The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 11, 1932, Page 4

aage bour DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1932 orker Porty USA Dail Peblished by the Comprodily Publishing Ce., Ine. daily axexept Mth St., New York City W. ¥. Telepl ALgenquin 4-7806, Onble “DAIWORE” Address and mall shecks te the Daily Worker, 6 E. 18th St, New York, . ¥. | SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, ; 8 months, $2; 1 month, "Se exeepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City, Foreign and Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 8 months, 33 Roosevelt's Program toosevelt continues the demagogic phrases that characterized his campaign; he states that the vote for him was “a national expression of N his message after the election, liberal thought.” He tries to lull into passivity the starving masses of workers and farmers by talk about “great and actual possibility in an orderly recovery, through a well- conceived and actively directed plan of action.” The entire capitalist press, especially that section of the press that opposed the Democratic candidate and supported Hoover, is rallying behind the campaign to stifle the grow- ing mass struggles against the hunger and war program of | et. imperialism. r as concrete act! are bub awh is the sales to enable t nical government. ad Act to legalize where is there an: industrial center © be put int se greater burde’ the expenses of maint r is the modification or rep the sale of light wines and beer. N ining the 1 of the Volst own ¢ 1 of Roosevelt will see tre- country. Roose- onths between now and the inaugu s struggles against hunger jemagogy, in trying to persu: ses to remain passive during e coming winter months wil! pplement e armed attacks that will out under orders of Hoover, in traditional Anacostia style. Thus of the White House will por, against the tolling masses. sevelt cabinet will step into the place out the capi + hunger and war offen- the approved manner, The bur c apparatus that runs h of the capitalist government will fundamentally remain as be the present occupant and the d in hand ring a di after March 4, the ‘Then of the Hoover cabinet and c: alt sive in campaign defenders of Hoover are any capitalist reader that might become frightened 7 ing favorable to expect from bed organ of New England re- eaders that Roosevelt will e Col. House, John W. Davis, The Herald should have added nother eminent backer of Roosevelt, the malodorous Wil- . icely supplements the Wall Street activity cen a national and international! scale wi forgeries. The name of Young is ineffably conr 1 the basest interna- >} forwarding the interests of American ving the toiling masses of ma parts of the world. the “confidential advisor” of Woodrow Wilson and who guided Wilson’s every move on the po- est prominent Morgan lawyer in the country, in Wilson's cabinet and helped the Wall lions cut of War supr . Roosevelt will be surrounded 's of Wall Street or vassals whose lives are a con- xt record of proved fidelity to Wall Street Roosevelt’s victory or’y assures a continuation ahd intensification of of the capitalists to find a way out of the crisis at the expense of the masses. sec "HE only way the tide will turn for the tailing masses, the only assur- ance of a “new deal” is through unity of action of the workers and their allies, the farmers, against the program of Wall Street and its gov- ernment. The only final solution for the masses is the revolutionary con- quest of power—the smashing of the dictatorship of Wall Street and the establish t of a workers’ and farm: government. Haymarket, 1887-1932 WORTY-FIVE years ago the master-class framed up and 4 hanged four revolutionary fighters to stop a gigantic struggle for the eight-hour day. Albert Parsons, August Spies, George Engel and Adolph Fischer are the martyrs | who made working-class history by their militant leadership of the Chicago labor movement. The tradition of the Haymarket that they set during this early crisis in American capitalism is inherited by the Communist movement which follows their revolutionary example in the present and more severe crisis. ‘These men were known as and called themselves anarchists. To this day the petty-bourgeois degenerates and disrupters who parade as an- archists try to maintain a rapidly failing tinge of red by claiming descent from those working-class heroes. But this they cannot do. Parsons afid his comrades were fighting leaders of the working-class movement whose devotion to solidarity and whose hatred of capitalism expressed itself on the front lines of daily struggles of the workers. They could have nothing in common With the anarchists of today who find themselves in the camp of the enemy. 