The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 9, 1932, Page 4

Page Four DAILY oe Published by the Compredaity Publishing Co., 19h St, New York City, W. ¥. ‘ Address and mall cheeks te the -, dally exsxept Gumday, at 10 R Telephone ALronquin 4.7998, Ondle “DAIWORK.” Dally Worker, 58 K. 13th St. New Yorn, M. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION Rares: By mall everywhere: One year, 86; six months, $3.50: exeepting Boroogh of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Caneds: One year, $9; 6 months, $5; 5 oreign and Close Your Ranks on the Scottsboro Front! “Neither can it have been due to the outery in Washington and cities, as well as in Moscow and by European Communists, that a spirit of wicked class prejudice pervades the United and that no justice can be had for the poor and ignorant,” —New York Times, Nov, ¥, * . . re offensive of the capitalist class and their press, of the NAACP leaders, the Socialist Party and the professional liberals, following the decision of the Supreme Court in the Scottsboro case, is directed more sharply than ever to the demobilization and disarming of the mass movement for unconditional release of the innocent boys, led by the Com- munist Party and the International Labor Defense, The mass movement must be given far wider scope. Fresh forces must be enlisted. From the unions, from the fraternal societies, from the ranks of professional people and intellectuals, must be recruited all who are willing to fight for the lives and liberty of the Scottsboro bo s. The fight for their unconditional release is the fight against capitalist terrorism and suppression which affects the whole working class and all who labor. ; Every possible support must b. given the Labor Defense. The Scottsboro boys are in greater dan, time since the first days of the frame-up. No time has been wasted by the imperi to capitalize the verdict in the interest justice.” The campaign to replace the tarnished gilding of the courts with a new luster of impartiality unaffected by te artiality ed by the class si s energetically under way. ae Yesterday we wrote that the Scottsboro decision of the United States Supreme Court “is one of the most brazen and far-reaching maneuvers ever attempted by American capitalist government.” We said further that the ruling class is “hoping by this action to restore confidence in = guniciary in particular and capitalist democracy in general,” that “the jupreme Court verdict is supposed to confound all critics cial Communists.” Races The fact that the Scottsboro case arose directly out ment of masses in the South and the double oppr x South and the de ppression of the Negro masses throughout the United States is entirely ignored by the capitalist Press and its yes-men in comments upon the verdict, The statement of the National A sociation for the Adv; Colored People, issued by Walter W1 i ciaae es International ger than at any alist press in going into action S-of the fair name of “American of the enslaye- ite, executive secretary ignores this all-import: fact end of course says nothing about the mass struggle for t. e of the ottsboro boys & part of the struggle for Ne- aro li ion. V.A.A.C.P. goes even farther than the New York ‘Times, White says: “Tt is to be hoped that prejudice from either side may be Kept out of the retrial in a2, end that the innocence of the dete: ts, of which we ced, may be clearly established.” , Convinced of t r innocence but consigning them once again to the lynch cc of Alabama! In other words. the NAACP would have the Negro m e that the lives and liberty of the Scottsboro boys are safe the hands of the courts of the white oppressors—providing that “prejudice from either side” is eliminated. But the hatred of these boys and their race on the part of the capitalist class an is — of the outstanding facts in the United States, learly the NAACP is renewing its sabotage of the I BY WHICH THESE VICTIMS OF IMPERIALIST OPPRESSION oom BE FREED—UNITED FRONT MASS ORGANIZATION AND STRUG- GLE. The NAACP is upholding the hands of lynch justice and defend. ing the capitalist courts against the interests of the Scottsboro boys and against the interests of the Negro masses for whom it pretends to speak. Ernst and Roger Baldwin of the Civil Liberties Union also join in the chorus of praise for the Supreme Court. No one knows better than these two professional iiberals that the reversal of the Alabama verdict was the result of mass protest world-wide in scope organized by the Com- munist Party and the International Labor Defense. In their published interviews, over which the New York Times is able to put the headline” “Scottsboro Ruling Evokes Praise Here”, they say not one single word about the mass defense or the need for continuing and broadening it, All these elements play their special role in support of the campaign d its hangers-on for the glorification of American capitalist justice