The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 1, 1932, Page 4

om — Luge cour hed by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 0 BR. th St., New York City N. ¥. Telephone ALronquin 4-7906, Cadle “DAIWORE.” ddress and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, York, K. ¥. Ey 13th St, New | Dail |. | SUBSCRIPTION One year, $ Borough of Manhat One_year, RATES: six months, $3.50; $ months, $2; 1 month. n and Bronx, New York City. Foreign and 6 months, $5; 3 months, $3 excepting | By mail everywhere: Whose Dictatorship, Mr. Hillquit? Rand School in New Y n Sunday juit declared that Ne York Cit ruled by a dictatorship of bankers more s and des- potic t the Communist Dictat in Moscow” and pledged himself, if electe o t ¢ y to put an end to the legalized robbery e people by the bankers who control the utility companies in Nee York. Hillquit is chairman of the Socialist Party v claims to have adopted the “principle of the class s le” at its recent Milwaukee convention. But class distinctions play no part in his evalu- ation of a capitalist and workers’ governme his chieftain of the Socialist Pa it ars, cannot assail the ruling class in the United St s without temper- ing his remarks by an at against the Soviet Proleta Ostensibly he is opposed to dictat in the United § in Italy or in the land of the Soviet viet Union the d ship of the proletariat is directed a ti is used to root out the remne where the exploitation of man by man w Union, the working class and toilers h i r y as well ¢ the working class and pe have no rights. to build a society ed. In the Soviet ; the working class In the Soviet Union, the capitalist class the rights, to the d torship of capitalism in the United States Jemocracy for the rich and a desp: 's are kept under the iron heel of car dustries and all the social institutions, into a condition of poverty. This distinction Hillquit ignores. ynote speech at the Milwaukee convention of the S. P., re was political democracy in the U. S. a dictatorship of capitalism, he s: sition as expressed in his Rand School speech? No. He means to state that the bankers have super-imposed upon the political democracy an undesirable dictatorship which he will do a with if he comes into of- ¢ In he stated Only in industry is there ys, Has Hillquit departed from his po- fice. Hillquit, therefore, in reality is not opposed to the dctatorship of capitalism, He is covering up the fact that not only in New York but throughout the entire coun capitalism is in complete domination in the country nd through through the control of polies, through the bu of the state, police, army and navy, they rule as firmly as a dictatorship ILLQUIT is out to give e impression that by a mere transfer of political power from one party to another, from the Democrats to the Socia S, a Change will take place in lass relations. But the value ices of Milwaukee where the nd big usiness interests carry Socialist Party which has cut re~ d in some instances even position can be seen from the Socialist Party rules. There the banker through their dictatorship through the lief and wages on city jobs, jailed wor more savagely than the open capitalist administrations in other cities. He who places the proletarian dictatorship side by side and in the same category as the capitalist dictatorship only covers up the latter and uses it to maintain this rule. Without breaking the power of the bar the trusts, without estab- lishing the control of the workers in industry and establishing a Work- ers’ and Farmers’ Government no fundamental change in the class posi- tion of the workers can be achieved. The Communist Party fights for the establishment of a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government, for breaking the power of the bankers—through nationalization of banks, railroads, means of communication, which can be done only by breaking the gov- ernment power of the capitalist class and ablishing the power of the working class. Roosevelt and Unemploy- ment Insurance OVERNOR ROOSEVELT’S campaigners declare that he is in favor of unemployment Insurance, that he “has constantly and courageously advocated such farsighted in- dustrial measures as unemployment insurance.” What are the facts On October 1 of this year, Bruere, chairman of the Governor over the signature of Henry Commission on Unem- ployment Problems, a letter was sent to all employing con- cerns in New York which states: “At the last session of the Legislature the committee known as the Marcy Committee, its full name being the Special Legislative Committee of Unemployment, recom- mended that action by the Legislature with regard to compulsory in- surance be postponed in the belief that industries throughout the state of New York would adopt, and in fact were so doing, unemployment he spring of 1932 when the Legisla- ‘k State totalled ture was in session and approximately 1,500,000, and was ir intensity and scope of the crisis, the state government, headed by Roosevelt, de- cided to postpone action for unemployment insurance. Second, this letter shows that the whole question of unemployment ‘surance was left to the employers. The Roosevelt plan of