The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 26, 1932, Page 4

Page Four Dail Published by the Compredoity Pub » Ine., Gondey, at © BR 1ath Bt, New “YT Lronquin 4-7968. Cable “DAIWORE.” Address an@ moll chooks te the Dally Worker, 9 EK. Mth St, New Vert, M, ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: 83; two months, #1; amespting City. Forsien: one year, 0% 7S_eonts per month. 34,50. