subjects are the following: “For Refusing to Starve,” by Bard; “United Front,” by Gropper;; “Attack on Bonus Army,” by. Max Spivak; “Worker's Supper,” by Re- fregier; “Miners,” by Quirt; “Das Kapital” (interpreted in ltho- graphs), by Gellert; “Morgan,” by Hernandez; “On the Bench,” by Ishigaki; “The Park,” by Lozowick; “Injured Worker,” by Oley; “Sun- day Morning,” by Reisman; “Min- ers Funeral,” by Siegel;; “New York’s Finest,” by Burck; “Three Cops,” by Limbach; “New York Night—-1932,? by Biel; “Farmers? Uprising, by Baum; ““No Help Wanted,” by Soyer, and others, ‘The John Reed Club, whose art school at 650 Sixth Ave, is now reopening for a new term, invites all workers to the exhibition at the ACA Gallery, Noon at the Factory By DOMINIC MUSARAFITI Whistles toot like whistles of boats That are ready, for a picnic up the river. There is the grinding of pistons Stopping abruptly. But it is only dinner time A dinner of dry food. The Sandwiches are taken down +} From the pails on the wall. They are chewed, but without enthusiasm, By bored jaws, With the rhythm akin to that of the pistons Down in the engine room. —By Burck tai t masses. contemptuous picture of ti "GEORGIA NIGGER” John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel ‘The author shares this view NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Fi + NOTE:—'Georgia Nigger” is a smashing exposure of the hideous persecution snd national oppression of the jaily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white ruling class term, “nigger.” and to the opi atment of Negroes which it symbolizes, horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise he would have put inte the mouths of the boss lynchers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use.—EDITOR. pression. but, in order to paint 2 Sree THE STORY SO FAR: Legally kidnapped be- cause the powerful white planter, Jim Deering, | needs cotton pickers, five Negroes, including David | Jackson, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jack- son, are forced, under threat of being s to the chain gang, to accept Deering’s offer to pay $25 fine for each of them as advances against | wages. Ominous tales are told about Decring’s plantation, which is actually a slave camp. There INSTALLMENT 13 cook, Mary Lou. ntenced face. David meets an old acquaintance, Limpy Rivers, and also makes friends with Cooky, husband of the Cooky, whose name is Walter Freedman, telis David how Deering gave him a $10 advance when he went to work for him and then proceeded to cheat him. When Cooky | Deering knocked him down with a blow in the Now continue; EEDMAN never protested again, Suceeding months found the debt increasing. The planter charged 20 per cent interest on the balance as recorded in his books. ‘The latest reckoning showed the Negro almost two hundred dollars in debt. “Ah'll never pay out,” he con- PARTY LIFE Lessons of A Trial in Buffalo By ETHEL STEVENS (Buffalo) ILERATION of white chauvin- ism within the labor movement is not only a surrender to the ideas of the ruling class, but it becomes a definite brake in the growth of a powerful working class front of black and white in the struggle against the common enemy—the capitalist class, This was shown | to 700 Buffalo Negro and white workers, at the trial, recently, of James W. Moorehouse, former member of the Communist Party. This trial marked an achievement in that it clearly and sharply drew @ line of demarcation between the Position of the Communists on the one hand, and the counter-revolu- tionists of various shadings, Trots- kyites, Lovestoneites, expelled Par- ty members, etc. on the other hand. Incidentally the force and weight of this trial broke through the long standing silence of all the capital- ist papers in Buffalo. How did they sum up this event? From the Courier Express: “The Communist