u 1 rance is not only an Insult to the working class in the starvation allowance proposed, but it is a scheme which tightens the contre! of the capitalists over the workers. The m: lum amount which the plan would allow unem- ployed workers is $10 per week for no more than 10 weeks in any one Millions of workers have been unable to find work for two years and more The “voluntary” character of the plan is an extension of the vicious “company welfare” and “company union” schemes used to prevent mil- {tant union organization. Each company is to be responsible for its own unemployed. The plan is “voluntary” but workers are forced to contribute. A worker who is discharged or who goes on strike is automatically deprived of the starvation unemployment payments. Domestic servants and farm workers are not included in the proposals. A worker would have to live and work in the state for two years before he qualified for unemployment insurance. ROM these facts, taken in connection with the all-important fact of the constant decline of production (as shown by the figures of the New York Times and other capitalist statistical agencies); the increasing number of jobless—reaching now the total of 15-16,000,000—and the gen- eral and devastating growth of hunger and starvation in the ranks of the working class, it is to be seen that the Roosevelt scheme is not gov- ernment unemployment insurance, It is not state unemployment insur- ance. It is not unemployment insurance at all but a method of fore- stalling unemployment ingurance at the expense of the government and the employers. This is the real social content of the Roosevelt's “unemployment in- surance” proposals. They constitute a cowardly and contemptible effort, with the aid of the boss and banker controlled leadership of the New York State Federation of Labor and the A. F. of L. to fool the 2,000,000 workers now unemployed in New York state into belie ist government is enacting genuine unemployment insur that its capital- What is the position of the Socialist Party on t juestion? Norman Thomas, its presidential candidate, hails the Swope plan, the Rochester plan and the Roosevelt plan, etc., as proof that “the employers are recognizing the problem” and as “steps toward federal unempioyment in- surance.” 'VERY one of these capitalist party maneuvers is directed against the Communist Party demand for unemployment insurance for every worker at the expense of the government and the employers, Every one of these maneuvers, and the support they receive from the Socialist Party is directed against the organization and leadership of the mass struggles for cash winter relief and unemployment insurance by the Com- munist Party and the Unemployed Councils. Every one of these maneuvers is directed the Communist Party for the revolutionary way out of the crisis, against the struggle for the only way out of the crisis for wor and toiling farmers—the overthrow of capitalism and its government and the estab- lishment of a Workers’ and Farmers’ Government in the United States. VOTE COMMUNIST’ against the struggle led by ® | ests and game preserves, as is being done in central and northern Wis- “hy, Folse Eveninn Onnitel News, Facing Fourth Year of Crisis in Wisconsin By FRED BASSETT-BLAIR | | (Communist Candidate for Gov- | ernor of Wisconsin) | HAVE lived in Wisconsin all my life and on the basis of what I have seen of conditions in my home state, every fighting class-conscious worker and poor farmer of Wis- consin belongs in the Communist Party. During the election cam- paign, I visited every section of the state, and found out that the fourth winter of the economic crisis is go- ing to bring starvation, and cold, and disease into the homes of tens of thousands of additional workers and poor farmers of Wisconsin, WAGES MISERABLY LOW Wages all over Wisconsin are ter- ribly low. In Park Falls, Hines Lum- ber Co. pays 15 cents an_hour— | $3.75 a week. In the factory of Koh- ler, Republican candidate for gover- nor, wages are as low as $8 to $10 a week. In Milwaukee, the Socialist candidate for governor, Metcalfe, has forced the unemployed to work for 10 cents an hour. In Madison, the city of Mayor Schmedman, Democratic candidate for governor, girls in the Lorillard Tobacco Co, | received no more than $9 for a 50 hour week in so-called “good times.” Relief given to the unemployed va- ries from $1 a week in Republican | Green Bay, 1.31 a week in Socialist Milwaukee, 75 cents a week for some families in Ashland, home of Chapple, the red-baiter, etc. In Madison, Beloit, Milwaukee, and scores of other cities, forced labor is introduced. In Two Rivers the unemployed work in the aluminum plant of Mr. Vits, former Republi- can national chairman, and friend of Hoover’s—and their checks are turned over to the city. . 