'AGE-CUTS, hunger, unemployment, mass terror against the workers— these were the things against which the Haymarket leaders fought forty-five years ago. How familiar they sound! The present fight of the Communist Party for the seven-hour day, and for social insurance, is a continuation of the fight of the Chicago leaders for the eight-hour day and their sharp demands for the unemployed army of their time. The shooting of four strikers before the McCormick reaper works on May 3, 1886, the day before the Haymarket demonstration—dove-tails with the massacre policy still used by the bosses in the coal-fields, the textile regions and at the Ford plant. How well the frame-up of those fighters of ’86 for the explosion of a dynamite bomb everyone knows was thrown by @ police spy smacks of the frame-up of Sacco and Vanzetti, Mooney and Scottsboro. ‘These men fought bravely and asserted their revolutionary leadership in the first great struggles of the American proletariat against capitalism. The tradition of those struggles and those leaders whose blood nourished the soil of American Socialism, is 2 powerful one to be cherished by the revolutionary movement of today that is pledged to finish the job they began, The Communist Party will not forget its martyrs of November The Sales Tax OW that the drive for the election of Roosevelt is over, the capitalist rulers of America are turning their atten- tion to tangible plans for balancing the Federal budget. As usual, the worker and farmer masses of America are ex- pected to foot the bill. It is a fallacy to think that the budgetary plans of the government do not concern the working class and the farmers directly. The sales tax is a cleverly concealed form of wage-cut that strikes at every worker in the United States. Backed by the authority of the United States govern- ment, a levy is made on every sale of goods made in the country, the ultimate effect of which is to raise the price to the consumer of all the necessities of life. Thus, without any outward change in wages or salaries, the real wage—what the pay envelope will buy—is reduced. At the last session of Congress, the impending national elections made it inadvisable to push the sales tax through, and that is why it was defeated in the Senate by a close majority. Now that one of the twin capitalist parties is safely in office for a term of years the bill is being taken out of the ‘files and will be re-introduced The workers of the United States do not recognize this government as theirs. We consider it the instrument for the defense of the capitalist class—the owners of the United States—and do not propose to foot the bill for the army, navy, the huge army of office-holders, and the other weapons of the ruling class. Let the class that owns the government— the rich, the owning class—pay for their governmental machinery of re- pression. i ae out the war appropriations, increase the income ‘ax on swollen large incomes, and tax the capital wealth. This will balance the budget nnd provide funds for unemployment insurance, for the bonus, and for social services—old age, illness and motherhood insurance. The workers and farmers must prepare to fight the sales tax to the last ditch as an out and out attack upon their standard of living—already reduced to the starvation point by the capitalist attacks. The Hunger March to Wash- ngton on December 5, the National Farmers’ Relief Conference, and the @x-Servicemen’s march to demand the bonus will place before Congress ind the whole country the working class way out of the crisis. Ener- getie support of the Hunger March will be the best answer to the efforts Mf Big Business to saddle the sales tax on the workers, farmers and mid- Ue class of America, Mussolini’s “Amnesty” A Manoever By MICHAEL SALERNO N the 10th anniversary of its ad- vent into power, Fascism an- nounced what Mussolini called the “most far-reaching amnesty ever granted by any government in Italy”. How “far-reaching” this “amnes- ty” is can be easily seen. It is ex- tended only to those sentenced to less than five years in jail or in an island, while the prisoners con- demned to serve more than five years in prison are only entitled to an insignificant reduction of their terms, provided their “behaviour” in