Party yesterday divided itself into conservative and radical groups... The Conservative elements of the Party is known to have resented, since the beginning of the depres- ston, the rise of the more radical group. In general, this less rad- ical group sided with Moorehouse.” WHAT BOSS PRESS SAW ‘The eyes of a bourgeoise reporter could see “a radical and conser- vative group.” Why so? Is there a division in the ranks of the Buf- falo Communists? Does the Com- munist Party of District 4 at pre- sent have groups? Definitely not! However, the reporters at the trial could not fail to see TWO CAMPS. | The bitter struggle lasting four ; solid hours was a struggle of those fighting for the Leninist position on the Negro question; demand- ing ruthless extermination from our ranks of all white chauvinists, be it concealed or open; pointing out that without the unity of black and white the revolutionary move- ment cannot advance against those who say that “the Workers Center cannot be kept clean because the Negroes hang out there; that the Negro leaders in the Party are cowards and run away from de- monstrations; that the District Or- ganizer (a Negro) hasn’t enough sense to take up Party matters with—in other words, those who accept the theory that the Negroes are inferior. This group was headed by Mr. jose. ve was no accident. At this trial all the individuals belonging to various organizations who persist- ently figt the Party, sabotage the activities, denounce the leadership of our Party, came to the support of Moorehouse. Here they hoped to attack the Party by ignoring the charges of white chauvinism, and instead launched a vicious and slanderous campaign against it. ‘They, only. succeeded, however, in exposing themselves. When the vote was taken only seven indlvi- duals out of the 700 at the trial stood up for Mr. Mo@rehouse anc for white chauvinism, 4 WHAT THE TRIAL ACCOMPLISHED The Moorhouse trial makes 1t easier for the Communist Party to clean out the counter-revolution- ists and white chauvinists, not only because they have come to the top like of] in water, but primarily because the Party will now the support of the broad masses both Negro and white in the strug- gle against these elements. With the deepening of the crisis comes greater persecution of the Negroes, comes greater terror a- gainst the revolutionary movement and most vicious lowering of our standard of living. THIS WE CAN RESIST ONLY BY UNITED STRUGGLES OF NEGRO as cluded resignediy. “But, dey all de same, only some is wussen others. But Ah ain’ got no mo’ cough. Wukkin’ in de sun sho fixed dat up fine. An’ Ah gits mah clo’se an’ food, an’ Chrismus “time Ah gits ten dollahs Chrismus money an’ sometimes Mist’ Dee'in’ sen’s ovah some things fo’ li’l Harrison to play wid. Ah wanted to run away again but f’'um whut I heahs, pl. ain’ much diff’run’ so Ah stays on. Hit could be wuss.” JOE WALLIS There were some who found con- tentment in the Deering stockade. A man has to work for someone, so Joe Wallis, with his moon face and sunny disposition, was happy. To Joe life was filled with fun and laughter, Joe sang. His round face would wreathe in smiles, his feet would tap time, his head and shoulders eyes would He would shake and hi roll. Ballads, blues, spirituals. had a great store of th when those were not sufficic his mood, he would make up his own, about little things in the stockade or thoughts that he had or a girl he had known. They liked “My Jane” especialiy and they always sang it with him: Sh eh bie Bet sometimes thoug! Joe sang of ts none would dare utter in prosaic talk. Then his com- panions would stir restlessly and shake their heads. “Dat’s right,” they would say to one another. Nigger go to white man, Ask him fo’ wuk, Vite man say to it out o' yo’ shir Nigger throws off his coat, Goes to wuk pickin’ cotton. W'en time come