The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 12, 1932, Page 4

| Page Four ay | Dail Published by the Compredaily Publishing Co., Ine., daily exenept @umdny, at 1 18th St, New York City .N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 4-796, Oodle ~DAIWORE.” Address and mail ehecks te the Daily Worker, 0 E. 18h St, Wew York, M. ¥. orker Dery USA SUBSCRIPTION RATE! ix months, nd Bronx, months, ; 8 months, w York City. ;_3_months, $3 Old Prophets In New Deceptions 1 month, 75¢ reign and day brings new additions to the capitalist litany s being bout the night of depression pas- sing and the dawn of ity about to break. We are ve that election of Roosey already recovery has set in and that It will assure the realization of a new asked to belie the era of prosperity. Leaders of the banking and industrial world are daily t “ir ws” to the capitalist press assuring us that prosperity rsday Alexander Legge, chairman of renting on the election of Roosevelt, ched a turning point from which agriculture wing confidence, will go forward to better g's utterance carried information llen in price one dollar a bale and that’ wheat was > cents—to cord low for a century and a half. This is. anothe the sar Legg > has been indulging in deceptive talk of recovery Since the Wall 1 of October, 1929. On November 22, 1929, this head of the International Harvester trust said: “It looks as if in- dustry would have to begin scraping around to get employees instead of The same day L fe gave his latest interview Melvin C. Traylor, t of the First National Bank of Chicago, said: “The results of jon may be accepted in a spirit, of genuine helpfulness.” the same T) who tried to conceal capitalist responsibility for the epidemic of bank crasheSin the Middle West by concocting a fantastic yarn about a Communist “whispering campaign” to wreck banks, ame day Frences H, Sisson, head of the Guaranty Trust ined in the chorus of optimistic predictions. This is the same het who said on September 18, 1930: “All indications are will see an improvement which will become marked by next This is that spring fall.” ‘Two years have since passed. Two years during which the relative tabilization of capital has come to an end and the world is entering the second round of revolutions and wars. * * . OUGHOUT the world the toiling masses are moving to decisive battles against capitalism. The workers and farmers of the United showing in action that they will not peacefully submit to inter of hunger and starvation. Capitalist strategy in carry- its fierce drive against the masses supplements open violence t cunning deception designed to arrest the mass struggle s and farmers against the Wall Street program of hunger © worker should be fooled by the present prophesies of Legge, Sisson and other leaders of banking and industry. They are no than the barrage of false prophesies, unfulfilled promises speculations that characterized the lying utterances of abinet from the beginning of this crisis. 3 to its role as the third pasty of capitalism the Socialist Party rship will try to stem the rising tide of working class revolt by z the illusion that something maybe expected from Roosevelt we peacefully and without protest eudure the pangs of hunger and the blasts of wintery cold. Heywood Broun, notorious for his un- principled lying about Communists und his servile crawling before the gang of the southern states, comes forth in Thursday’s with the following infamy: . “. . in all fairness Governor Roosevelt should have a chance to show in the next few months and after he has assumed office just what specific things he intends to do to make good some of his more promising remarks. This column (meaning Broun’s column) will not grow downright mean or anything like that about Franklin D. Roosevelt until around January 1, 1933, And by that time one or another of us may have had a change of heart.” Here we have the same deceptive song of Legge, Traylor, and Sisson to Socia rty music. set alone, in the post-election struggle, as during will carry out with every ounce of energy the t illusions and rallying the toiling masses in nger, against war, against wage cuts, against aign. Not only will this winter see big class ve of the Wall Street government during the re- Hoover regime, but to continue it against Roose- h will carry out exactly the same policies as have been the beginning of this crisis. Party mpa list way out of the crisis, the Communist Party ne toiling masses toward the revolutionary way. out. In onths we must move in that direction—by not merely stop- offensive, but by developing a counter-offensive against Forging A Mighty Rev- olutionary Weapon NE of the encouraging facts in the growing working class struggles is the loyalty and self-sacrifice of thousands of workers who consistently support the Daily Worker and in recurring s that threaten its life put all