The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 27, 1932, Page 4

kage Four Daily, Worker’ ed by the Compreéalty Pablishing Ce., Ine. dally exenept Sunday, né ‘York City. W. ¥. Telephone ALgunquin 6-7008. OCudle “D. moti chevks te the Daily Worker, #2 E. 10h St, Mew Yort, M. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: year, 9¢; six months, $8; twe memthe, §1; envepting onx, New Yerk Cy. Foreign: ome yon, 68; 38 per year: 75 cents per month. months, The Special Role of Mr. Alfred E. Smith L SMITH is an outstanding example of the ability of the propaganda machine of American capitalism to make a lack reactionary appear as a tribune of the people. Allied with the wealthy hierarchy of the Holy Roman Catholic Church and a creature of American finance capital, Smith has made a science of the use of religion in politic: At the same time, with the help of the press, he has made himself appear as a martyr persecuted by the agents of Satan disguised as politicians of opposing Democratic Party fac- tions. He is an expert at the game played by the capitalist parties with the working class—heads I win, tails you lose! MITH has been assigned a spec‘*l role by finance capital. His humble origin, his rapid rise to bear out the Horatio Al: e capable individual in Ame’ e himself to heroic battle aj apparently identifying hir being at e to finance fame wee and political in- f limitless opportunity nagogic oratory, his ability g in particular, his capa- the interests of the the make nt him while he was still fluence se for t m. to r stories to arou city f masses while all times the n bankers: him in Ir! workers born rk in decisive industries terrible burden of the mpaign to from une ment and mass Catholic criticism of the coupled with a free and comfort on a tide of prosperit; do not need to speculate about the creed of Al Smith, In the heat of his fight to carry the banner for the Democratic Party and in order to dissipate any idea that his demagogy was to be taken seriously by the big bosses, he wrote in the New Outlook (a magazine which few workers will read): “We should stop talking about the Forgotten Man and about class distinctions. There is no other country in the world where in- dividual initiative counts for so much, where opportimities to rise are so great, and whett class prjeudice is so unimportant Just now all of our people are in trouble. The old rich are the new poor. What is needed in the crisis of today is the united, co- operative effort of all good citizens of whatever class or creed to fight our way out of the bog of depression to the solid ground of good American enterprise and prosperity. “The, Forgotten Man is a myth and the sooner he disappears from the campaign the better it will be for all concerned.” 'VEN the demagogic and backhanded reference to the working class made by Roosevelt in his “forgotten man” @ warning f:om his companion-in-arms, Al welfare of the working class is bound up wit peech evokes the ire and He the that of the capitalist class aith. insists that and its robber system. He puts the inti of the 15,000,000-16,000,000 unemployed and their dependents on the same plane that of the bank- ers, bosses and their government responsible for the uffering. He places the seal of approval upon the leadership of the American Federation of Labor whose betrayal of the interests of the working class, whose fight against unemployment insurance, whose endorsement of the Hoover stagger plan, whose support of the Hoover-Doak deportation cai paign, whose slander of the Soviet Union exceeds that of the capita ists; whose sabotage of strikes, whose hostility to the Negro masses, whose support of every reactionary measure of finance-capital, brand them as servants, spies and slave-ditvers for American capitalism Al Smith demands that the American masses 1 silence un- til his masters, the overlords of finance and industry, are ready to give them work again. He demands that workers go hungry and work for starvation wages so that on their backs the structue of huge profits can be built again, IOOVER says the same thing. Through Al Smith, Roosevelt speaks. Smith peddles the reactionary idea that in the United States, the lasses are coming closer and all are suffering from the crisis. The em- phasis of Norman Thomas and Morris Hillquit on the necessity of pro- tecting the interests of “the public’ as a whole and saving the “com- ity” from capitalist crisis he sé deception of the workers. Thomas and the socialists are bent on sul ing the rising tide of class struggles. Here they receive the praise of the boss clas Hoover, Roosevelt, Smith, Thomas- the crisis at the expense of the lives. the working class. Vote Communist! are united in trying to solve living standards and liberties of Party in Manchester, N. H. By FRED B. CHASE. HILLSBORO, N. H.