to git pax White man give ‘im nothin’ Li'l bees suck de blossoms. Big bees eat-de honey. > Nigger raises de cotton an’ cawn, White folks git de money. When the overseer or the planter was in arf ugly mood they did not sing. On such days they lay on States, who, carryi of today, has refused the recent revelation Mississippi River, at the bottom of the picture. peonage, their cots talking, often reliving the events that brought them there, One Negro who had come in Feb- ruary had been on his way home from Atlanta to Tallahassee. In Ocklockonee county a deputy saw him on the highway swinging his Ponies way. Now he was working \.. “Maybe some time Mist’ Deerin'll tee iogal witvietion tn VM Anite: ONE WHITE PLANTER KILLS 11 NEGROES—The Newton County Courthouse, Covington, Ga., where John S. Williams was tried for mur- ‘dering 11 Negro slaves on his farm. So great was the mass resentment aroused against Williams, whose farm was similar to Jim Deering’s slave plantation in “Georgia Nigger,” that the courts were not only compelled to bring him to trial, but to convict him. However, no action was taken to do away with similar murder farms which exist today, not only in Georgia, but throughout ibe Black Belt. the united mass action of Negro and white toilers. i Insert shows William D. Mitchell, Attorney General of the United out the instructions of the capitalist slave-herders to prosecute cases of peonage (slavery), including of peonage on government work in the lower This despite the fact Section 1 of the 13th Amendment to the To the right of Mitchell is a reproduction of Paragraph 17 of the Georgia State Constitution, also forbidding git good an’ tard o’ havin’ dis nigger ’roun’,” he smiled cheerfully, “an’ den maybe I kin go on my way. An’ boy, w’en dis nigger gits | home he ain’ travellin’ no mo’!” | IMPY told how Deering paid $5 | for him, the balance of a $25 | for vagrancy, to secure his re- ase from t chain gang a month before the sentence was up. Thirty | dollars a month he had been prom- ised, and in the six weeks he had been on the planter’s land he had not yet worked off the $5 advance. Deering charged him for food, for rent, for shoes, for everything pos- | sible, “Dat’s how dey git you,” he fin- ished sourly : “I bin heah five months an’ I’se } sho’ lucky I didn’t git meh haid bustet Joe Wallis announced gleefully. “I was standin’ fron’ o° de drug sto’ in Live Oak wid half a pint o’ moonshine in mah belly— I was so drunk I couldn’t hit de groun’ wid mah hat! I said, ‘God damn’ ‘bout somethin’ or other wen @ white man an’ woman was passin’ by an’ fo’ I knew hit de | white man smacked me square in ce mouf fo’ swearin’ befo’ a white | woman an’ de sheriff slapped me in ’ heah I is!” ee you stay,” sured him dryly. ‘ER FROM HOME Dee's answer Ss depressed. | ading it the t tuh keep you locked as on de chain gang, either.” | “Co'se in’ right but whut’s a | wum gonter do w’en a bud got him in his m Hollah ‘ Hey, Mist’ | | Bud, you got no right to be | atin’ lo dat git im? | G je mouf, dat’s | w at wum cain’ ar jud’s eatin’ ‘im, All e kin do is try to git away. Hollah’n ain’ no good. Hell, no!” ESCAPE? “Reck’n a nigger kin git away?” David asked in a low tone. “Las’ yeah Willie Frazer and Sam Lowie done run away,” Freedman said slowly. “Willie’d bin a good niggah fo’ a month after he come ae | the Bits of Goma ‘i This can only be done by that peonag is forbidden by U. 8. Constitution, reproduced heah an’ den wen’ slap out o’ his haid. Sudden. Jes’ lak dat. Hit was choppin’ time an’ he’d bin wukkin’ all day. Right alongside 0’ me, too, an’ he didn’t ack crazy a-tall. But all of a sudden up he straightens an’ widout a wud stahts Tunnin’ fo’ de Mist’ Tay- Jah was dey an’ he hollahs fo’ him Jak | killin’ Will \ de devil hisse'f was after'm. Mist’ Taylah hollahd again an dew | Buck raises his gun an’ lets ‘tm have a barrel-full, eat E bu'ied ’im in de swamp right dey wid a weight roun’ hiv laigs to keep’m f'um comin’ up an’ hantin’ Buck.” “Dey kilt ’im?” David exclaimed. TORTURE “Yeah. Buck did. But dat ain’ all. Hit was after dat dat Sam Lowie stahts fussin’ ‘bout Buck jie an’ de fus’ thing he Dee’in’ knocked a teeth out an’ Mist’ 3 on de haid wid a pick handle an’ den Sam wen’ clean out 0’ his haid, too, Mus’ a-bin de sun dat yeah, I reck’n. Mus’ a-bin, co’se Sam ups one ey'nin’ an run away. Ain’ nobody knows whut’s happened till Mist’ Dee'in’ brung ‘im back al hog tied an’ wen he gits ’im in de stockade Charlie gi'm de leather till his ahms hu’t. “Law’, dat was a whippin’. He was laid up two weeks, he was hn’t so bad. knows Piaate ee | Ngan mus’ a-bin clean crazy wid de heat er stubbo'n as a gov'men’ mule co'se you know whut he done? W’'en he run away, in- stead o’ keepin’ right on goin’ dat fool niggah wen’ straight to de he'iff's office mn’ says Buck Robe'ts done kilt Willie an’ he seed ‘im do hit, Fo? Sam knew whut happened -he was slapped in jail cn’ Mist’ Dee’in’ noterfied dey had a runaway niggah b'longin’ to *im, An’ w'en Mist’ Dee’in’ got ’im heah, he she made a mess o’ ’im.” “NOBODY KNOWS” 1cy’s Sam now?” David asked, ody knows dat, Two ‘days, after he could stan‘ on his two feet nobody seed him after dat. If dat niggah’s gone again he didn’t go to de she’iff’s no mo, dat’s sho.” He puffed at his pipe medita- tively, “Or maybe,” he added slowly, “he's bu'ted in de swamp, too.” » 8 ae a sudden equinoctial storm came the trouble over Limpy Rivers. His sullen bitterness had earned him the reputation of being ugly. Charlie had tried to humble him shortly after he was brought frém the convict camp, and failed, The huge Negro had warned him:,., “Dey ain’ no use yo’ pity roun’ heah. yo'se’f yowll git bettah.” er,” Limpy had returned “I'm doin’ my work? Den own bus’ness an’ you'll ¢ lots better, too!” T 2s something about Limpy that discouraged even the guard from pressing him too far. Limpy did his work. Despite the hip injury that caused the limp, he was one of the best pickers in the He picked so rapidly he had Icisure to stroll to the 2 frequently for a dipperful of the warm water. Sometimes hé spat it out contemptuously, “That nigger’s gonter git in trouble,” the overseer remarked once. Ge morning Limpy refused to set up, saving he was sick. Taylor and Deering came, and thouzh he did not look sick, said nothing. Then, on a day when the sin seemed bent on shriveling ev- | erything in the fields, and clothes stuck to sweating bodies, Limpy lay down heside a rivulet that ran thinly through e field and drank a bellyful of the cool water, A few days later, when the crews were awakened in the morning his head swam and he lay back, “I got de mis'ries,” he said, when. Charlie came to see why he was not up. “Yeah? You ‘played sick befo’, Say, you bin tryin’ awful hahd ‘to git in trouble roun’ heah f'um de tus’ day you come an’ now you stahtin’ in to play sick reg’lah, eh? Better git up fo’ Mist’ ‘Taylor obliges you wid somethin’ to git de mis'ries ovah.” ~ “I got de mis’ries, nigger!” Limpy said angrily. “Hush yo’ big mouf an’ git me a doctor.” “You got too damn much mouf fo’ a sick niggah! Git up or Ill repo’t you to Mist’ Taylah.” (Continued Tomorrow) eae aaa ORDERED TO GO TO WORK P'SPITE BIS SERIOUS ILLNESS, WILL L'MPY DARE TO DISOBEY | THE COMMANDS OF THE PLANTER WHOSE SLAVE HE IS? DON'T MISS TOMORROW'S IN. STALLMENT! Praise for “Daily” From Montana Reade Plentywood, Mont Editor, Daily Worker, . Dear Comrade: I am enclosing $2 for the Dail Worker, Please renew my Subserip. tion for two months out of the little bit T am able to send at this time, T surely wish I had a ten dollar bill to send you as I think your paper is doing wonderful work, ‘There are five families besides who read