The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 10, 1932, Page 4

DAILY WORKER, N ‘W YORK, THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 10, 1932 Ine, daily axexept Sunday, a1 80 jerk City, W. ¥. Telephone Algonquin ¢-7066. Cable “DAIWORE.” mati ghoeks fe the Daily Worker, #8 E. 10h @1, New York, N. ¥. i SUBSCBIFTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One ye: $6; six months, $3.50: excepting Bereach of Manhattan and Bronx, New Canada: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; $ months, $2; 1 month, %5e City. Foreign and months, $3 The Election Results REDS of thousands of workers contributed their votes to the landslide that Tuesday placed Roosevelt in the President’s chair and the Democratic Party in control of the Senate and House of Representatives and the State ad- ministrations throughout the country. This was an expres- sion of the deep mass discontent that now prevails, and of the mass hatred of the Hoover Hunger Regime. It was also an expression of the strong ties which the two-Party system still has on the people and of the mass belief in “good men” —in this case, in Roosevelt as a “progressive” and a “liberal” who, in eontrast to Hoover, is expected to do something to ease the terrible pressure of the present prolonged crisis. The fact that Roosevelt was elected as a result of mass confusion and misplaced confidence makes his apparent landslide a very shaky foundation for his incoming administration. He is in complete control; he has complete majorities in the senate and the lower house in Wash- ington; his party controls the most decisive States—States that in the past were always republican. In fact no president ever had such com- plete control of the country as has Roosevelt after this election. There- fore he will have absolutely no excuses for any delay in immediately and fully carrying out his campaign pledges. ‘Therein lies Roosevelt’s difficulties! He has no intentions of carry- ing out his promises for federal relief to the unemployed, for unemplo: ment insurance, for relief to the farmers, etc. The bankers and manu- facturers who nominated him will see to t they will control his poli- eles as they controlled Hoover's. UT the masses of workers and poor farmers who so decisively defeated Hoover and voted for Roosevelt will demand the fulfillment of those promises. They will join in the Hunger March of December 5 to the opening of Congress; they will join in the new march of the ex-service- men for the bonus; they will attend the Farmers’ National Relief Con- ference in Washington. Now more than ever they will believe in the possibility of winning their demands—did not Roosevelt promise to grant them?—and they will fight to win them immediately. When Roosevelt begins to show his real hand, the hopes and illusions of the masses will begin to disappear; their fighting spirit will rise; their confidence in the old-party system will begin to break: they will see more clearly the correctness of the program and-tactics of the Communist Party; they will enter into still sharper struggles during the coming winter under Communist Party leadership. The very moment of Roosevelt's victory is therefore the beginning of his defeat! Tens of thousands of workers and poor farmers, Negro and white, not only came out against Hoover, but also against Roosevelt; they were able to break away from the firmly rooted two-party system. Of these many took the road of the revolutibnary way out of the crisis put forward by the Communist Party; they entered onto the road which must inevitably be taken by the great majority of the toiling population, which leads to-the defeat of capitalist rule, which leads to a Soviet America, ‘The number who have taken this road are not yet known. The elec- tion machinery, the news agencies and the radio are entirely in the hands of the capitalists; they deliberately hold back and even try ‘to suppress the mass support given to the Communist candidates. It is already clear, however, from the scattering returns available (New York City, Cook County, Lawrence, etc.) that the Communist vote has greatly increased over 1930 and 1928, In this respect the Literary Digest poll has proven to be no gauge of the Communist vote; the Socialist Party vote (because the poll reached chiefly the middle class and not the mass of the workers) was greatly over-estimated; the Communist vote is running much higher than the