—During the signature drive in New Hampshire, two of our young comrades went to Manchester and with some local help secured 700 signatures. When these signatures were submitted to the registrars for certification, they put the matter off for a few days ,and then said the people who signed the papers did not know what they were jing, and that many names were written in the, - same handwriting. The comrades in charge of collect- ing signatures appeared before the registrars and denied the charges. Then the board of aldermen called a special meeting and started a police “investigation”, in the course of which many signers were visited and intimidated by the politicians, and driven to come to the city hall and scratch their names off the nomina- tion papers. tion, One of the registrars was |shown to be an official of the Amos- |keag Corporation. As a result of the meeting, several applications for membership in the Party were received, and the Man- |chester unit was started into real ac- tivity again. Also about 400 of the signers were certified . As @ result of the section immedi- ately fighting back against intimida- tion, our party has made substantial In the meantime the section or- | gains ganizer and other comrades got busy —— and protested to the secretary of BILL GRE “DOLE” state, and to the attorney general, | 7 ¥ and demanded that the signatures be Williain Green, president of the certified. Also a meeting was held} American Federation of Labor, in the Manchester city hall by the| draws 000 a month in salary party, and a protest against the ac-| and $667 a month for traveling ex- eat Dhige of ed wn hind the prin- | penses, or a total of $20,000 # year, in addition to unspecified “hon- The workers filled every seat in the | orariums” for addresses before col- hall, and many were standing. John | leges, Rotary clubs, Chambers of J. Ballam and the local speakers’ Commerce. and similar ee cored the officials for their intimida- tion _ aM s 4 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1932 Debs and the Russian Revolution VI IN Debs the Russian Revolution found an immediate and sym- | pathetic response. It must be noted, | however, that although he con- sidered the October Revolution “the greatest in point of historic signi- ficance ang far-reaching influence in the annals of the race,” he did not grasp its full meaning to the world revolutionary movement of workers. Debs sensed the difference between the compromising Men- sheviks who supported Kerensky and all he stood for and the in- domitable Bolsheviks, who forged ahead toward the proletarian re- volution, In addressing Russian Bolsheviks on Anniversary of the November Revolution in 1918 he wrote: “The hieved glory of your revolutionary umph is that you have preserved inviolate the fundamental principles of international Socialism and re- fused to compromise. It will be to your everlasting honor that you would rather have seen the Re- volution perish and the Soviet with it than to prostitute either one by betraying the worker to alleged progressive reforms, which would mean to them an extension of their servitude under a fresh aggrega- tion of exploiters and parasites.” himself to the the First When the name Bolshevik was spoken with derision among his party nds, Debs declared pub- licly am a Bolshevik from the | crown of my head to the tips of my the jury he defiantly 1: “I have been accused of ng sympathy, with the Bgl- of Russia. I plead guilty to 1 arge | NOT CLEAR ON SEVERAL | BASIC QUE 10) Debs was not clear on proletarian dictatorship as he was not clear on several fundamental problems, es- pecially on the concept of the state as taught by Marx and Lenin. He about the “unfortunate and stated that “dictator- ship is autocracy.” But he imme- diately explained that “there is no autocracy in the rule of the masses.” The experienced revolu- tionist in him, even if only by in- stinct, led him also to the conclu- | sion that “during the transition period the revolution must protect tself.". To those of the Socialist leaders who were “for” the Rus- sian Revolution, but “did not like certain features of it,” Debs openly declared, in speaking to the S. P. committee which came to Atlanta Penitentiary to notify him of his nomination for the presidency in 1920: “I heartily support the Russian Revolution without reser- vations.” Cee en The S. P. has indeed very serious reservations regarding the Russian Revolution. Speaking at a public | S. P. function under the auspices of its central organ, Morris Hill- quit declared for his party that the establishment of the Soviet Government was the greatest cal- amity for the workers of the world. To be sure, the establishment fif- teen years ago of workers’ and peasants’ Soviets which gave the factories to the workers and the land to the peasants was the great- est calamity to the capitalists and land-owners and their henchmen in the labor movement. The So- cialist Party in the United States and its brother parties of the Sec- ond