jail was such as to make them “worthy” of it! As most of the political prison- ers, leaders of the Communist Party and militant anti-fascist workers, are to serve from ten to thirty years of penal isolation, it is clear that none of them will regain liberty as a result of Mus- solini’s “amnesty”, Even the political prisoners suf- fering in the hideous islands will not benefit from Mussolini's “gen- erosity” unless they pledge not to carry on any anti-fascist activity once they are free. It is true that all of them are to serve no more than five years in the islands, but it is also true that for those who refused to be forced into deserting the class struggle, the terms are automatically extended without any «trial. “AMNESTY”—A BLOODY JEST. Mussolini's “amnesty” appears therefore as 2 bloody jest and a demagogic maneuver. The workers and peasants of Italy are partici- pating in ever greater numbers in anti-fascist struggles, in struggles against hunger and for freedom. The crisis is deepening, unemploy- ment is spreading. More than two million workers are affected by un- employment. As the fourth winter of the economic crisis approaches, carrying in its wake more misery for the workers, hundreds of em- ployed and unemployed demonstra- tions are taking place in the Po Valley and in Milan, peasants’ re- volts are spreading in Southern Italy, anti-war struggles of sol- diers and sailors are occurring throughout the country, striking fear in Mussolini's heart. In view of this increasing mili- tancy of the Italian, workers and peasants ,hundreds of toilers are being arrested; the fascist jails and islands are being filled with more anti-fascists; Communists are being sentenced by the infamous Special Tribunal to heavy prison terms. At the same time the fascist government unleashes a new wave of terror against the political pris- oners, held as hostages. This wave of terror is part of the general offensive which Italian capitalism is intensifying to break the work- ers’ militant resistance to its hun- ger program. eg ai 'HILE Mussolini was promising his fake “amnesty” to the “poor deluded fools” as he cynically call- ed the workers and peasants filling the fascist jails and islands, hun- dreds of political prisoners went on hunger strikes to protest against this murderous new wave of fascist terror. ‘The “amnesty” maneuver does not express,, therefore, the “strength of fascism” but the fear by which Mussolini and his capi- talist masters are seized in the face of the workers’ struggle against misery, starvation, impe- rialist war; for the liberation of the political prisoners, the aboli- tion of the Special Tribuntal, etc. ‘The American workers must not allow any let-up in this struggle. ‘They must show their solidarity to the political prisoners of Italy now on hunger strike who face the same fate of Gastone Sozzi and others murdered in jail. Terracini, Li Causi and Pianezza, three of the best leaders of the Communist Par- ty, are in danger. They are very ill in a prison infirmary which is in a real sense the ante-chamber of the grave. THE SOCIALISTS “HELP OUT” ‘The Italian workers, especially, must not let themselves be misled by the Socialists who in their press try to ridicule the importance of the struggle for a real and uncon- ditional amnesty for all political prisoners. In the face of the mass anger aroused by the report that Terra- cini, Li Causi and Pianezza were in danger, the Socialists, in their paper, “Stampa Libera”, printed an appeal issued by the United Front Committee for t he libera- tion of Italian political prisoners. But commenting upon the fake am- nesty promised by Mussolini, these gentlemen editorially declared in “Stampa Libera” that even a real unconditional amnesty would not benefit the Italian political pris- oners who would be merely trans- ferred from the jail of Civitavec- chia or Volterra to the larger pris- on which is Italy under fascism. They concluded that only the so- cial revolution would free them. oes IT is clear that thew aimed to dis- courage the Italian workers from mobilizing in defense of their brothers, for an unconditional am~ nesty and other immediate de- mands. Hiding behind “revolution- ary” phraseology, they sought to. lull the workers into passivity. Th is significant, incidentally, that several Italian social-demo- crats now living in France, are | openly advocating the necessity of entering some sort of agreement with Mussolini and return to Italy. ‘The Italian workers must answer the treacherous demagogy of the socialists by intensifying the strug- gle for an unconditional amnesty to all political prisoners. rive? ON “THANKSGIVING DAY” \ Socialist Party —By Burck ) CHILORENS> HUNGER ~_ DELEGSTIONS “Theoreticians”’ Justify Slavery of Negroes By JAMES S. ALLEN 1. IVING entirely within the bounds of bourgeoisie ideas and legality, the Socialist leaders cannot. con- ceive of a revolutionary change in the existing order but as one di- rected against “all human decency,” by which they mean capitalism. Together with capitalism as a whole, they are quite ready to accept the purely “human” and mechanical division of the South into states and counties as a constant, im~- mutable fact. Thus, the Socialist Party theoreticians view the ques- tion of Negro majority entirely from the point of view of the exist- ing state and county borders in the South, Together with the Census Bureau and the U. S. Government they find that only within the ter- ritory set off by artifically set state borders of Mississippi, the Negroes are in the majority. They also find (on being forced to look for them by the neeq to answer the Com- munist argument) 191 counties in 11 southern states where the Ne- groes are in the majority of the population. They then produce a map, on which all state and county borders are indelibly marked, which they say shows that the Negro ma- jority counties are not adjoining and that therefore there is no con- tinuous Black Belt area. A “VERBAL SUBTERFUGE” CONFOUNDS A “SCHOLAR” Comrade Earl Browder in his reply to Norman Thomas’ attack upon self-determination, says our “So- cialist scholar,” by resorting to a “verbal subterfuge has concealed the true state of facts.” They base themselves on the statement. by Browder that “Black Belt runs through eleven southern states and includes 39 counties forming a con- tinuous area in which the Negroes are over 50 per cent of the pop- ulation, a considerable larger area than many European countries.” Then our 8. P. “scholar” proceeds to uncover the “subterfuge” at the same time covering himself with confusion and by his own figures arriving at even a larger continuous Black Belt than the census figures themselves, taken mechanically, warrant. He objects to the Communist proposal to remove these state and county borders which have served the imperialist purpose of conceal- ing the basic territorial, economic and historical unity of the Black Belt. According to his figures, there are 191 counties having a Negro ma- jority of 66.5 per cent taken as a whole. Another 211 counties, in the same general territory, have a Negro then makes the mistake (for him) of actually removing the borders by adding the population of these 402 counties and arriving at the total of 4,822,554. whites and 5,302,505 Ne- groes, This gives the Negroes a clear majority of 479,951 or 52.4 per cent for this continuous territory taken as a whole. FORCED TO “ADMIT” BLACK BELT By a glance at his own map, it can easily be seen that there is a continuous territory, in which the majority of the Negroes in one place offset the minority in another territory beginning from Southern Maryland and running into Texas on which the Negroes have a clear majority. ‘Thus by his own figures, this “So- cialist scholar” has committed the same “mathematically dubious” crime of which he accuses the Com- munists. But keeping his eyes tightly closed to his own figures, he accuses the. Committee of dis- honest scholarship. In fact, it is not to a blemishing of the purity of “truth and scholarship” that this “student” objects. His real objec- tion lies in the Communist insis- tence that the existing state and county borders be removed and that the territorial unity of the Black Belt be established. This is a nec- cessary part of the right of self- determination, for without clearly established boundaries to the Black Belt, the Negro majority cannot exert their right to governmental authority anq their right to choose between separating from or federa- tion with the then existing U. S. government. LENIN ON IMPORTANCE OF FRONTIERS The denial of American Socialist Party of the establishment of such new borders is nothing new in the history of betrayal of the second International The Socialists of Europe refuse to recognize such ter- ritorial unity for the oppressed na- tionalities in the Balkans, In an exposure of the betrayal by the Socialist Parties of the struggle of oppressed nations for liberation dur- ing the World War, Lenin wrote that the proletariat “must not evade the question that is particularly ‘unpleasant’ for the bourgeoisie, namely, the question of the state FRONTIERS that are based on na- tional oppression. The proletarian must fight against the forcible re- tention of the oppressed nations within the boundaries of a given state, and this is precisely what the struggle for the right of selt-deter- mination means.” This Socialist Party “scholar” at- tempts further to obscure the population of 42.7 per cent, He ! “unpleasant” existence of the Black ‘The Socialists say that the Negroes are not in a majority in the Black Belt, and therefore “haye*no right to rule that territory.” But here is a picture of the Black Belt which shows how the Social- ists lie. This territory is a continuous stretch of land, extending like a crescent moon from Southern Maryland to Arkansas, in which Negroes outnumber the whites. This territory sweeps through twelve Southern states, and contains over five million Negroes, constituting the majority of i eS ee ne Deny Existence of Black Belt; Provide Intellectual Weapons to White Ruling Class Belt by publishing additional fig- ures, which by their mute appear- ance in the columns of the New Leader are supposed to knock the bottom out of the Communist posi- tion. He shows that the Negroes in the Black Belt form 63.1 per cent of the Negro population of the eleven states through which runs tuc Black Belt “conjured up by the Communists.” These figures are supposed to speak for themselves, for he makes no comment on them. Presumably they are supposed to show that the Black Belt does not even include a very high percentage of the Negroes in the southern states, let alone of the country as a whole. es Te is the acme of bourgeois con- ‘stitutionalism and legality. It does not remove the fact that 5,000,000 Negroes, the majority of them peasants, are at present en- slaved within a vicious system of peonage and national oppression in the Black Belt; that this landless peasantry, denied every democratic right, must carry on a revolutionary struggle for the land ang for the overthrow of the rule of the Yankee imperialists and the big white landowners in the Black Belt; that in this struggle the Negro people become a powerful ally of the whole workingclass in the struggle against imperialism, HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT This “socialist scholar” who can only view the Black Belt as “con- jured up by the Communists,” is of course quite incapable of think- ing dialetically. In determining the extent of the Black Belt we are forced to accept the tabulation of the population figures by the U. S. Census (for there are no other fig- ures available.) The census bases itself upon the existing state and county borders. We use these fig- ures as a basis, but must recognize that our method suffers from rigid- ity and mechanical faults arising from the use of the figures as tabulated by capitalist statisticians. But by going further, by making an historical study of this territory we find that: 1. Even froth colonial days, with the establishment of the first plan- tation using Negro slaves, the Ne- groes were in the majority in the plantation area. 2. That the area of Negro major- ity travelleq along with the rapid spread of the plantation system to the Misissippi following the inven- tion and utilization of the cotton gin. 3. That the Black Belt today is the historical cotion country, the former area of the slave plantat- tions. (A map of the Black Belt today contrasted with a map show- ing the production of cotton, tobacco and rise in 1860, runs almost spot, by spot with these crops). PNEa Ai: be Black Belt is the territory which belongs historically to the Negro people, to do with as they please. ‘There they developed as an American Negro people. The vast majority of the Negroes in other parts of the country migrated from the Black Belt. It is here, and on the immediately adjoining territory (where lives another 3,000,000 Ne- groes forming between 30 and 35 per cent of the population) that Yankee imperialiasm subjects the Negro people to a vicious system of national oppression, ‘The developing of agrarian strue- gles in the Black Belt and the fight for freedom, will, by revolutionary struggle establish this state unity. Supported by a revolutionary Am- ) Negro ‘people ‘will win the right of self-determina- tion. Regardless of census figures, or distortion of these figures by “socialist scholars” the land will be seized, the landlords driven off and state unity of the Black Belt de- clared. The revolution will find its way with the help of and under the leadership of the Leninist revolu- tionary party of the proletariat, the Communist Party. The white work- ers must realize this in order to forge immediately the alliance with the Negro people for the of imperialism, NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE.—Georgia Nigger” is a smashing exposure of the hideous persecution and national oppression of the Negro masses. The Daily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white ruling class term, “nigs nd to the oppression and contemptuons treatment of Negroes which it symbolizes. ‘The author shares this view, but. im order to paint a true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary to use this term as otherwise ho would have put into the mouths of the boss Iynch- ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use.—Editor, INSTALLME No, 10 THE STORY SO AR: David Jackson, a young Negro boy who has just finished a sentence on the chain gang returns home. His father, Dee Jackson, is‘a poor share-cropper on the furm of the rich planter, Shay Pearson. One Saturday afternoon Dee and his family go to the county seat at Live Oak, 18 miles away. Jim Deering, the powerful white planter, concerning whose farm tales were whispered that “black men do not repeat too often, even among themselves” is also there. He orders his tool, Sheriff Dan Nichols, to getfour Negroes for him. David wanders off and begins watching seven Negroes playing dice. A fight starts, one of them is stabbed, and David though only an onlooker, is arrested by Sheriff Nichols and his deputies together with four other Negroes. Dee tries to see his son but is refused admis: v. the small window panes at the HE wheels crunched in the road | Stars low iB ue sky, sighed and ruts. Dee's shoulders swayed | ‘ned restlessly. with each motion as though he “Cain’ you sleep, were part of the flat board on | 2sked. which he sat, part of the one-horse He put his hand-out to pat her Dee?” Louise wagon. The reins dangled list- | head as he hag done when their lessly in his hands. mule died and the lord had not “J jes’ felt hit in my bonesdey’d | heard their prayers. Her cheeks were wet to his touch. “Ain’ no sense tuh dat,” he sald kindly. “De lawd’s done fo'got us, Dee,” she wept. “I feel hit in my bones. He’s done ,fo’got us er he neber would a-let, dis happen.” .” he chided. “De lawd neber fo’gits none of his chillun. be trouble w’en I seen Mist’ Deer- in’,” Louise said. GRIEF A wagon ahead stopped before a cabin etched on a ghostly field of cotton. “Dey was fifty husky niggers in town,” Louise said again. “Why bar “fo : did dey have tuh ‘res’ David?” perl ead yeaah A loose wheel rattled. Zebulon | ther things tuh study widout allus studyin’ ‘about de Jacksons. He kicked a board restlessly in his ain’ fo'got. No, suh, Doan you sleep. . neber say dat.” “Doan jes’ set dey lak you's ¥ eihe oe daidI” she exclaimed irritably. | cepr dis was Jan'ry de deputies “Ain’ you got nothin’ tuh say!” would a-slapped him an’ sen’ “Nothin’,” he said slowly him on home. Now, he'll have tuh “Why did dey have tuh ’res’ Da- vid?” she repeated bitterly. “Mist’ Deerin’ has a lot o’ cotton he wants picked.” ran stay in jail fo’ months fo’ co’t sets an’ den be carried tuh de chain gang.” “You cain’ pick cotton in a jail cell. TI reck’n Mist’ Deerin’ll be at de co't house tuhmorrer tuh git ’em tuh sign tuh wuk fo’ him.” He sighed and turned again. “Bes’ go tuh sleep now. We got tuh wuk in de mo’nin’.” SLAVES WANTED Ochlockonee’s acres were heavy with the season’s yield. Negroes walked the furrows with bent backs Meee or crawled om knee-pads to pick pel the cotton before the skies clouded M and equinoctial rains swept the “I hope he bu’ns in hell fo'eber fend: But more Meatoes were ant ebel : : needed, strong Negroes who could ‘Dat'd sho he’p David now. Why pick two hundred, two hundred doan.you hush a and fifty pounds and more a day. “I cain’, Dee,” she cried pitifully. The court of general jurisdiction “I'm all broke up inside an’ I'm | meets twice a year, but white jus- . EARS rolled down her cheeks, She shook her head dejectedly. “Doan tek on lak dat,” Dee said. “An’ me a chu’ch member. Why did de good lawd, bless his name, amen, have tuh do dis tuh me?” “De lawd didn’t do hit. Dey’d a-carried David off eben if dey hadn't bin no fight.” His voice trembled slightly. “Jes’ de meanes’ white man eber seairt dey’ll sen’ him away again.” | tice sheds its lethargy when Ne- __No, I reck’n not. You cain’ | groes are needed in the cotton pick cotton on de roads.” fields. os «@ “DAVID BELONGS TO US” “But David b’longs tuh us. He wuks fo’ us an’ fo’ Mist’ Shay. Mist’ Shay needs his cotton picked Jes’ as bad as Mist’ Deerin’, Reck’n .N Monday morning, after the five prisoners were fed hominy, molasses and black coffee, two dep- uties escorted them to the sheriff. He sat in a large swivel chair be- fore a roll-top desk, “What the hell was the matter with you boys Sat’dee ev’nin’?” he asked genially. “Cain’t you bucks behave yo’se’ves?” “Cap'n, I didn’t” a Negro gan eagerly. * “Yeah, I've heard that befo'. You didn’t do nothin’ an’ nobody else did. There was no fight a7 no cuttin’ an’ no gamblin’ an’ no trouble. Fact is, you boys wasn't even in the county, was you?” FOUR MONTHS TO WAIT The prisoners grinned. ‘The dep- uties grinned. - Nichols spat into a spittoon at his feet, sucked at his teeth thoughtfully, and shook his head. “Boys, y'all got some serious charges against you an’ as the law T cain’t do nothin’ ‘cept hol’ you fo’ trial. Co't’ll set in about fo’ months an’ the jedges'll Jet you know if you go free or get fined or go to the chain gang.” “Fo’ months!” one exclaimed. “Yeah.” He shrugged his shoul- ders regretfully. “Shouldn’t a-cut up so frisky Sat'dee an’ y'all a-bin out in the fields this mawnin’,” “I wasn’t near the place,” the Clayton Negro said sullenly. eC eR TOIL AND STARVATION HER LOT—The wife of a Negro share- “cropper, who, in addition to her household duties, must toil in the fields with her husband in the bit- ter struggles against starvation; just as does Louise, the mother of Dayid Jackson, in “Georgia Nigger.” Though the white ruling class courts are constantly framing up Negroes on rape charges, as they did in the Scottsboro case, it is notorious that many white planters consider the wives ang daughters of Negro crop- sheriff ignored him and con- tinued: 3 “I don’t figger you bucks are a bad lot. I reck’n y’all’s jes’ a bunch o’ fool niggers a 1i’l giddy in the haid from too much life in you. I don't like to hol’ you all this time co’se it'll be months fo’ co’t sets. An’ then maybe you'll go free anyway or maybe git thuty pers their legitimate prey. This has been the experience of every op- presed people in history. Mist’ Shay'd he'p git David out fo? hisse’f?” “I done studied dat. Mist’ Shay borries money f'um Mist’ Deerin’ fo’ one nigger. Mist’ Shay morr’es money f’um Mist’ Deerin’s bank an’ he cain’ mek a enemy o’ him.” “Money, Eb’rything’s money. If we could git some money we'd git Jedge Mayna’d tuh go tuh co’t fo’ him——” “Talk sense, woman,” Dee said YE were cases where Negroes in trouble had gone to white lawyers. Not six months ago old man Crosby, beyond the sunrise bend, who had his own eighteon acres, went to law against a white farmer and all he got was the lawyer's bill. White lawyers do not care about Negroes who oppose planters, especially influential ones, and there were no Negro lawyers within a hundred miles of Live Oak. There was one in Ma- con and another in Atlanta, Negro lawyers who argued against white lawyers before white judges and did not get their heads cracked for impudence; but here in Och- lockonee county white lawyers were unwilling to oppose white planters in a white man’s court. A RESTLESS NIGHT ‘When the mule was unharnessed Dee went to bed. He stared out of days fo’ gamblin’ an’ sixty days fo’ fightin’ an’ maybe six months fo’ resistin’ the law. I reck’n it means "bout a year fo’ y'all git washed up.” Jim Deering opened the screen door to the sheriff's of- fice. His puttees were highly polished and his coat seemed molded to his shoulders. (To Be Continued Tomorrow.) rea WITH THE WHITE PLANTER COME TO CLAIM HIS PREY, WHICH WILL DAVID AND HIS COMRADES CHOOSE: SLAVERY ON THE CHAIN GANG OR ON DEERING’S PLANTATION, CON- CERNING WHICH SUCH OMIN- OUS TALES ARE TOLD? DON’T MISS TOMORROW’S INSTALL- MENT EXPOSING THIS SYSTEM OF KIDNAPPING AND ENSLA- VING NEGROES! Ni Special Article On Haymarket Saturday Brae is the 45th anniversary of the judicial murders aris- ing out of the historic Haymar- ket demonstrations in Chicago, In commemoration of this ep- isode in Amevican labor history, the “Daily Wevker” will publish on this page an article by H. D. Wendell, reviewing the events of 1886, drawing the present-day lessons for the workeis of the U. 8, The article will be illus- trated with photographs taken at the time. |