their energy into the fight to save the life of the Central Organ of the Communist Party. These supporters show in actual practice, in: their ev day activity that they perceive that which was so often emphasized by Lenin—the paramount importance of main- taining and strengthening the revolutionary press. Now, of all times. in the fourth year of the most devastating crisis the world has en, when we enter into a new wave of steadily sharpening struggles, our paper must stand in the very center of all struggles and become # mighty voice for organizing and directing into revolutionary channels the movement of the toiling masses. * . * ‘THE Party members, the fighters in the trade unions, the unemployed organizations, the active members of the fraternal mass organizations, in a word all revolutionary workers must rally to strengthen the “Daily Worker” so that it will become a mightier weapon in the struggles now under way. ever From the standpoint of effective mobilization for the struggles that are now under way and that will be raised to a very high stage this winter, the conferences that are being held to work out plans for im- proving and increasing the circulation of the Dally Worker are of major revolutionary significance. In every district, in every section, in every locality, such conferences must be held and they must aid in the building up of mass support for the “Daily”. These conferences must initiate the organization of a broad mass movement for the sustaining and circulating of the Daily Worker. They, must become an organized link with the masses, to enable the “Daily” to better reflect the struggles and voice the demands and will of the masses. From these conferences must radiate a net work of committees in the factories, the mines, the mills, on the railroads, the bread-lines, in the neighborhoods, to support the “Daily”, Such conferences must be the beginning of a permanent organization that will function all the time as a part of the revolutionary movement. In this task of forging a ful revolutionary weapon of the Daily Worker the conference in New York City called for 10 o’clock Sunday morning in Stuyvesant Casino should meet with response from all those organizations who have been, are now and will be engaged in struggles against the bosses and their government. This conference in New York, and similar conferences elsewhere, should mark a turning point in the building of the revolutionary press. DAILY WORKER. » NEW YORK, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 12, 1932 Our M Communist Party Inheritor of Their Militant Tradition By H. D. WENDELL OVEMBER 11, 1887, has more "than commemoratory signific- ance for the working-class of the United States in 1932. ‘The events which led to the hanging of the Haymarket martyrs forty-five years ago bear a striking resemblance to the present economic and political scene, But the crisis then was one of birth; the crisis now is one of death. A glutted labor market, wage cuts and general distress— then as now—made the struggle of the workers a fight for bread which far-sighted leaders, then as now, sought to turn into a general strug- gle for the overthrow of the sys- tem. THE FIRST REBELLION The eight-hour movement of 1886 grew out of the first great national struggle of the proletariat against industrial capitalism —the railway strike of 1877, which began on the Baltimore and Ohio road in Mar- tinsburg, W. Va., in reply to a ten per cent wage reduction. The local militia was called out but refused to respond to orders. The strikers took possession of the yards and held them for two days until the arrival of fedral troops sent by President Hayes. The strike spread to other sections of the road. The governor of Maryland ordered the Fifth and Sixth regiments to en- train at Baltimore for Cumberland where the strikers were in full charge. The workers of Baltimore surrounded the armory to prevent their departure. A pitched battle occurred when the soldiers sallied out and marched to the depot. This in turn was surrounded and set on fire during the night. The arrival of federal troops saved the militia from extermination. few days later the railway workers of Pittsburgh walked out against the Pennsylvania road. The Pittsburgh militia was called up and immediately fraternized with the strikers. Fearing this, the Governor had summoned six hun- dred militiamen from Philadelphia. They fired on a large assembly of Pickets, killing twenty-six. Worker te-inforcements arrived and the militia took refuge in the round house. The battle proceeded all night until at seven in the morn- ing the militia began a retreat sub- ® Albert R Parsons, hung jected to gun-fire until they left the city limits. The strike spread to Toledo, Louisville, San Francisco, St. Louis and Chicago, In the latter city, Albert Parsons addressed a mass meeting of 30,000. The militia was called in