International, translate their reservations into open conspiracies with the tsarist emigres and the | imperialist power to overthrow the first workers’ republic—the Soviet sixth of the earth’s surface. In 1920, when the remaining Left Wing elements were leaving the Socialist Party to aid in building a mass Communist Party, the S, P. leaders were still trying to appear “left” before these elements in the party. Hillquit even served as legal advisor of the official Soviet Bureau headed by Ludwig Mar- tens. At that time (Sept. 22, 1920), he hypocritically declared: “My sympathies are wholly with the government of the Russian work- ers and peasants.” (Ten years later, Hillquit agreed to serve as legal adviser of the Russian White Guard interests, who were suing in American courts for restitution of oil properties nationalized by the Soviet Government. Hillquit is a lawyer, and, as he explained, it was only a “business transaction,” for does not the S. P. stand for Russian recognition? TRY TO COVER UP ANTI-SOVIET ACTIVITY ‘The workers must know that the | “demand” for Russian recognition | by the S. P. is merely to cover up participation in the interna- tional counter-revolutionary bloc against the Workers’ Republic. Norman Thomas speaks of his “friendly” attitude toward the Rus- sian experiment (!) The “New Leader,” official S. P. organ, of which Thomas is one of the edi- tors, wrote as follows on Januray 25, 1930: “The Russian underground work of today is full of heroic secrifices; the active undergrounq Russian Socialists are today the real mar- tyrs. Here in the United States Comrade Ab*amovitch is the am- bassador of this heroic task.” This is the kind of friendly at- titude the S. P. has for the Soviet Union—by supporting Menshevik Jeaders who organize against the Soviet Government, together with tsarist counter-revolutionary gen- erals and other emigres, ‘The workers of the ‘world and the oppressed colonial peoples who draw insiration for their struggles against capitalism and imperialism from the stupendous achivements of the Soviet Government under the leadership of the Communist Party, know the true role of the Socialist parties and their counter- its By ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG By Burck Wall Street Loans Behind the War in Colombia and Bolivia J. P. Morgan and Rockefeller Prime Movers; Communist Party Election Program Fights Imperialist War Drive By ROBERT DUNN [ALL STREET interest in the wars over. “disputed areas” in South America is directly connect- ed with American investment in the countries involved. Let us con- sider Colombia and Bolivia as ex- amples of countries in which large Yankee interests are at stake. Colombia: The president of Co- lombia, the pliant “Liberal” Olaya Herrera, is as subservient to the interests of U. S. imperialism as any ruler of a so-called “indepen- dent” country south of the Rio Grande. In March, 1931, he signed and submitted to the Colombia Congress a law which enables big American oil companies to enjoy fully the loot they had staked out for themselves in earlier years through the famous Barco Con- cession. OIL COMPANIES INVOLVED The oil companies involved in this historic concession are the South American Gulf Oil Co, a Mellon company, and the Carib Syndicate controlled by J. P. Mor- gan & Co. These companies in their sharp fight with the British companies—Royal Dutch Shell and Anglo-Persian—were compelled to resort to the usual imperialist methods of bribery and overpower- ing economic pressure. The way they did it in this case was to haye Secretary Stimson at the U. S. State Department bring pres- sure to bear upon the National City Bank of New York to speed up the granting of a short term credit to the Colombian govern~ ment, When the Colombian Congress had validated the concession, June 19, 1931, ten days later $4,000,000 was paid over by the New York bankers at the behest of the State Department. Thus the State De- partment obligingly- performed a service for the Mellon-Morgan oil company which clinched the claim of these companies to 500,000 acres of the richest oil land in the world, a as. ‘HERE are dozens of other U. S. oil companies operating in Co- lombia, but this is the major oil investment, and the one nvolving the most political implications. In addition to this major invest- ment in oil, Wall Street has dug its way into the riches of Colom- bia in other ways. Up to the be- ginning of the world economic cri- sis, over $200,000,000 had been in- vested in foreign. bonds of the cen- tral government, of the Agricul- tural Mortgage Bank, and of the various departments and munici- alities. Together with the direct investment in mining and industry ths brings a total. Yankee invest- ment in the country of over $300,- 000,000, Other direct, investments in the industries of the country, other than those in government bonds, are to be found in minerals (the South American Gold & Platinum Co.