launched by the New York Times. lated capitalist maneuver. In one way or another they echo The Ernst emphasizes “the indifference to ing down its decision just before elec! ‘imes’ main thesis, polities shown by the court in hand- tion,” He praises this coldly caleu- Baldwin bases his future policy for the rele: se of the Scottsboro boys ™pon the common sense of the Alabama au saying anything about their burning represent in terms of “white su ficials will now recognize ‘the flimsy case against the boys the release them on bail and forget another trial.” : ives of he boys are to be them—not But confound tl am regard to the virtues of pi Capitalism and its courts. The Times pipes the tune for the whole “The opinion was written by Mr. Jus y” mem that it cannot be set down to a weak sentimentalism. been called the most “react hatred of Communists, check mass strug, ties but refrains from eir victims and all they : “If the Alabama of- will now idwin the y the “flimsy le which saved He According to Ba y secured bh: t and stru prevented frame- apable the purpose is to trengthen the illusions urely legal procedure and restore faith in Sutherland who has often of the Supreme Court, so _“However people may feel about the case itself, there will be, we believe, general approval of the lofty position takn by the majority of the Supreme Court. of human rights.. the lowliest, and important judicial decision. ‘That great tribunal appears once more as mindful - It is not often that we see the issue of justice to Possibly most unworthy, so clearly appearing in an It ought to abate the rancor of extreme while confirming the faith of American people in the sound- ness of their institutions and especially in the integrity of their courts,” (Our emphasis.) “God’s in his heaven and all's well with the world!” case of nine young Negro boys in one of “our” know, the usual sort of thing down there,” is no longer cause for worry or agitation, ‘The annoying Southern states, “You has been passed upon. There The innocent boys will be tried again and convicted with the most scrupulous regard for their “legal” 5 . gal rights. The Supreme Court has justified the confidence all good citizens rightfully repose in it. ‘This is the strategy of the capitalist class and its servants. They are striking through the Scottsboro boy: at the growing mass movement for Negro rights and liberation headed by the Communist Expose the demagogy of the capitalist. press ranks of the working class! and its outposts in the Bring greater masses into the united front struggle for the release of the Scottsboro boys and Negro liberation! The danger of lynch justice for the nine innocent boys has been in- creased a hundredfold by the Supreme Court decision. Close the ranks and organize in every industrial center and in the countryside the forces of the toilers under the leadership of the Communist Party and the In- ternational Labor Defense. The R.F.C. Not Formed to Aid Owners of Homes is some information that H might interest the world war veteran who wrote in the Worker | Cc idence column about losing his home. Out of 1,500 home owners in New York City who applied to the Re- construction Finance Corporation for loans to save their homes from mortgage foreclosures, not a single one received one cent so far. These 1,500 home owners have learned that Hoover's widely advertised scheme for ‘saving homes” is only another method of giving billions to.the banks and nothing to work- ers. Further evidence of the hollow recently fraud of the home loan bank scheme is shown in the report of one mortgage company that, when the company applied to the Recon- struction Finance Corporation for & $100,000, it was asked to put up $300,000 good collateral. The com- pany pointed out that if it had $300,000 collateral it could get a loan of $100,000 at any bank. Re- construction Finance Corporation loans are reserved for millionaires like Dawes, and not even the ordi- nary mortgage company, from whom workers borrow money for their small homes, can get a look in, LIGHTING IN MOSCOW According to plans considered by the Moscow Soviet, 6,000 new lamps and 200 projectors will be added to the city’s lighting system in the very near future The Hungry ie Will March and Fight! By ANN BARTON GHTEEN per cent of the tens of thousands of women without, homes, are suffering from “nervous and mental ills” because of worry. The Emergency Unemployment Relief Committee, which is setting out to collect $15,000,000 (from whom we'll see later), issues these figures in preparation for a Hotel Astor dinner, where Harvey D. Gibson will speak on the ‘Workers’ Responsibility in Raising $15,000,- 000 (there we have it!) For Relief in New York City this Winter.” A glimpse at the “helpful” ac- tions of the past, of those in official and semi-official relief and aid po- sitions, the past treating of the “nervous and mental” ills of the unemployed, will indicate more clearly the attitude of those paid by the workers, and employed by the bosses, to “aid” the unem- ployed, MALNUTRITION AND PELLAGRA Pellagra has swept the children of Missouri. Kennett, Mo., reports two dozen cases in developed stages in a few days. More are added daily to the list. In New York WORKER, } City, the Department of Health Weekly Bulletin gives the follow- ing statistics of malnutrition, in proportion to cases examined, as follows: 1929 . 