and a state of terror fol- lowed during which a number of workers were killed. In ‘St. Louis @ sort of soviet, organizeg by the workers, ran the city for more than a week. These events had been preceded in 1872 by a general eight-hour movement in New York City which was the largest strike up to that time. The five years culminating in what bourgeois historians call “the Pittsburgh Riots” were the American workers’ first lessons in class struggle and’ solidarity. If you will note the dates on the corner- stones of the little fortresses called armories in most of the big cities of the country you will see they were built shortly after this time, ‘The whole system of legislation and jurisprudence was sharply affected by these happenings, State legis- latures passed their conspiracy laws one after another and judges pre- sented injunctions to petitioning bosses with largess, THE EIGHT-HOUR STRIKE OF 1886 The first general eight-hour strike was called by the American Federation of Labor for May 1, 1886. The strike was nation-wide and had the support of the rank and file workers both in the A. F. of L. and the Knights of Labor. The leadership of the Knights under ‘Terence V. Powderly sabotaged the movement by circulating a ‘secret, order against participation. But the membership, wherever the strike assumed a mass aspect, joined in, The strike was most successful in Chicago where Albert Parsons, August Spies and other members of the International Workingmen’s Association had assumed leadership of the greater part of the labor Movement. These men were intel- ligent revolutionists. Two years be- fore they had organized a seces- sion movement from the reaction- ary Amalgamateq Trades and La- bor Assembly and set up the Cen- “THE DAY WILL COME WHEN OUR SILENCE WILL BE MORE POWERFUL THAN THE VOICES YOU ARE STRANGLING TODAY.” Scene in Cook County jail, Chicago, showing the execution of Parsons, Spies, Engel and Fischer on November 11, 1887. artyrs of the Haymarket as : tral Labor Union to which most of the stronger unions of the city adhered in 1886. The Sunday pre- ceding the First of May they or- ganized a demonstration attended by 25,000. More than 40,000 workers prompt- ly laid down their tools on May Day and within two days the num- ber of strikers doubled. Picket lines were formed and meetings held before factory gates. On the third of M August Spies ad- dressed strikers before the Mc- Cormick repair works. The police attacked the gathering, killing four workers nad wounding many with gun fire. A protest meeting was called for Haymarket Square the next day. " THE HAYMARKET FRAME-UP Between three and four thousand turned out. Spies spoke first. Par- sons then addressed the gathering for three-quarters of an hour on the eight-hour movement. While Samuel Fielden was speaking, rain threatened and the greater part of the assembly went away. Less than @ thousand workers remained and there was discussion in the com- mittee about adjourning to a near- by hall. Mayor Carter Harrison, who came to watch, drove off. Par- sons went to a restaurant a few doors away, accompanieg by his wife. Then 180 policemen, in military formation, swept out of the Des- Plaines Street Station half a block off and advanced on the crowd. ‘They were led by Captain’ Bonfield who had made a reputation for himself as a terrorist and agent of the board of trade. He turned to Adolph Fischer, hung give an order when, In the midst of the advancing policemen, a bomb exploded. Sixty were thrown to the ground, wre threw the bomb has not been disclosed. Some suspicion was cast upon a man named Schnaubelt who was connected with the Anarchist movement in Chicago and disappeared after the trage Since there was absolutely no evidence to show that those in- dicted were responsible and a very | great deal in support of the fact that they were NOT, it was as- sumed by the workers and many friends of the movement that the dynamite was hurled by a provo- cateur. Avgust Spies, Michael Schwab, George Engel, Adolph Fischer, Louis Ling, Oscar Neebe and Samuel Fielden were’ arrested immediately and held for the murder of a pa- trolman, Degan. Parsons left the city reluctantly at the persuasion of comrades. He went to Wau- kesha, Wisconsin, where he stayed with friends while a nation-wide search was made for him. Shortly after the trial opened he went to Chicago ang walked into the court room to share the fate of his com- rades. THE TRIAL The trial began on the 2lst of June, Public opinion had been whipped to a frenzy against the defendants. “In the opinion of many thoughtful men, the labor question has reached a point where blood-letting has become neces- -Sary,” said the “Chicago Iron Mon- ger,” the organ of the iron masters. “The execution of the death penaity upon the socialist malefactors of Chicago will be in its effect the The jury was hand-picked. The bailiff went out and selected a venire of his own choosing. He counted shrewdly upon the ex- haustion of defense challenges. Parsons told the court, “The jury was a packed one, the jury was composed of men who arrogate to themselves the right to dictate to and rob the wage workers whom they regard as hired men.” Ne. attempt was made by the pro- secution to adduce evidence showing any connection between the defendants and the actual throwing of the bomb. The in- dictment admitted that the crime was committed by “a person or persons unknown.” The states at- torney told the jury that the de- fendants should be hanged because they were anarchists and he said they were on trial for treason. “Anarchy Ys on trial. Hang these eight men and save our institu- tions,” shouted prosecutor Grinell. That Parsons and his comrades were not disposed to the easy be- lief. that unorganized perpetration of acts of violence could help the revolutionary movement was indi- cated in his speech at the Hay- market meeting. Parsons mentioned New York Cit; Dear Comrade Amter: In compliance with your request, I am writing you these few lines about myself and my reasons for resigning from the Socialist Party. When I joined the Socialist Par- ty three years ago, I thought that it was working in the best inter~ ests of the working class. I have learned during this time how wrong I was. The actions of the Social- ist Party in this Presidential cam- paign have definitely shown the. anti-working class character, and the reformist ‘tactics of the S. P. Norman Thomas’ endorsement of the reactionary “millionaire” Hill- quit and his suggestion of forming a fusion of the capitalist parties to beat Tammany Hall shows the cal- ibre of this “great emancipator of Nov. 5, 1932. the working class.” The actions of Panken, Levy and ‘Waldman in the recent rent strikes in the Bronx, the admission of Levy that the article published in the Daily Worker was true, the admission being made in the judi- Worker Tells Why He Resigned from the Socialist Party cial convention of the Socialist Party at the Rand -School, also helped me see the S. P. in its true light. Levy and Waldman publicly denounced each other at this con- vention for the part each other took in the strike at the Verband Apartments in the Bronx. I could go on and enumerate many other reasons to show how the S. P. has shamelessly deserted the principles on which it was founded, but space does not per- mit. I will close by saying that I have just joined the International La- the name of Jay Gould. Some one in the audience proposed the hang- ing of the railway mganate. Par- sons said, “No, this is not a con- flict between individuals, but for a change of system and _ socialism aims to remove the causes which produce the pauper and the mil- lionaire. Kill Jay Gould and like a jack-in-the-box another or a hundred others like him will come in his place under existing social conditions.” MARTYRS TO THE CAUSE Each the defendants spoke. Notable re the speeches of Par- sons, Spies, Fischer and Schwab. ‘They spoke as conscious revolution- ists who asked for no mercy and used to courtroom as a tribune from which to attack capitalism. For eight hours, Parsons arraigned capitalism before the judgment of the oppressed, calling for revolu- tionary struggle by the workers to overthrow the profit system. Because the anarchist and syn- dicalist movements, especially in Latin-America and Southern Eu- rope, have arrogated to themselves the tradition of the Haymarket martyrs, their is a disposition in the working class movement gener- ally to assume that these leaders of ’86 were anarchists of the sec- tarian type we know today. This is not so. It is true they were not Marx- ists. It is true that to some ex- tent thay were under the theoretical influedce of such continental an- archists as Johann Most. Their idea of what form of society would be set up in the place of capital- ism was unclear, But they were experienced working-class fighters who engaged actively in the daily struggles of the workers. Most im- portant, they were of one mind on, and solidly committed to a united and revolutionary struggle of the working class to overthrow capit- alism. They were in the thick of every contemporary major fight. of the workers and asserted their re- volutionary leadership. If these men were alive today they would be in only one moye- ment, the Communist movement, fighting for the 7-hour day, Unem- ployment Insurance and the gen- eral struggle against capitalism.’ They would not sit on the side- lines end sneer at the “futility” of revolutionary workers’ movements fighting against a capitalism come of age. Not for these mighty re- bels to sink to the petit-bourgeois levels of degeneracy that charac- terize the sorry remnants of the anarchist movement we still have with us. They would be on the battle line. They would assume of honored places in the revolutionary movement of the international proletariat. The tradition of the Haymarket belongs to the Com- munists. It belongs to the move- ment that will finish the job they so nobly began, THROTTLED VOICES Death sentences were imposed on all the defendants save Oscar Neebe, who received fifteen years. In the Fall of 1887 the Illinois Supreme Court affirmed the ver- dict. Fielden’s and Schwab's sen- tences were commuted to life im- prisonment. On November 10 Louis Linng took his own life in the Cook County jail. The next day Par- sons, Spies, Engel and Fischer were hanged in that grim bastille. In 1893 Governor John P. Altgeld par- doned Fielden, Neebe and Schwab in a scathing denunciation of pres- iding Judge Gary, the prosecution and the ruling class of Chicazo. A vast multitude assembled at the grave of the martyrs. The whole working class was deeply stirred. The masters had succeeded in crippling the eight-hour strug- gle by frame-up, assassination and terror; but the intrepid fighters of Chicago who willingly gave their lives for the cause left behind them a tradition of proletarian bravery and steadfastness to principle that has heartened new generations to resoluteness and solidarity in the struggle. The bold leaders of Chicago fought against capitalism when it was suffering in crisis. These crises have continued to assail it with growing intensity. The severest crisis of all is now at the throat of the system. The Communist movement, which has inherited the traditions of the Haymarket, con- tinues to rain hammer-blows on the weakened body of capitalism —blows made more powerful by their descent from the strong arms of Parsons and his comrades, bor Defense and the Unemployed Council and call on all class-con- scious workers to back the Com- munist Party in carrying on the fight after election day for Work- ers Unemployment Insurance, Ade- quate Relief, Against Wage Cuts, Against Race Discrimination, A- gainst Police Tevror. You may publish this letter if you wish. Comradely yours, (Signed) WILLIAM LAMB ' Lucy Parsons, Widow of Haymarket national oppression of the Negro ma to the white ruling ¢| treatment of Negro ers_terms of tinue the story. NFORNING, Sheriff,” he said care- lessly. “Sorry I broke in while you were tending to some busi- ness.” Nichols waved “a pudgy hand. “Perfectly all right, Mr. Deerin’. Ill be through in a minute. Jes’ talkin’ to this bunch we picked ‘up Sat'dee ev'nin’.” The planter nodded and strolled to a window overlooking the lawn. “That's about all, boys,” the sheriff concluded. “I’ll have to hol’ you till co’t sets. Now, while yo're in jail I want you to behave. Clean yo’ cells ev'ry mawnin’-—’ “Plan to keep them here till court meets?” Deering asked. “That's a pretty bad break for them, isn’t it?” “Cain't he’p’ it, Mr. Deerin’. Charges against ‘em o’ gamblin’, fightin’ an” resistin’ the law. Giddy niggers, I reck’n, but I got to hol’ ’em.” “Nonsense. There’s a ‘fight in Live Oak almost every day and crap shooting every night. As for resisting the law I imagine all they did was to try to run away—which is exactly what you or I would have done.” 43) eos. 'HE prisoners stared at him sus- piciously. “Maybe so. Maybe so. They may even git off—”" “T think it’s bad business to feed them for months, bad for the coun- ty and bad for them. If they are acquitted it will have cost the county money and if they’te found guilty, theyll have to work the roads ionger to meet the costs that piled up.” “But) there's nothin’ I kin do about it, Mr. Deerin’,” the sheriff said apologeticaily. TRICKERY “Of course there is. If you make the charge disturbing the peace, they could plead guilty and you would have to bring them befere a justice of the peace immedi- ately. He'll, probably fine them twenty-five dollars and costs and you'll have it over with.” “We ain’ got no money fo’ a fine,” a prisoner said hesitantly. “That's so, too.” ieee | 'HE prisoners glanced at one an- other with understanding, wor- ried looks. : “II need help in my fields and Til pay your fines as advances against your wages,” the planter smiled. “Ill help you out of this mess if you'll help me. Thirty dollars a month. Jn five or six weeks you will have worked off the fine and be free instead of still being in jail waiting for trial.” THE SHERIFF PLAYS THE GAME “Feedin’ ’em all these months would be an expense,” the sheriff said thoughtfully. He turned to the prisoners. “I don’t figger y’all’s such a bad lot as I tol’ you an’ I’m Willin’ to he'p you an’ the county. If you want to accept Mr. Deer- in’s offer, why I'll change the ‘KIDNAP AND located at Gainsboroug] NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY Jobu L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE.—"Georgia Nigger” is a smashing expos qT a true picture of these horrible condition: as otherwise he would have put into the ect for Negroes which they do not, use INSTALMENT 1 THE STORY SO FAR: David Jackson, a young Negro boy, son of the poor share-cropper, Dee Jackson, while visiting the county seat in Live Oak, is arrested together with four other Negroes in connection with a stabbing with which they had nothing to do, The arrest is ace tually a legal kidnapping, with Sheriff Dan Nichols and his deputies carrying out the orders of the powerful white planter, Jim Deerinz, who needs Negroes to work on his plantation: Ominous tales are tod about this plantation, which is really a slave camp. The following Mon- day morning, Sheriff Nichols is telling the prisoners they will have to wait four months before court opens, when Deering enters. Now con- TORTURE AGENCY—A wrist watch, “What say, boys?” Nichols asked. ‘ “I reckon I'll sign,” one said slowly. It was obvious to them that the alternative to the chain gang was signing, and one by one they agreed. There was no difficulty with the justice of the peace. He heard their pleas and imposed fines of $25 and costs on each. When they/got into the planter’s car his coat flapped back. They saw the shine of a smooth-worn, brown holster. Ree w S far as the eye could see the Deering acres were white with cotton. But no cabin dotted the fields, no bent back picked the whiteness from the crisp bolls. The rich land was deserted but. for a slim figure on horseback in the distance, a white man, lean and wiry. A black felt hat shaded his dark face and a rifle rested across the pommel of his saddle. Deering slowed down and called: “Hello, Sam.” “Howdy, Mr. Deerin’,” the man returned. It was high noon when the car turned into a narrow side road. Deep in the fields was a cluster of buildings in a wire enclosure, fwo large, rambling ones like barrack anq mess halls and three shacks, two near the gate entrance and the third beside a gravel road lead- ing to a white mansion rising out of a green sea of lawn a thousand feet away. Beyond the wire fence were barns and shelters and a flat pen filled with fertilizer. A quar- ter of a mile east other cabins baked in the sun, homely places with spots of green about them and wash hanging on lines stretched between trees. THE STOCKADE Two Ford trucks were inside the gate. An odor of manure hung over the stockade. A gigantic Negro stood with arms akimbo in the doorway of a shack surveying them. “Charlie!” Deering calleg to him. “These niggers will work heré.” To the boys in the car he said crisply: “Hop out. you about.” ne Three horses were hitched un- der a clump of live oaks in a corner of the stockade. Three Ne- groes with shotguns in their laps lolled lazily on the grass. “Bettah git’n de mess hall fo’ yo’ dinnah,” Charlie suggested mildly to the newcomers. ° (Continued Tomorrow.) eee 58 Charlie will show WHY THE ARMED GUARDS? WHAT IS HAPPENING ON THE PLANTATION OF THIS POWER- FUL WHITE PLANTER ‘THAT CAUSES TALES TO BE WHIS- PERED WHICH “BLACK MEN DO NOT REPEAT TOO OFTEN, EVEN AMONG ‘THEMSELVES?* DON’T MISS MONDAY’S _IN- typical southern courthouse, Ga., where the only law is the law of the while planters and capitalists. The kidnapping of workers and share-croppers, especially Negroes, whom they railroad to the chain gang or slave planta- tions on “vagrancy” or other fake charges, is one’of the chief sources of income of the sheriffs, justices of the peace and other emissaries of southern lynch-rule who operate from these centers. ‘The story of David Jackson, the Negro lad in “Georgia, Nigger” who gets caught in the net of this bare is symbolic of the national oppression of the entire Negro barous system, people, charges. I don’t want to stan’ in nobody's way if they want to do you a good turn.” “I wasn’t near de place,” the Clayton Negro repeated. “That's fo’ the co’t to detide,” Nichols frowned. “You don’t have to plead guilty if you don’t want to. Some niggers never appreciate a favor.” * # 6 iy would be a shame to send these boys to the chain gang,” Deering said quictly, “especially now that the Prison Commission will restore the leather again,” David had heard old convicts tell of the leather strap whipped across naked buttocks. Its use had been forbidden by law after horrified citizens awoke to its barbaric cruelty, Now it was to be re- stored. Deering was in a position to know for he was a county com- missioner. The planter glanced at a neat Correction A serlous typograpiiical error was made in the article by James g, Allen “Socialist Party ‘Theoreticians? Justify Negro Slavery,” which ape peared in Friday's Daily Worker, Dealing with the S. P. attack upon self-determination for the Negroes, the sentence appeareds erroneously as follows: “They (the socialists) base themselves on the statement by Browder that the ‘Black Belt runs through eleven southern states and includes 39 counties, ete’” The figure “39” is wrong; the correct figure as given in the article is 209 counties, kK Seal — so Seon