—Lewisohn _ interests—Colombia, International Corp., Colombia Em- erald Development Corp, and COS settee Others), in fruits (United Bruit Cg. $ and Atlantic Fruit Co.) and pub- lic utilities (West Indies and Co- Jombia Electric Co. and American, and Foreign Power Co.) in addi- tion to coffee and sugar interests. It was on behalf of the United Fruit Company’s investment in Colombia that Colombian troops Killed at least 1,000 workers and wounded 3,000 in the strike on the banana plantations of Santa Mar- ta in 1928. Similar strike-breaking seyvices were performed by the Co- Jombian government for the Trop- ical Oil Co. in 1927. THE BANKERS CLAIM. IN BOLIVIA Bolivia: The chief American in- vestments in Bolivia, which total at least. $120,000,000, center around minerals such as tin, lead, copper, silver and oil. The chief American companies involved in the exploi- tation of the country are the Standard Oil Co. of New Jersey which has a concession for the ex- Ploitation of over 7,500,000 acres of oil land, near the border of Paraguay, the National Lead Co., which controls about 80 per cent of the tin production of the coun- try, which ranks second only to the Straits Settlements in the pro- duction of tin. There is also a Guggenheim- controlled tin company with a capital of $40,000,000, the Interna- tional Mining, Co., organized by W. R. Grace & Co., and several other Yankee mining investments. Light, power and _ construction companies also have large interests in the country. BOLIVIA A U. COLONY Bolivia has been practically a colony of the United States ever since 1922 when a loan for $29,- 000,000 was put through by the Equitable Trust Co., a Rockefeller bank, heading a syndicate of bank- ers. Under the terms of this loan the U. S. government has a mort- gage on the chief taxes and in- come-bearing wealth of the nation. U. S. bankers dictate the raising and expenditure of Bolivian reve- nues. Since that time oil has be- come increasingly important and it is for this oil that the blood of Bolivian and Paraguayan workers is now being shed again, Pee apa HE very close relations of the bankers’ loans and the prepa- rations for war comes out in the facts surrounding the $23,000,000 Joan of 1928 floated by Dillon, Reed & Co. Wall Street bankers. Over $5,000,000 of this loan was used to pay Vickers Ltd., the lead- ing British arms manufacturer, Another $1,500,000 went for the building of military roads near the border of Paraguay in prepa- ration for the Chaco war now in progress, which is fought in real- ity to advance the interests of the American oil companies in their conflict with British oil companies. Bolivia wants to extend her terri- tory down to the Paraguay river at the Paraguan capital, Asuncion, If this were done the Standard Oil could ship its products out more easily than at present thus making huge gains in “operating econo- mies”. , Thus behind the Bolivian war and U. S. State Department aid to Bolivia stands clearly the form of Rockefeller and the Wall Street oil interests. QUESTION . S. of Kansas City, wants to know why t he Communist Par- ty supports the fight of the veter- ans for their pay known as the “bonus”, when these very sol- diers took part in an imperialist war, and‘ did not follow “radical” 1914-1918, teaching to resist the draft. in J. 8. also is afraid the bosses will make the workers and farmers bear the burden of the bonus. ANSWER Many workers were driven into the bosses’ war of 1914-1918. As long as capitalism exists wars will take place. Revolutionary organiza- tions can only postpone the strug- gles, but only by overthrowing the capitalist system can wars be done away with, Therefore we cannot hold workers responsible for the fact that they were compelled to enter into a reactionary war. If war breaks out, then of course, workers cannot stand aside. Capi- talism will drive workers into war again and it will be necessary for revolutionary class conscious work- Questions and Answers sr8_apt te agort the nogtjon st “conscientious objectors” but to go in and fight side by side with their fellow-soldiers to turn the war into class war. Many workers in the last war joined the war because they were fooled by the lies that the war was a war for democracy. When the last war was over, the workers began to see through the lies, and they began to demand that the bosses keep their promises, One promise was to pay them their back wages. The bosses were scared and so they passed a law to pay the back: wages, or the “bonus”, as they called it, in 1945. This was only a small drop in the vast millions coined by the bosses out of the world slaughter. i Later the bosses were forced to give some of the back pay at once. - They still hold on to the big share. The Communist Party backs the veterans’ demand for their pay now, and not in 1945 when many of them will be dead, It fights for it because the veterans, like the rest of the