13.4 1930 . 16.1 1931 .. 17.1 1932 (for only Ist quarter) 20.5 In the face of these facts, Sur- geon-General Cummings of the U. S. Public Health Bureau, comes to the assistance of the govern- ment’s propaganda agencies by minimizing unemployment and its effects. He issues a statement to the effect that the poverty of the American masses is not under- mining public health. In one state- ment, he says, “In spite of the | contrary testimony of scores of mu- nicipal and state health authori- ties, public health has not been impaired since the depression began.” THE RED CROSS And what is the Red Cross con- tribution to the health of the un- employed? Miss Mabel Boardman, secretary of the National Red Cross, speaking before ‘the Penn- sylvania Nurses’ Home at Pitts- | burg, says, “Among the things the | Red Cross is doing is citizenship on | the East Side of New York, Many of the parents, you know, come over | from Russia. But you should see | the American flag they sewed. We only allow them to work on the flag a little bit at a time, as a reward for good behavior. We are educating them in service .. .”! “Mental and nervous illness” is behind (in a single issue of the Boston Herald), the following sui- cide items: “Peter Abazorious, 47, of Hyde Park, suicide by drowning. He couldn't find work. Raymond Pratt, suicide by hanging. Laura Sileox, suicide by drowning. She couldn’t find a job. Charity patient at Tewksbury State Hospital, vet- eran, John F. Millikow of Brook- line, suicide by hanging, man eT Ce IN CHICAGO, Sara Nattes, 21, | mother of a boy of 3 and a girl of 2, tried to kill herself in desperation, because of the seeming | hopelessness of her struggle with starvation. Her husband out of work, an eviction notice served on her, the furniture dealer serving notice that her furniture would be taken away, she took poison. Mrs. Helen Pabon of New York, 31 years old, hurled her five-year-old daugh- ter, Edna, out of the window. Then she climbed onto the sill, and her- self leaped to the pavement. Both died. And the police held indict- ment for no one except Mrs. Pabon. The verdict of police was “crazed by poverty.” HUNGER PROPAGANDA ‘The New York State Department of Health feels itself @alled upon to weakly apologize for many state~ ments like Cummings’. Their news | service release of October, 1932, Ys “many official reports pub- ed recently twéicate that death and sickness rates’ are unusually low; in fact death rates have never been lower. Some peovle have in- terpreted this falling off in deaths as due to the depression. It has even been said that these hard times are good for the health of our people... “Of course, it is a fact that in prosperous times many people eat too much rich, indigestible foods. Plain sensible food will do such people good. But a larger number of people who, even in prosperous times, had to live on the cheaper foods, now find it difficult to get sufficient food to maintain health. This is true in impoverished fam- ilies where children especially may not be getting a suitable diet, bal- anced to contain required food ele- ments.” The news release ends with the cynical statement: “Good health was never a better investment. Let us protect our full share now.” * INEMPLOYED workers, through four years of unemployment, and the propaganda of the bosses’ propagandists and apologists, learn that the Red Cross, relief group, doctors, are not concerned primari- ly with the “mental or nervous ill- nesses,” the starvation diseases, the health of the unemployed, but are occupied with minimizing the sui- cides, the misery, disease and death of the unemployed, are occupied with quieting the voice of the un- employed. Unemployed workers, Negro and white, joining hands all over the country, today are refusing to com- mit suicide because of hopeless- ness. MASS FOR HUNGER MARCH! They have seen struggles in St. Louis, Chicago, other cities where mass action, mass protest, mass de- mand has wrung from the bosses, from their “relief” agencies, real relief, where struggle has forced the hossex to give relicf. food, medical By Their By JAMES S. ALLEN L 'HE Scottsboro Case, the unem- ployed struggles, the fight of the Camp Hill croppers, other struggles, have laid bare the sharp class lines among the Negro people, and on the other hand showed where the various announced “friends” of the Negroes stood in relation to Negro liberation.” * Previously the Socialist Party had contented itself simply with a the- oretical denial of