poll predicted. * * * Fr is the great increase in the Communist vote that expresses the grow- ing revolutionary trend among the American masses, because it was won on the basis of a clear-cut revolutionary class policy and in the face of a bitter opposition of the capitalists, disfranchisement of workers, re- moyals from the ballot and a reign of terror. From this mass of workers increased membership for the Communist Party will come; from this group will come the leadership for the sharper fight for relief and in- surance, against wage cuts, for the payment of the bonus, etc. This group will provide the revolutionary steel rod that will stiffen the backs of the masses of the toilers in the fights to come. The Communist voters are the revolutionists who will win the mass of the workers away from Republican, Democratic and Socialist Party influence and for the revo- Tutiona ass struggle under the Communist Party leadership. The Socialist Party vote also incr although proportionately below the Co1 unist increase. This vote was far less than expected by them. Despite all attempts of the bourgéoisie and its press to build up the Socialist vote, the S.P, vote fell far below the predictions, because the masses could not see in the proposals and practices of the Socialists any substantial difference between the reform program of Thomas and the “liberal,” demagogic, brazenly deceptive pro- gtam of Roosevelt. Where the Communists exposed this effectively the workers turned to the Communist Party. ed over its 1928 and 1930 vote, The Socialist Party 1 its presidential candidate, Norman Thomas, was consciously built up as a catch basin for those voters who could not be held within the traditional two-party system. It was built up as a third capitalist party. All the institutions of the bourgeoisie — press, churches, radio, etc—were used to build the Socialist Party. In these efforts two lines were adopted: first, the conservatism, the realiability, the training, etc. of the leading Socialist candidates (Thomas, Hillquit, etc.) were emphasized; second, the “sound” radicalism (peaceful transi- tion to socialism, etc.) of these same leaders was kept in the forefront, particularly as it became necessary to more and more sharply develop the fight to head off the growing Communist influence . > * H igo dual policy greatly influenced the character of the Socialist Party vote, The returns indicate that their greatest gains were not among the workers, in the main, but chiefly in the middle class neighborhoods: among elements who were dissatisfied as result of the cri were breaking away from the two-part: tem, but who nevertheless were not yet ready to go with the workers for a fundamental social change. ‘This element was the majority among the Socialist Party voters. ‘However, there are other elements: the workers, who were lured into the Socialist Party camp thinking that there they would find the road to the defeat of capitalist exploitation, the road to socialism. These workers, for the moment suffering from the pacifist poison of the Social- ist leaders, really desire socialism and will soon be drawn into the strug- gles led by the Communist Party and be convinced of the correctness of the Communist program and tactics. These workers need immediate re- Nef; they are against wage cuts; they are for unemployment. insurance. ‘They will not passively go hungry even at the request of Norman Thomas, ‘These workers will be forced to fight during this coming winter, and through a carefully considered united-front policy must be convinced of fighting together with the revolutionary workers headed by the Commun- ¥ hese can and must be won for the revolutionary way out of the crisis. . . . Ged elections, therefore, while showing the election of Roosevelt as a result of the widespread discontent of the masses, also show the pos- sibility on the basis of the widespread extention of Communist Party influence of going forward to greater and more successful struggles for the immediate needs of the workers. ‘These class battles, in turn, will lead to a still further—and a more rapid— growth of the Communist Party, and the revolutionary under- standing of the masses. The election victories of the Democrats has not and cannot solve the problems of the bourgeoisie; they further the possibility for the revolu- tionization of the masses. The Democratic Party will carry through the same capitalist class, plutocratic