8 OW about the farmers in Wis- consin? Milk prices range from 60 cents to 90 cents a hundred pounds, while the Borden trust sells it in the cities for $4 a hundred, and more. Potatoes are at 12 cents and 15 cents a bushel. Cabbages have gone down from $160 a ton a few years ago to $3 or $4 a ton. Hundreds of farmers on the poor soil of the north are going to the Red Cross for flour. Workers col- | lect clothes in Milwaukee for their naked farming relatives. Farm la- borers work for boarg and room alone. None of the capitalist parties of- fer us workers and poor farmers of Wisconsin anything. The only place where relief is increasing is where the workers fight under the leader- ship of Communists! The only place where forced labor has been abol- ished is where Communists led the strikes against it—as in Beloit. The only Party actually on the job in the fight for bread in Wisconsin is the Communist Party. WHAT THE SYSTEM DOES A system that works a man for sixty years as my father has been worked—and then does not leave him enough for his old age—such a system of society is not worth keeping. A system of society that turns farm land into county for- consin and northern Wisconsin where the counties are taking over tax-delinquent land, sending men, women and children out on the road wandering from place to place th a system has to be done with. The capitalists of Wis- | consin have worn a mask of “Pro- gressivism” for years. Now they are | putting on a mask of “Socialism”. | But they cannot fool us workers and | | poor farmers of Wisconsin much longer. We need to follow the example of the Russian workers and farm- ers! But this can only be done by following the program of the Com- munist Party. Every worker and farmer of Wisconsin who realizes need for this revolutionary change which can be won only through struggle, should join the Commu- nist Party. There can be no prole- tarian revolutionists who are not Communists in these days. Workers and poor farmers of Wisconsin: Join the Communist Party! Let us build the Communist Party in Wis- consin in every city, every town- ship, every factory! Let us make Wisconsin Communist — and fight to do the same in every other state of the union! Join the Communist Party! Pamphlet Explains ‘Self - Determination” ‘HE NEGRO people as a develop- ing nation and their struggle against oppression and for libera- tion are discussed in a popular fashion in Negro Liberation, a new pamphlet by James S. Allen, just issued by international Pamphlets, 199 Broadway, New York. This new pamphlet fills a cry- ing need for a clear explanation of the Communist Party election cam- paign slogan: “Equal Rights for Negroes; Self- Determination for the Black Belt.” It shows how the Negroes developed historically as a people in the United States, ex- plains what is meant by the nation- al question as applied to the Amer- ican Negroes, exposes the roots of white chauvinism, and shows how the struggle for the liberation of the Negro pec.: is closely bound up with the struggle of the work- ing class against capitalism. ‘The pamphlet (ten cents) may be obtained at all workers’ book shops or from Workers Library Publish- ers, Box 148, Station D, New York. CHARGE CURTIS EVADED TAX Charles Curtis, vice - presidential candidate of the Republican Party, while drawing the salary of United States Senator, evaded federal taxes on the ground that he was “an in- compenent Indian ward of the gov- ernment,” I, C. York of Boise, a for- mer clerk of the Kaw Indian Agency revealed in a letter printed in the den ash | | | wus s-EW YORK, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1932 Hunger Votes a Straight Ticket! Some Lost Opportunities for Recruitment Into the Party —By Burck Lack of Day-to-Day Recruiting is the Basis for the Failure to Build Party Membership Blue Island, Ill. Daily Worker: Dear Comrades:—I have been waiting for a reply to my last letter. Perhaps I am expecting too much to be looking for it. I realize you people are swamped with mail, especially with the impending elec- tion so near at hand, Comrades, this letter is destined to be somewhat critical, so bear with me. About a year and a half ago I dispatched a letter to the Socialis, Party of Illinois request- ing information as to membership in their Party. I will venture to say that three days had not elapsed until I was swamped with their literature. As I was reading this mass of printed treachery, the door bell rang and two gentlemen in- formed me they were sent to line me up in the party and answer any questions I wished to ask. AT CROSS-ROADS Until this time I had read con- siderable Communist literature and had followed the situation in the Soviet Union very closely. I re- alized I was at the cross-roads of my political belief. Would it be the Socialist Party or the Communist Party? I always admired Eugene Debs and his policy of struggle, but I felt in my weary heart that I be- longed to Communism. My life will never be complete until I have vis- ited Russia and witness with my own eyes what those humble people have achieved. I certainly hope that day is near. I have been a reader of the Daily Worker for over a yean and I have not yet been approached by a member of the Communist Party, seeking me as a member, How do you people explain this state of affairs is beyond’ me. Doesn't the Party take advantage of the Daily Worker subscribers to gain new members? This, to my estimation, is one of the basic reasons why the Party is not growing as rapidly as it should. If you desire it in words, “No