the existence of a Negro question as such. But this policy of simply accepting the con- ditions of double exploitation and oppression of the Negro people in action could no longer suffice in the face of growing struggles and radicalization. The clear formula- lation of the Communist position on the Negro question, the leading of the whole struggle for Negro lib- eration into consistent and effective revolutionary channels, forced the “Socialists,” whose whole aim. is “to avert revolution” (Norman Thomas), into a direct attack upon the Communists and, with. that, upon the liberation struggle itself. DENY EXISTENCE OF BLACK BELT When the Communist Party, dur- ing the election campaign popular- ized its program and gave it con- tent in reality by nominating James W. Ford, a Negro worker and Com- munist leader, for Vice-President, the “socialist” leaders knew no bounds in their denunciation of the Communists. Being the most. sen- sitive advance agents of the capi- talists, they were the first to real- ize the danger of the program to capitalism. The “socialists” concentrate their whole attack upon the demand for the right of self-determination. Morris Hillquit and Norman Thomas, the “right” and “left” of the S. P.,. do not recognize such a right for the Negro people. This is consistent with the policy of the Second (“Socialist”) International, which also does not recognize the right of colonial peoples and op- pressed nations to complete inde- pendence, But to cover up their outright denial of the principle of self-determination, the 8.P. lecders deny that such a right can even be claimed by the Negro people, because, they say, the Negroes do not have a territory on which this right can be exercised. They deny the existence of the Black Belt, as @ continuous stretch of territory on which the Negroes constitute the majority. Norman Thomas finds aid, money, houses, to the unem- ployed. ‘They are massing together now, {n all towns, in front of the quiet coal tipple of the closed mines, before the gaping windows of the textile mills, whose machinery has been wantonly destroyed by the bosses, on the farms where the farmers through: their sweating labor have reaped’ “stones,” in: the steel towns—sending their elected delegates into the ranks of the eight columns of the National Hunger March, ‘The hungry will not commit sul- cide, the jobless will. not. ‘be over- - come by “mental and nervous” illnesses. Instead, they have joined . from hundreds of cities and farms to demand of the Federal govern- ment, the heart of the bosses’ op- pression, relief,.and unemployment insurance, — ON TO WASHINGTON! Be In the Workers’ Congress in Washington, delegates from the four corners of the country will speak for those who have elected them. On December 5, represent- ing the millions of jobless of the country, they will demand Unem- ployment Relief and Unemploy- ment Insurance, ‘The futile apologists for death, disease and starvation, on Decem- ber 5, will find they ¢anrigt quiet. the unemployed. Their ‘roaring~ demands cannot be quieted ‘until the bosses’ government will be compelled to give immediate un- employment relief and unemploy- ment insurance. On to the Hunger March to Washington! 4 “You'll Have to Find Another Way, Suh!” The Socialist Party Denies Existence of the Black Belt W YORK, WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 9, 1932 —By Burek | Words and Deeds the S. P. Misleaders Uphold' Oppression of the Negro People that according to census figures only one state, Mississippi, has a clear majority of Negroes, and like an ignorant—or shall we say for- getful?—schoolboy, asks where “the autonomous Negro republics” are to be. WE ARE “DUBIOUS MATHEMATICIANS” The official organ of the S. P., the /‘New Leader,” of Nov. 5, 1932, in_ what pretends to be “only a small section of a more detailed study,” presents a map and an im- posing array of figures which are supposed to prove that the “Com- munist plank of ‘self-determina- tion of the Black Belt’, . . is both mathematically dubious and inept and historically misleeding in the face of the great Negro migrations going on at the present time.” The author of this “highly schol- arly article,” who cannot even avoid .mistakes in simple addition, accuses the Communists of “‘con~ venient mathematical reckoning” to “conjure up for themselves a ‘continuous Black Belt’.” He finds that the accepted principle of classification whereby a county having a Negro population of 49.6. per cent is classed with the ma- jority Negro counties, when used by the Communists “casts light upon the honesty of their ‘scholarship’.” ee Ae IKE typical petty-bourgeois poli- ticlans who stoop to slander when they are unable to meet the arguments of their opponents, the “New Leader” is reduced to prac- tice mathematical magic under the cloak of scholarship, in order to deny the existence of the continu- ous Black Belt. They can do it in no other way. To prove his point, the “social- {st scholar” adduces three argu- ments: (1) Only in Mississippi are the Negroes in a majority, and only a tiny one at that; (2) there has been a great northward migration of Negroes since the war, which, if I may conclude his argument, is reducing the Negro majority in the Black Belt; (3) figures are mar- shalled in an attempt to show that there is no continuous stretch of territory with a Negro majority. NEGRO MIGRATIONS To take his second argument first: During the World War and up to 1922 there were mass migra- tions of Negroes from the Southern plantations to industrial centers both in the North and South. The number of Negroes migrating to the North during this period is various- ly estimated (there are no exact figures) at from 500,000 to 1,000,000. This was a movement of tremen- dous significance to the Negro peo- ple and to the working class as a whole. For, during the brief period of a few years, it turned hundreds of thousands of Negro peasants in- to industrial workers and strength- ened the decisive class in the strug- gle for Negro liberation. At the same time it increased the northern market of the. Negro ‘bourgeoisie, broadened its base; and thus ini- tiated a strong bourgeois national- ist current among the Negroes, The Northern Negroes were sub- to fiercer oppression as a national minority by the ruling class, At the same time, the draw- ing of Negro and white workers into the same industries in the North created the basis for the growing class solidarity we are ex- " periencing* today. ee T THE ‘time of. these migrations Negto population would be diffused NEW HOMES IN MOSCOW The Moscow House Building Trust this year completed 17 five-story housese of 60 apartments each for the Moscow Soviet, two for the Ball-bearing plant, and one for a building cooperative, an aggregate of 1,300 apartments. In addition, ‘three school buildings and four me- “ical clinics were finished. Eleven more houses are nearing completion, | some of them extensions of older structures. Next years program calls for 55 houses, 20 for the Mos- over the whole country, that the Black Belt with its serious threat at capitalism because of the spe- cially oppressed condition of its concentrated Negro majority would © dissolve of itself. This argument, together with the contention that industrialization in the Black Belt itself would turn the Negro peas- antry into a working class and thus remove the objective condition for.a national revolutionary strug- gle in the Black Belt, is also used by the Lovestonites, renegades from Communism, to deny the demand for the right of self-determination. MIGRATIONS STRENGTHEN LIBERATION STRUGGLE But the mass migrations to the North did not cut very deeply into the Negro majority in the Black Belt. While the Negroes were es- eaping in such large numbers from peonage and unbearable condiitions on the cotton plantations, large numbers of “poor whites” were also cnigrating into industry both in the North and South. Moreover, the number of Negroes going North was almost equalled by the Negroes leaving the plantations for indus- try on the border of the Black Belt, the latter phase of the migra- tion being a much older movement. In accordance with their policy of forcibly retarding the economic growth of a subject people, the ‘Yankee imperialists had constructed their main heavy industrial sec- tions (with the exception of the textile industry, from which Ne- groes are almost entirely excluded) not in the Black Belt proper, which was forced to continue to serve its main function of supplying cheap cotton, but outside of the Black Belt. This inner-southern migration of the Negroes, far from removing the conditions and necessity for a revolutionary emancipation strug- gle, strengthened that struggle and its potential leaders. For these Negro workers, with one foot still in the soil, were increasing the Negro working class in the South and coming face to face with the Southern white workers in indus- try, who, no matter how much im- bued with white chauvinism, are bound to forge and are forging bonds of solidarity with the Negroes in the struggle against capitalism. The struggle for liberation thus entered with greater force into southern industry, broadening the field of that struggle and merging with the whole struggle against capitalism. As a result of these developments the population figures have changed very little in the Black Belt since 1910.. Over a period of 20 years the total population in the Black Belt proper increased by, only 1,000,000, while the Negro popula- tion remained at the same figure. THE “SCHOLAR” , MAKES A DISCOVERY “°From 1922 on, Negro migration 46 the North: diminished, © Today “there-is a reverse movement among the Negroes, part of the general and yet incipient trend back to farms, under the influence of the deep crisis and widespread unem- ployment. Government statistics for 1930 and 1931 show