policy of driving down the living stand- ards of the workers and preparing for a new world slaughter, The Communist Party will carry forward the fight against the cap- talist class and its government. Forward in the fight against the capitalist offensive! Forward to the revolutionary way out of the crisic’ y « ’ . | PARTY LIFE Can the Workers of the City Lead the Farmers? Te this question, Lenin answers “Yes.” So does the Communist International By lack of action on this ques- tion many of our Party members have answered with the oppor- tunistic “No.” Around most district and section | offices I hear that our -comrades | are so busy with town work that it is impossible to do anything about the farmers, though “it would be a good idea if the Central Com- mittee would send down an ex- perienced farmers’ organizer.” From where do we get experi- enced farm organizers? Experi- enced farm organizers are devel- oped only when and where we are actually organizing farmers. We naturally hesitate to ask that ‘| workers be taken from shop con- centration or other important mass work in the city to go out inte the | country to the farmers. SEVERAL EXCEPTIONS | We found several exceptions to | the above attitude: one, at Por- tage, Pa., and the other at Toledo, Ohio. Near Toledo, at Bowling Green, the farmers were preparing to struggle against the milk corpora- tions. In Toledo our comrades did not wait for “directives” from the district nor the Central Committee, but reacted at once. Our comrades in Toledo are not agrarian experts, most of them have never worked on a farm. Yet they reacted to the struggle in the country. (I be- lieve that a close study of the reso- lutions of the 14th and 15th Plen- ums of the Central Committee had a bearing on this action.) pice nee" FARMERS’ mass meeting was called by the reformist Holiday Association leaders at the fair grounds. Several thousand farm- ers attended. Four cars of workers from the city came down to the meeting. Our comrades were not given a chance to speak, so they started another meeting after the first meeting. A Communist election meeting right on the spot! There our comrades exposed the fakers, urged the united front of workers and farmers and sold 100 copies of the Communist call to Toiling Farmers.” They did not leave any organization behind, it is true, but they did gain contacts and made arrangements for a farmers’ meet- ing at the Bowling Green Court House for Oct. 31. So our com- rades in Toledo are building strong ties with the nearby farmers. In the meantime, has the city mass work suffered? Emphat- ieally, no! WON IMMEDIATE RELIEF This week our comrades led an unemployed demonstration in front of the Toledo Court House. Two thousand workers turned out. It was raining—raining hard. The workers decided to hold the dem- onstration inside of the court house. So they moved into the court house. Our speakers spoke. The workers fought the police off— protected the leaders, and the po- lice were able to arrest only one. This militant demonstration won $10,000 worth of relief at once. A Worker Correspondent, Letters from Our Readers \Suggests Shouting of | Slogans be Organized at All Demonstrations ‘New York, Dear Comrade: Regarding our marches and dem- onstrations. Cheering and shout- ing slogans is usmally not so good. I suggest that grouyw of 30 or more comrades shout slogans in an or- ganized manner—loud, slow and clear, Then people in the houses will at least understand what is shouted—like they do in Germany. WwW. M. EDITOR’S NOTE This is a good idea. Perhaps it would be even better if small groups of shouters of slogans could be organized throughout the marches and in that way have the slogans taken up during the march. Commends I. L. D. for Defense of Workers in Sam Brown Protest New York City. Editor Daily Worker: Dear Comrade:—I was at the Sam Brown demonstration and I was jailed and I commend the In- ternational Labor Defense and specifically Comrade Joseph Tauber for defending us in court and the militancy of the workers for dem- onstrating in and outside the court during the trial. Otherwise we might have been railroaded -to prison for months. Comradely yours, FS. Miners Defy Police On 15th Anniversary WILKES-BARRE, Pa., Noy. 9. 