or- ganization,” that’s the answer, comrades, I say this with no mal- ice in my heart. Until we begin to make an honest effort to organize members into the Party and keep them there we won’t as much as make a dint in the armor of capi- talism in this country, Take my case as an example, a subscriber to your paper for over a year and a half and have never been ap- proached to join the Party. I don’t know what it can be that keeps members out and members that are in the Party to drop out. If the dues are too high as to force a man out, well then I say reduce them. I haye four children and a wife to support and if the dues are exceptionally high I certainly could not atford to pay them. Just what are the dues in the Party? Let me ‘| ive "us “formate aa other that you can give me by re- turn mail. RESULTS ONLY THROUGH ORGANIZATION If we get organization, comrades, then and only then shall we get re- sults. Don’t take offense at this letter as everything I have stated are indisputable facts. Let me hear from you soon. Comradely yours, R. D. A. P.S.—You can print all or part of this letter, but don’t use my name. 33:8 C8 EDITOR'S REPLY: The letter from this worker, who wishes to get into the Com- munist Party, and has been unable es Bonus is ‘Racket,’ Says StuartChase in Socialist Sheet 'TUART CHASE, leading support- er of Norman Thomas and treas- urer of the Socialist “League for Industrial Democracy,” writing about the veteran's demand [for payment of the bonus, in “America For All,”.a Socialist weekly pub- lished in Chicago, of which Edward Levinson, formerly of the “New Leader,” is editor, on Oct. 15, 1932, says: “. , . but when all is said and done, it is a ‘racket.” (our em- phasis). Stuart Chase is in the forefront of those writing about |a “planned economy’ -tor (capitalist) America. Tt will be #membered also that an- other leading Thomas supporter, Oswald Garison Villard, owner-edi- tor of “The Nation,” has come out against the bonus and joined the employers’ National Committee Against Prepayment. of the Bonus, of which the red-baiter and Na- tional ‘Security League organizer, Ke eeanvood Menken, is a leading ight. Farm Wages Found Lowest in 30 Years Marx said: “The wages of agricultural workers represent the minimum wage which could satisfy the needs of existencé.” The following press release of the United States Department of Agri- culture appeared in the New York Times of October 14, 1932: “Farm wages were said today by the Devararent of Agriculture to be the lowest in thirty years. With a country-wide average of $1.19 a day it is said wages run from 60 cents a day without board in South Carolina, Georgia and Mississippi to $2.50 a day in Massachusetts.” And the United States “Outlook” tor 1932 states—Farm labor may be ‘parti, SRY SARs to do so despite all his efforts, is more eloquent than a dozen direc- tives from the Party. It speaks very well for this worker that, in spite of our neglect, and in spite of the energetic efforts of the So- cialist Party to capture him, he still was able to choose the right path, unassisted by our Party. SECTARIANISM Not only does the Party seem to be lax about approaching our read- | ers to join, but it seems lax in tak- ing advantage of many other chan- nels for approaching workers. It is one of the most flagrant manifes- tations of our inability to make the turn to the masses called for by the 14th and again by the 15th Plenums, an evidence of our sec- tarianism, of the wall between our- selves and the masses. This letter is also an evidence that politically and organization- ally, the basic position of the Party is correct. The workers are be- coming radicalized, have confidence in our Party, but we do not draw them in nor keep: them. No, the dues are not too high, The dues are graduated to meet the income of the worker. The initia- tion fee is 50 cents, and the dues are approximately 2 per cent of his weekly earnings. Unemployed, Strikers, etc., pay 2 cents a week. Directives have repeatedly been given on how to overcome this Weakness, but once again we see here that the directives are not put into life and we observe one of the major weaknesses in Party work, the failure to carry through the necessary day to day applica- tion of the general line of the Party. DAY-TO-DAY RECRUITING Further, the Party does not con- duct day to day recruiting work: There is no recruiting done during the periods of campaigns, That ac- counts for the fact of the loss of subscribers. Our comrades are not out to get members. There is no sympathetic follow-up of sympa- thizers. No organizational list of sympathizers, no steady “working on” sympathizers to convince them of the necessity of joining the Party. No steady work on the mass organizations, trade unions, unemployed councils to get the best elements into the Party, etc. Win- ning of new Party members is an elementary task of every Party member, but if is not being carried through. It is high time for all leading committees of the District, Section and Party Units to carry on the day-to-day work of recruit- ing. This letter is from an Illinois worker, but it is not criticism which applies to Tllinois alone. The weakness is general. We call upon all other workers who have experienced similar trouble in getting into the Party to write us about it. Only by expos- ing our weaknesses, will we be able to take ia. Ee rn 4 Zola: The of His Writings Significance On the 30th Anniversary of the Death of the Famous French Writer By PAUL FRIEDLANDER IN the night of September 28, 1902, the great writer Emile Zola qied at the age of 63. His life was cut short just when he was working on a new series of social novels, in which there should ripen the fruit of his development into a critic and accusser of bourgeois society, into a champion of Socialism. Zola, who was born in Paris on April 2, 1840, after a care-free child- hood spent in the South of France, had to fight hard for his profession and his bread. When he was 25 years old, he decided to devote his life to a great literary work; to write the epos of the bourpeois so- ciety of his time. He carried out his plan with tenacious energy. The sensational success of his novels brought him also material security, so that he could devote himself wholly: to his work. After the con- clusions of a 20-volume series of novels, the “Rougon Marcquart,” he came to be regarded as the repre- sentative epic writer of bourgeois France. DREYFUSS CASE TURNED HIM INTO FIGHT It was the Dreyfuss case which made him from an artist into a fighter, from an observer into an accuser. His famous Open Letter to the President of the French Re public, “J’accuse,” had the effect of | a bombshell, It was an indictment of the French Republic and of its military and judical apparatus. Zola was aware of the tremendous effect his letter would have. He himself declared at the conclusion of his indictment: “The act which I accomplish is a revolutionary means in order to accelerate the explosion of Truth and Justice,” The effect of his action was enor- mous. There set in an unsurpassed incitement against Zola and his fellow-champions. He was sentenced to imprisonment and\had to go into exile. Then the Supreme Court, which could not longer withstand the exposures and-proofs, cancelled the verdict against Zola. Zola himself, who during his earlier creative period refrained from any statement of political views and together with the so-called naturalist school, had condemned the political writer, now became a conscious critic of society. He drew the consquences from his, already completed work, in which were de- scribed the conditions of bourgeois society. Death prevented him from completing his second great work. oe @ IN his recently published book on Emile Zola, Henri Barbusse sets himself the task of examining the life work of Zola in regard to his importance for our time and mek- ing clear to the present generation “the pain appeal which Zola’s life speaks.”.) Zola’s life synchronized with the flourishing period of the capitalist social, order. He was witness to the “joie de vivre” (joy of life) and orgies of the prosperous bour- geoisie, and he saw at the same time how there was germinating in its womb the seeds of its disintegra- tion. Zola came to realize bourgeis society not from the social classes. and their struggle, but from the individual, from the family and their fate. Thus he lacked the key to the historical meaning of the time in which he lived and which he portrayed. Nevertheless he was able to produce in rich colors and in epic breadth a colossal work dealing with the life and fate of a family, which rounded off into a picture of society. THE CONTENT OF ZOLA’S WORK The epoch-making, in fact in many respects revolutionary, im- portance of Zola’s novels arises, as we can so rightly recognize today, less out of the form than out of the content of this works. Thus the great series of novels became a rousing document that discovered the new land of social literature. ‘The substance, therefore, gave the historical value to his work; it de- termined also the artistic presenta- tion and not vice versa. This statement that Zola’s break- ing through the conventions of the novel resulted from the substance of his work, is most convincingly confirmed by the fact that precisely those novels of his dealing with the Rougon-Marcquart family had a rousing, in fact sensational, effeet; they tore aside the curtains from certain conditions in bourgeolg so- ciety which up to then had re- uained hidden. It was the novel “L’assommoit (Drink) which made Zola famous at one stroke. Zola’s success, however, was not a case of luck. It was much rather the mer- ited success of a discoverer. In “T’assommoir” he discovered the working-class, their environment, their life, thelr cares and sorrows. Tt is not of decisive importance that Zola only succeeded in penetrating the slum quarters and the haunts of drunkeness, and passed over the slass conscious and fighting worker. Tt was not until much later that the there dawned on him the problem of class society, Nevertheless, and this is the important thing. Zola’s description of the misery and col- lapse of the worker Coupeau and his wife. Gervais had a stirring effect on broad masses and led them first to an understanding of the social struggles of the present, DESCRIBED LIFE OF MINERS « Zola’s novel of