that there is more migration from the cities to the farms than from the farms to the cities. To return to our “New Leader” “scholar,” may we not wonder by “what inhuman efforts of scholar- | ship he has been able to discover ig i Negro. migration (to the ‘north—J. A:) going on the present time”? ee fies “Socialists,” of course, are but too glad to grasp at the picture of a dissolving Black Belt. Its a part of their general con- cept—or wish—that all the difficul- ties of capitalism, all its contradic- tions, will be removed in a peace~ ful, harmless and painless manner. But the Black Belt remains, in spite of migrations beginning even in 1876, as a thorny problem in the heart of capitalism and as an arena on which a revolutionary struggle of inestimable aid and value to the whole struggle of the proletariat, is maturing, NEGRO SLAVERY TODAY) John L. Spivak’s Stirring Novel "GEORGIA NIGGER” NOTE. rgin Nigger” is » smashing exposure of the hideous persecution and national oppression of the Negro masses. ‘The Daily Worker is relentlessly opposed to the white ruling class term, “nigger,” and to the oppression and: contemptuous treatment of Negroes which it symbol order to to use ti es. int a true picture of these horrible conditions, he considered it necessary term as otherwise he would have put into the mouths of the boss lynch- The author shares this view, but. im ers terms of respect for Negroes which they do not use,—Editor. INSTALMENT & THE STORY SO FAR: David Jackson, a young Negro boy who has finished a sentence on the chain gang, returns home. His father, Dee Jackson, is a share-cropper on the farm of the rich white planter, ® Shay Pearson. Sup; more than slaves— Dee and. his family 1 18 miles away. ay Pearson's sedly free, Dec and his family are actually little “niggers”. fe in their wagon to the county seat at Live Oaky Many Negro and white croppers are in town, as well One Saturday afternoon as Jim Deering ,the powerful white planter, concerning whose farm tales were whispered that "black men do not repeat too often, evem among themselves.” Deering orders his tool, Sheriff Dan Nichols, to get four Negroes for him. Now continue: = s . IN the years Jim Deering had been amassing his wealth, few ‘were known to have received wages from him even in seasons when crops brought high prices. ‘He cheated his Negroes so openly that they risked the anger of the law and ran away. Even whites who went to work for him fled. There was difficulty with labor each year and each year at planting time the sheriff, placed in office by the politically influential landowner, Picked up foot-loose Negroes in the county who, rather than serve time on the chain gang for vagrancy, usually agreed to work off the fines the planter offered to pay. Two years ago, at a time when Deering’s acres were blanketed with a stupen- dous crop, other farmers demanded their share of vagrants. He offered $40 a month, but no Ochlockonee Negro would sign, and in desperation he forced three black} and one white into his car at the point of a pistol and took them to his farms, The white escaped and found his way to Atlanta and the resulting difficulty gave Dan Nichols trouble before it was smoothed over. ARMED GUARDS The county Negroes feared Dee- ring. There were rumors that he had armed guards to keep his workers from running away. The white man told of it in Atlanta, but the planter explained that the func- tion of the armed watch was to protect his property. A crazy “nig- ger” had once set fire to a barn and after that the patrol was estab- lished, he said. ae Bee afternoon sun beat upon the creaking Jackson wagon. No neighbor was visible on the road to Live Oak; they were alone in a world of heat waves dancing on a deserted highway. The perspiration ran down Dee's face. Louise’s polka around the county seat and petered out in little clearings of cabbages | and tomatoes or weed-covered fields, Winding, dusty lanes were its streets and flies buzzed about the cakes of horse dung that dotted them. The paint on “Nigger Town” homes had long sinee worn off, but their ugliness was hidden by ram- bler roses and leafy vines that twined over. the trelliseq porches and clambered up the walls. Here, on lazy Saturday afternoons, old men and women sat drowsily on the stoops, smoKing their pipes and staring somnolently at the children playing on the red streets, THE CLEAN LITTLE HOUSE é In Mockingbird Alley was the clean little house owned by Mage nolia Holland. Each year it was given a coat of paint and when spring and summer came the veran- dah was almost hidden by honey- suckle vines. Its windows were draped with spotless curtains and at night heavy blinds were drawn, It had the air of a deserted place by day, but when the town lights showed bright in the distance it became alive. Laughter mingled with soft tunes from a radio and Negroes came to ring the door-bell. Near her house was a lunch room with an orange and yellow sign “Eats.” The restaurant's lone wins dow was opaque with the dirt and dust of weeks and on Saturday nights Negroes with a little money gathered under the yellow light struggling through to the sidewalk and shot crap . These were Live Oak’s oases for visiting blacks, and though fights’ often started there, the sheriff closed his eyes. Negroes were needed for the county's public work and the law could always fing there @ supply of misdemeanor offenders, SYMBOL OF TERROR AGAINST NEGROES—This beautiful build- ing, photographed from an aeroplane, is the headquarters of the Ku Klux Klan at Atlanta, Ga. Built with the money squeezed out of the toil of workers, both black and white, it is the center from which the most savage terror against Negroes spreads throughout the entire state, Organized originally against the Negro masses, the Ku Klux Klan has become a fascist instrument of the southern ruling class against the white workers, too. It serves as an auxiliary to the “legal” terror which operates through such hirelings of the white planters as Sheriff Dan Nichols in “Georgia Nigger”. The two clippings from southern news- papers tell of the Klan’s recent activities. dress clung damply to her body. Her neck glistened under @ large, straw hat. Saturday meant half a day’s work and relaxation among people, streets and bright lights and store win- dows; an ice cream cone or a red lolly-pop for Zebulon, and boys who would jostle Henrietta’s skinny body and send thrills of awakening sex through her, and for David, there was adventure when the sun set and black girls laughed invitingly in the half-lighted streets and alleys of “Nigger Town.” YOUNG BLOOD Dee halted his mule in an open lot two blocks from the town hall square. Two young Negroes stand- ing beside a nearby wagon ogled Henrietta with glarices that brought giggles from her. , “Doan you go tuh laughin’ at dem niggers,” Louise said irritably. “Leab de chile be,” Dee advised mildly “Ain you neber laughed w'en you was a fool gal?” “T ain’ neber laughed dat foolish!” She slapped the girl briskly. “Why, dat gal ain’ ol’ enough tuh know her own name an’ here she's makin’ eyes at ‘em! A sin, dat’s whut hit is!” “You done a li'l sinnin’ yo’se’f wen you was a gal. Leab de chile be.” wines) @ AVID jumped from the wagon with an angry frown and the two youngsters turned away. “Dev’s Mist’ Deerin’,” Dee said was crossing. “He didn’t come tuh buy no kerosene,” Louise said under her breath, “He neber do come tuh down on Sat'dee widout wantin’ he’p on his farms. De sheriff'll be pickin’ up some stray niggers dis ev’nin’ fo’ sho. “BE CAREFUL” Louise turned sharply to David: “You keep outuh mischief, d’you hear? I doan wan’ you tuh go git- tin’ intuh no trouble an’ git carried tuh de chain gang again,” “He'll be alright,” Dee said slowly “but dey ain no sense gittin’ intuh no messes.” eos UR blocks north of the square was the first of the squalid build- ings of “Nigger Town.” It sagged an unpaved street across from home of a poor white who did jobs in Live Oak. “Nigger ” wound in ag8 sie a@ young girl had hailed David softy from a porch, and he always passed the house when in town, but the call was never re- peated. Only from dark alleys still warm with the day’s heat, white men whispered furtively as he passed: ? “Hey, nigger, want a drink?” David knew that he who had a dime stepped into the alley and passed it quickly to an outstretched hand. A bottle was tendered and tilted upward. There were many whites peddling white mule made on lonely farms and brought te town. expressly for the Saturday visitors. In the hazy tight from the lunch room seven Negroes eagerly watched Fate roll two dotted cubes. Dimes and quarters lay on the sidewalk,, David stopped to peer enviously al a youth rubbing the dive bet his palms. (Continued Tomorrow) (VRS eS WHILE DAVID LOOKS INNO- CENTLY ON, HOW ARE THE SHERIFF AND HIS DEPUTIES PLOTTING TO CARRY THROUGH DEERING’S ORDERS? BE SURE AND READ TOMORROW’S STORY Of THE KIDNAPPING! Seize 28 Cubans for “Being Communists” HAVANA, Cuba, Nov. 8—Machado’s butcher police, Saturday arrested 28 workers in a raid on a meeting at Lu. yano, a suburb of this city, and put them into the medieval torture dun- geons of the local prison, where hey are held incommunicado, charged with “being Communists.” Hundreds of similar arrests have been made within the past few weeks. " Many of those arrested are never heard of again, or only seen dead and horribly mutliated. nt today stated A police that workers found celebrating the anniversary of the Russian Revolu- be arrested. print shop, Leibel Vinograd, Pincus Seidman, and Chone Geller, are still held incommunicado, One worker. was shot in the raid. ‘The International Reg Aid, of which the International Labor Defense is tthe American section, has called for protests from workers all over the world against the reign of terror and jmurder, being carried by Butcher Ma- * f