toilers, are hungry and starving. I( supports these demands because through struggle for them it can arouse consciousness of the workers and enable them - to *, How the Socialist Party Helps Bosses Cut Wages S. P. Leaders in Unions Knife Workers; Vote Communist on November 8! N October 7, 1931, the American Federation of Full Fashioned Hosiery Workers, affiliated with the American Federation through the United Textile Workers of America, accepted a wage-cut of from 35 to 50 per cent. The Presi- dent of this union, Emil Rieve, and other officials are prominent members of the Socialist Party. At its recent national convention the union renewed this wage- slashing agreement with the man- ufacturers for another year, ex- piring August 31, 1933. Among those voting for the renewal of this agreement were all the 11 Social- ist delegates from Milwaukee, When the cut was first put over, it was haileq in an-editorial by the Socialist Milwaukee Leader (O¢- tober 26, 1931), which said: “... we rejoice with them in their victory for collective bargaining and a voice in their industry.” «oe 8 Milwaukee has a Socialist. Mayor, Daniel Hoan, as well as other offi- cials in the administration. The Milwaukee Leader, July 26, 1932, reported that: “After a prolonged fight of several hours, during which numerous amendments were Proposed and rejected, Socialist al-* dermen succeeded in passing their Proposal for a 10 per vent wage and salary qgonation by city em- ployees.” Cee a; be West Allis, Wisconsin, there is @ Socialist Mayor, Baxter, and several other Socialists in the city council. The Socialist Milwaukee Leader, August 31, 1932, reported the following: “West Allis Common Council approved a general cut in pay tions of 10 per cent for all city employees earning over $1,000 a year.” NEEDLE TRADES UNIONS Among the leaders of the needle trades unions are many prominent members of the Socialist Party, notably, David Dubinsky, head of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. These uniong are usually referred to in the trade as “Socialist” unions. “A general strike in the Mon- treal cloak industry has just been averted by the signing of a col- lective agreement between the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union and the Mon- treal Cloak Manufacturers’ As- sociation. The Montreal workers, the union official stated, ac- cepted a 10 per cent reduction in wages.” (Women’s Wear Daily, January 29, 1932.) “TAGES in’ the local (Phila- delphia) clothing market will be reduced 10 per cent, beginning Tuesday, July 5, according to @ ruling by Judge Horace Stern. ““The present reduction in wages follows a reduction of 7 per cent made in 1931. Copies of Judge Stern's ruling were given to Morris Wolf, counsel for the manufactur- ers, and Charles Weinstein, chair- man of the Philadelphia branch of the Amalgamateq Clothing Work- ers of America.” (Daily News Rec- ord, June 29, 1932.) ean ae ‘ “Our orga: tions ig Chicago, Rochester and Cincinnati have been. obliged to take a 10 per cent wage- cut.” (Advance, June, 1932, official organ of the Amalgamated Cloth- ing Workers. by means of voluntary contribu- Lamson, Former ‘Wobbly,’ Is : Red Candidate for Congress Leader of Chicago Unemployed Council Tells Of Hard-Fought Struggles By MARTIN MORIARTY 'HICAGO, IlL!“Sore foot?” I asked Warren Lamson, city secretary of the Unemployed Coun- cils. Lamson limped. “No,” he said. “One of them’s wood.” A freight train had chopped off his foot when he was leaving San Diego after an I. W. W. free speech fight. That was back in 1912, when Bil Haywood was leading the Law- rence textile strike. Today, Lamson is Communist candidate for U. S. Representative, Ninth Congressional District. SUFFERING IN CHICAGO “You. can see the most intense suffering in that district,” he said. “Take the 42nd Ward, for instance. Unskilled Mexican, Negro and Ital- jan workers—their living standards were low enough before the crisis, let alone now. And from the same hovels you can throw a stone and hit the wealthy homes of the Gold Coast, the palaces of the Rocke- fellers, the McCormicks, the Insull swindlers. “Before these homes, before the homes of all the rich, the Unem- ployed Councils will lead great dem- onstrations this winter in the fight for immediate relief. “We shall demonstrate, too, before the homes of local boss polticians, before city and state authorities, In line with the decisions of the recent conference of unemployed councils from throughout Illinois, we shall mobilize the greatest masses of workers—single home owners, bank depositors, ex-servicemen, especially the women and children. “We are planning now for city, children’s and mothers’ starvation parades; strikes of forced laborers; county and state hunger marches; factory hunger marches. eae ed we of Lamson’s campaign is devoted to a sweeping exposure of one of his opponents, Congress- man Fred Britten, Republican, of the