400 Wilkes Barre workers gathered Nov. 7 to celebrate the 15th Anniyer- sary of the Russian Revolution, ‘This showing was made in the face of threats by the police to use tear gas to break up the meeting. The Workers successfully defied the police when they tried to stop the speaker. By J. K. was at the Second Congress of the Soviets in November, 1917. John Reed describes this scene: “Now Lenin gripping the edze of the reading stand, letting his little winking eyes travel over the crowd as he stood there waiting, apparently oblivious to the long rolling ovation which lasted sev- eral minutes. When it finished, he said simply: ‘We shall now proceed to construct the Social- ist order.” From the civil war in 1920, rag- ing amidst the profoundest econo- mic crisis, cut off from the basic sources of fuel and metal, when the stacks of only a few remain- ing factories poured out smoke through the famine year 1921-22; through intervention years when the countryside was depleted of two-thirds of its livestock and the peasants were not able to till a large part of the soil for lack of tools, horses and cattle, the work- ingclass of the U.SS.R. and its vanguard, the Communist Party, labored with such Leninist energy and foresight, that in May, 1931, Comrade Stalin was able to say of a land, which, after the Revo- lution had been parcelled out am- ong 26,000,000 individual peasant households, each tilling its own plot with antique instruments: “May the whole world know that the Soviet Union is being converted from a land of small peasant farms and most. back- ward agricultural technique into a land of big collective farms and of modern agricultural tech- nique.” In_ 1919, Lenin said: “If we could, tomorrow, pro- vide 100,000 first class tractors, supply them with gasoline, pro- vide them with drivers (you know, of course, that this is at present a phantasy), then the middle peasant would say: ‘I am in favor of the Commune’.” (i.e. Com- munism.) But in a land which has over- thrown the landlords and capital- ists who stifled it, fantasy becomes reality. The erstwhile neutral middle peasantry, upon entering the collectives, becomes conve-ted into a stable, true supporter of the Soviet Government in the village. 150,000 tractors were on Soviet fields when the Fifteenth Anniver- sary of the November Revolution was being celebrated. Two-thirds of them are Soviet-made. THE GROWTH OF COLLECTIVES 211,000 collectives, uniting 15,000,- 000 peasant plots and sowing 68% of the spring and winter, crogs, greeted the Fifteenth Anniversary and gave the lie to the slanderers and defamers who, in March 1930, said: “From peasant nags and wooden plows, however combined, you cannot create large scale farm- ing any more than a combination of fishermen’s rowboats can make a steamer... The Socialist recon- struction of farming we view as a matter of decades” (Trotsky). The 88% socialist sector of agri- culture will forcibly correct ‘the: cpportunists who said that “the Soviet farms and collective farms will give the required amount of grain in five or ten years time...” Lenin's words: “We shall now proceed to construct the Socialist order” were no idle words. For the collective farms, utilizing the latest advances in agricultural technique, are the jumping off place for the education of the peasant in the spirit of proletarian social- ism; the collective is radically and with startling.speed remoulding the small farmer along Socialist lines. The first 5-Year Plan transformed the rural toiler from an ignorant, backward, oppressed village drudge into an active, progressive builder of Socialism, a collective farmer. ‘The Second 5-Year Plan will create a classless, socialist society. The entire toiling peasantry will have streamed into the collectives; cent- ury old petty ownership, the brake ‘on the development of the country- side, will have ended. With un- heard of rates of utal- “Congratulations, Big Boy!” izing the opportunity to exploit all the advantages of planned social- ist economy, the U.S.S.R. in the minimum historical period of time will “catch up and overtake” the advanced capitalist countries. The kulak, liquidated as a class, has already answered Lenin’s historic question: “Who will beat whom?” Cee as y Bi year 1935-36 will witness the complete mechanization of farm- ing. By the first half of the sec- ond Five-Year Plan the USS.R. will overtake the United States level of grain production, will catch up with the total production of technical cultures in the U.S.A, By the end of the second Five- Year Plan the U.S.S.R. will over- take the United Statds in the sphere of cattle breeding. By the end of tne. second Five- ‘Year Plan the U.S.S.R. will occupy the first place in the world for almost all branches of agricultural industry. The average consumption of foodstuffs per capita in the U.S. S.R. will leave the average con- sumption of foodstuffs per capita in the capitalist world far behind. WHAT CAPITALISM CANNOT DO Half of mankind is engaged in agriculture and has, since the be- ginning of civilization, existed in a condition of savagery and barbar- ity. Marx commented upon the “Ydiocy of village life.” Under cap- italism there is no way out of this savagery and barbarity, for capit- alism cannot destroy private own- ership of the, means of production and of land, cannot completely Substitute large-scale for small Seale production, and, moreover, in the last days of its decay, lauds the “ideal” small farm; capitalism cannot unite industry and agricul- ture except under the iron heel of finance capital; the “scissors” cuts capitalism’s own throat, in- tensifies its contradictions, hastens the moment of its overthrow by cementing the alliance of the workers and farmers in: joint strug- gless. But the way out of the poverty, savagery, and barbarity of the agrarian population can be found and is being operated in the US.S.R. “Only a society which is cap- able of bringing into harmonious movement its productive forces, to a unified, common plan, will be in a position to distribute them so that it will be possible to spread the large scale Production equitably throughout the land in complete correspond- ceo with its own development | and the safeguarding and devel- oping of other elements of pro- | “duction.” . . . H ga two largest agricultural prod- ucing countries of the globe present themselves for contrast as two different worlds, two different soils, almost. In the U.S.A., 1920 marked the beginning of a chronic agrarian crisis. In the USSR. °1920 was the beginning of progres- sive Socialist construction. 1929 in the U,S.A.: witnesses the stock market crash, the advent of world economic crisis which deepens and is in turn deepened by the chronic agrarian crisis. 1929 in the US, S.R. is the year of a victory of “world historical importance,” the year when millions of peasants moulted from their individualist shells and flowed in a living stream into collectives. Diametrically op- posite from world capitalism, the industrial successes furthered and in turn were furthered’ by the agrarian successes. In 1929, when millions went in rags, a southern town erected a monument to the boll weevil, because,it had destroy- ed past of the cotton crop; but in the U.S.S.R., the “udarnik,” the shock-brigader, who fights onthe front of efficient and increasing production, is the proletarian hero. The slogan capitalist anarchy is “cut the surplus”: the long list of eriminal acts of capitalist ‘vandal- ism {s known to all, The most Tidloulous propesttions become the —By Burek Soviet Farming and the Decay of Capitalist Agriculture “211,000 Collectives, Uniting 15,000,000 Peasant Plots Greeted the Fifteenth Anniversary” scientific solutions” of the vulgar economists. Legge advises the un- employed, pauperized workers to eat more. Capitalist agriculture finds itself tangled in all kinds of theoretical contradictions. Thus the movement to cut the surplus and the ballyhoo of augmenting the purchasing power of the work- ers (while the same finance cap- ital which oppresses agriculture de- crees wage cuts in the cities) is confused .by the propaganda of back-to-the-land bunkcombe. Comrade Stalin in February 1930, in his famous speech, “Dizzy with Success,” could boast to the toil- ing masses of the U.SS.R. that the “Grain Trust alone will have by the end of the Five-Year Plan as much area under grain as the whole of Argentine has today. The Soviet Farms, taken together, will have by the end of the Five-Year Plan 1,000,000 hectacres more un- der grain than the whole of Can- ada has today.” The panic-stricken capitalist politicians were and still are frantically seeking to restrict production, In the U.S.A. the sight of a good harvest is an evil omen; in the world of Socialism, a fine standing crop of grain is a pleas- ing sight. The Domestic Allotment plan is Roosevelt's Five-Year Plan for American agriculture, 'HILE on the collective farm, the workers and peasants are building up a new, socialized, hap- py life, in the U.S.A. the agrarian and industrial isis_ creates a troubled flux of population from farm to city, from city to farm, creates a steady stream of the rem- nants of disintegrated families seeking solutions for their troubles. Here in the world of capitalism, we are horrified at the forward march of technical improvement. Technical reaction reigns. Dr. Os- trolenk, an agrarian “economist,” in the New York Times, lauds the increased use of the horse instead of the rusting tractor as a return to the “good old days,” to prim- itive self-sufficient farming. In the U.SS.R. the collectives have their inventor brigades. SHARP CONTRASTS In the U.S.A. taxes rose 266% since 1913, while farm prices drop- ped over 50% and freight rates were 153% over that year. The selling prices of farm products, be- low their cost-of-production, do not allow the small farmer to meet out the cost-of-production of life itself. While in the U.S.S.R., the money income of the rural popu- Jation increased to 24,000,000 rubles in 1932, as compared with 13,200,- 000 in 1930, and 19,100,000 in 1931, the receipts from the agricultural tax for 1932 will remain the same as last year, Excessive taxation (except for the kulak), eviction (except for the kulak), mortgage, and starvation, are the ghosts of a dead past for the farmers in the USSR. ‘The two fundamental prerequi- sites of decisive importance to the progress of the production in the Soviet. village are: 1. The event which we cele- brate today, the November Revo- lution which nationalized the land and expropriated the land- owners. 2 Complete collectivization. were and are being ac- complished in the U.S.S.R. un- der the leadership of the prole- tariat and its vanguard, the Com- munist Party, and the ally of the proletariat, the small peasantry, by relentless struggle against the big farmer, and the winning over of the middle farmer, The awakening struggles of the American farmers, together with the correct attitude of the Amer- ican workers and their Communist Party toward these struggles, will provide the first applications of cement to the strengthening alli- ance of the workers and small farmers of the U.S.A. The American Proletarian Re- volution—its ‘November 1917” is the only event that will provide bread and freedom for the fazm» pre of the USA, NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE. national pressi order to paint » true picture of the: to use this term as otherwise he woul “Georgia Nigger” is » smashing exposure of the hideous persecution and ” ft the Negro masses. to the white ruling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and contemp! treatment of Negroes which it symbolizes. The Daily Worker Is relentlessly opposed ous The author shares this view, but, in horrible conditions, he considered it necessary have put into the mouths of the boss lynch- ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use.—Editor. INSTALMENT No. 9. THE STORY SO FAR: David Jackson, a young Negro boy who has just finished a sentence on the choin gang, returns home. His father, Dee Jackson, is a share-cropper on the farm of the rich white planter, Shay Pearson. Supposedly free, Dec and his family are ac- tually little more than slaves—Shay Pearson's “niggers.” One Sat- urday afternoon Dee and his family go to the County seat at Live Oak 18 miles away. Jim Deering, the powerful white planter, con- cerning whose farm tales were whispered that “black men do not repeat too often, even among themselves,” is also there. He orders his tool, Sheriff Nickols, to. get four Negroes for him, In the evening David wanders into the Negro quarter and begins watching seven Negroes playing dice outside a lunch room. Now read on: . . . “NE dollar I makes dat six,” the player called. “Come on, gambelers, whey’s you’ money?” “Half a dollar sez you gwine frow a seben,” a voice announced, ‘The clang of silver on the side- walk rang its sharp challenge. “I gota quarter of hit,” another said. “Fifteen cents sez yo's clean outer yo’ haid!” “Ten cents mo’! One dime mo’! Whassa matter? Ain't y'all got no money? Wha’ you doin’ in gis heah crap game? Doan y'all call yo'se’f gambelers, huh! Jes’ a lot o’ cheap niggers, dat’s all-you is!” THE STAKES RISE. “Two dollars sez you is a cheap nigger yo'se’f,” a deep voice said coldly. A huge black threw two dollar bills on the pile of garbage. “Go on, mister,” he urged, “dey’s two dollars. Cover hit, an’ hush yo’ big mouf!” The thrower paused in fondling the dice. I’m