the life of the miners, “Germinal,” was a further, and bold advance into a new social Jand. Even if here also he went to work with painful reserve in order not to write as a moralist and poli- tician but only as an epic writer, he could not do otherwise than lay his finger,op the frightful social wounds and involuntarily—in de- scribing the strike — wrote as a moralist, in fact as a socialist. Zola reached the pinnacle of his fame with his novel, “Nana.” On the day it appeared 55,000 copies were sold. This success also is not surprising. In searcely any other work does Zola describe so drastic- disintegration of bourgeois circles as in this book. This novel had above all a disintegrating effect on the whole of bourgeois society and shook the self-confidence of the bour- geoisie, whilst it inspired its grave- diggers with courage. HISTORICAL MATERIALISM IN ART FORM Zola’s series of novels on the Rougon-Marcquart family and his later works, “Three cities”, “Lour- des,” “1 ” and “Paris,” already permeated with social criticism, are in perception a piece of historical materialism in the form of art. This perception came to Zola himself at the time when the fight against naturalism became the slogan of the French literary world, and when he was abandoned by his fellow- writers, “Fight against naturalism." was of course, only a concealing slogan; behind it there was hidden reaction. The clinging to bourgeois society, the defence of the Church, barracks and exploitation, leq to the fight against naturalism, behind which there was rightly scented, socialism and revolution. Zola did not give way here. The Dreyfuss affair, in which the corrupt sys- tem of the bourgeois State produced a blossom of a special kind, con- verted Zola into a socialist and fighter. - cae roe T the end of his life Zola had advanced so far that he de- clared: “After a long portrayal of reality it is now necessary to work for the morrow.” In his novel “Work,” he shows the aim, the or- ganized socialist society. He want- ed, however, to point the way. He declared: “On the one side the Conservatives, the people of the past, on the other side the people of the future, the Revolutionares.” He wished to throw in his lot with the revolutionaries. The book on which he was engaged when death took the pen from his fingers was to help to open a new period of * the fight of the working people. By L AMTER (Communist candidate for Gov- ernor of N. ¥. State) HE capitalist class, its sport writers, its sport “leaders,” con- stantly tell the sport-loving workers that “Sport is neutral.” .On the ball field, they say, every one is equal, Andrew Mellon's grandson and one of Andy Mellon's steel workers; the Harvard football player and the worker who slaves in the mill owned by the father of the football star. Everywhere the illusion is ped- died that sport is something “apart from politics,” “above politics,” etc. But is this so? Certainly not! Sport is no more neutral than, for instance, the movies. Anti-Labor Company Sports Sport is an instrument in the hands of the capitalist class to distract the attention of the workers from their daily needs and to keep them tied to capitalism. Moreover, , sports often serves as a direct means of strike-breaking in the hands of the bosses. Examples are numerous. In the city of Binghamton, through which I passed only a few weeks ago on my election tour, there are the great factories of the Endicott-Johnson Shoe Co, Nearby stands the Endi- cott-Johnson baseball field with a good set of stands, bleachers, etc. The president of the Endicott- Johnson Corporation, some years ago, built this baseball ‘field for his employees and at the same time issued the slogan, “Where there is factory baseball there are no strikes.” This practcal individual The Bosses Use of Sports the demoralizing effect of a number of company teams on some of his workers. He was investing in what he fondly believed to be another form of strike insurance, ay ee NOTHER example: A few days before March 6, 1930, when were demonstrations throughout the country for unemployed relief and insurance, Father Walsh, anti- Soviet liar, spoke before a crowd of 500 athletes in the New York Ath- Jetic Club, urging them to go down to the Union Square demonstration on March 6 and break up the worke ers’_meeting. In the present election campaign, the boss political parties are make ing good use of sports. A number of football stars have been gotten to endorse both Hoover and Roosevelt, Albie Booth, ex-Yale halfback, has sprung into national prominence by visiting {Hoover and pledging the support of the “red-blooded sportse men of America” to Hoover. Roose» velt’s campaign managers, in re- taliation, have hired the services of Joe Sovoldi, a former Notre Dame bruiser, and Mohler, a California football player, ‘The Socialist Party, thus far, has not been able to get any athletes to endorse it. Sane “discretion is Daily Worker on October 18 show, the Socialist rulers of Milwaukee ‘have reduced the money spent on mass recreation from 82 cents per capita in 1930 to 65 cents per capita in 1931—with a consequent closing down of public Reng ey ally the rotteness and commencing [