Ninth District. “Britten voted for the Dies Bill,” Lamson said. “Yet he has the gall to ask for votes frfom the Mexican, Negro and Italian workers in his district—the yery workers he pro- poses to deliver to the hounding Squads of deportation Doak, This ie is also out to snatch votes from the unpaid teachers here. He wants their support, because he Pleaded before the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, not for a direct appropriation to pay the wages of the teachers—no, he begged only for a loan. “This hounder of the foreign- born is naturally a fierce American jingo. He is a friend and ally of William B. Shearer, the publicity man who got $25,000 from the ship- building corporations for his propa- ganda for big navies at, the Geneva conference in 1927. Britten is inter- ested in a real estate company which is pushing the development of Montauk Point, Long Island, as a shipping port. It was Britten who had the Navy carry on its maneu- vers there—his real estate values were improved that way, too.” To his campaign in the Commu- strengthen themselves so as to get rid of the entire system of capi- talism and their wars. To reject this demand means to aid the capi- talists who see in the demand and struggle for the bonus, a real men- ace to their profits and the system it represents. The Socialists hypocritically op- pose the bonus because they say it arises out of wars, but the Socialist Party of 1920 favored payment of the debts arising out of the war and now they oppose this debt of the capitalists to the workers not bécause they do not wish to soil their hands but because they are helping the capitalists to overcomo the difficulties arising out of the nist Party and the Unemployed Councils Lamson brings a rich background of working class activ- ity. A militant in the old Socialist Party in Lake Charles, Louisiana, in 1908, he later joned the I. W. W. Arising from activity in a strike of the orange pickers near Los An- geles, he was indicted for criminal syndicalism. He helped a unioniz- ng campaign among the workers of the Rock Island Railroad in Marys Jand, Kansas. He was arrested 35 times, spend- ing anywhere from @ day to two months in jail, while secretary of the I. W. W. branches in Los An- geles during the war. In those days, Lamson recalled, the I. W. W. was a militant organi- zation of which the workers could be proud. The I. W. W. has since degenerated into a bitter anti-Sov- jet clique,.and has been engaged in active strike-breaking, as in the Tilinois miners’ strike and in other struggles. On the most pressing issues of the day—unemployment insurance, immediate relief, hous- ing instead of flop houses, the I. W.-W. has fought every militant action of the workers, Of course, their best members joined the Communist Party long ago. psa sips ‘LATED at the swiftly-growing in- fluence of the Communist Party among the workers, Lamson re- members the time when enemies used to sneer at the Party as a base only for the immigrant. “No enemy can fling such sneers now,” he said. “We are building ourselves more and more into the life of the American workers. And the American workers are beginning to see that they have no other way out of the crisis but the revolution= ary way of the Communist Party.” STRUGGLE AGAINST PROVOCATION ROBERT NORTON, of New York City, also known as Milton Schacht Comstock and Larvey. He is easil recognized, because he is crippled paralysis and can walk only with th aid of two crutches. In August, 1931, he came as a yol« unteer worker to the National Office of the Workers’ International Relief —in time he proved himself an effi- cient clerical worker and was given more responsible work. With the end of the Kentucky Relief Campaign, the W.LR. releaseq his services and soon thereafter found out that Nor- ton had made duplicate lists of con tributing organizations and individu- als, that he had set up an office at 1270 Broadway and sent out fake circulars soliciting funds under the pretext of unemployed workers’ re+ lief and using the name of “Workers? Relief International Order,” and signing as Milton Schacht, Sec'y So- cial Insurance Campaign.” Upon further investigation it be= came clear that he is a stool-pigeon and that he used the workers’ relief movement as a pretext for getting information and also for the basest sort of a swindle. , last war, and ‘the present capitalist crisis The bosses steal as much as they can from the workers and farmers. Only the organized pressure of the workers and farmers will fight the bosses’ thefts. Therefore we do not say to the veterans, “Do not take your back pay, because the bosses will rob it from the workers and farmers.” We support the veterans in the fight for their back pay, and we organize the workers and farm- ers to fight the bosses’ robberies, ‘That is the only program by which the working class can overthrow cialist society, the boss class and establish a = = eed