bettin’ cullud man, an’ I'm bettin’ one dollar. Hit’s my frow.” 11 you frow is a lot o’ hot air,” the challenger said contemptuously, and picked we the: tills, 1OMEONE laughed __ nervously. Another called irritably: “Come on, do yo’ singin’ in chu’ch. Frow de dice or pass ‘em tuh some- body as will frow ’em! Dis ain’ no prayer meetin’, Frow ’em or pass ‘em! The holder of the dice blew into his palms. “Mudder Mary,” he prayed, “show dese niggers how you an’ li’l Jesus pair up on t’rees!” ‘The cubes flashed out of his hands. A five and a deuce lay up- permost. “Haw!” the deep voice exclaimed. “Try God hisse’f nex’ time!” “You jes’ shoot yo’ mouf off too damn much nigger,” the loser growled. “Maybe you'd lak tuh close hit?” FLASHING STEEL, on A steel blade glinted in the yellow light. The burly Negro granted and clutched at his neck. The as®ailant dropped the knife come to town!” “Sheriff,” the boy said earnestly, “I was walkin’ down de street-——” “Aan? you,” Nichols turned to David, “yo're the nigger that’s jes’ back from the chain gang, huh?” “Yes, suh,” said David, “bat T doan know whut hit’s all about, suh. I was watchin’ de game an’ we'n de fight started I jes ran lak ev'rybody else——” BULLYING A NEGRO “You didn’t do the cuttin’, dd you?” the sheriff demanded, “No, suh! Lawd, no, suh!* “Then what did you run away fo'?" “I didn’t want tuh git in no trouble——” “Bad nigger,” the sheriff inter- rupted with a shake of his head. “Like as not did the cuttin’. “Sheriff, I tells you I didn’t do nothin’!” “He’s a Pearson nigger,” Pitkin remarked casually. “Sheriff, I swears wid my han’ on de Bible I ain't hu’t nobody. Nobody! I was jes’ watchin’ de game—” . Jess PORTS of the ‘stabbing spread. From a man knifed they grew to a Negro killed, two wounded and eight arrested. A crowd gathered on the jail steps. Those arrested were being booked and everyone was anxious to learn the {dentity of the dead man, the injured and the prisoners. After a fruitless search for David, Dee left Henrietta and Zebulon with Louise and, hat in hand, pushed his way up the stairs to the deputy guarding the screened outer door. “Kin I go in, suh?” he pleaded. ‘The deputy carefully selected a spot on the lawn and spat upon it. ‘ “Nobody ‘lowed in,” he said. THE SHERIFF APPEARS Dee waited with the others until Dan Nichols appeared. The sherift was immediately besieged wiih \ questions. “Who bin kilt, suh’ woman asked tearfully. “Nobody, aunty,” he assured her pleasantly, ‘Jes’ a li'l cuttin’ in a crap game, Ain’ nobody bin ” an old THE PRETEXT FOR GETTING PLANTATION SLAVES —By Quirt and fled, Someone scooped up the money and ran. Only the knife was left by the time the restaur- ant proprietor and his two cus- tomers rushed out. “ oe AVID instinctively turneg to the lighted streets, hoping to lose hhimself.in the crowds. Dark forms “Whut's yo’ hurry, nigger?” David lunged to break the hold and was slapped across the moutff. “Stay still,” the votes warned, “or I'll bust yo’ haid!” “I din't.do nothin’,” he protested frantically, Another deputy with a frightened Negro in tow came up. “Here,” he panted, “hold this one!” MORE PRISONERS “I got the knife,” Nichols said Some “How many we ” “Four, an’ Buck's after an- other.” “Sheriff,” pleaded one of the prisoners, “I was walkin’ down de street an’ doan know nothin’ a-tall "bout all dis! What'd he want to ‘rest. me fo'?” “Hush!” Nichols ordered harshly, raising a threatening hand. oe prisoners were marched to a street, light. git biggity evry Ome you killed.” There was a sigh of relief at the news. The sheriff pit a chew from a plug of tobacco and continued, “Five o’ the nigras in the fight’s bin arrested an’ are now in there. Nothin’ to worry about.” “Who's bin arrested?” Dee asked fearfully. Peper Beg ee [CHOLS noticed him for the first time and frowned. “Yo're Dee Jackson, ain't you?” he asked. r “Yes, suh,” Dee sald. “That boy o’ yourn’s allus gittin’ into trouble.” The sheriff shook his head disapprovingly. “Whut he do, suh?” Other voices queried: “Who else bin arrested?” “Kin I see David?” Dee pleaded. “No. Can't nobody see anybody oe." “Mist” Nichols,” Dee CAUGHT AGAIN IN THE NBT OF THE CAPITALIST TERROR LAW, LEGALLY KIDNAPPED LIKE SO MANY NEGROES IN THE SOUTH, AT THE ORDER OF THE POWERFUL WHITE PLAN- TER, DEERING. WHAT UN-« KNOWN TERRORS AWAIT DAV. ID ON DEERING’S PLANTATION? DON'T MISS TOMORROW'S Ie | ‘THIS : STALMENT OF ING EXPOSURE THE FARMS IN THE é be {f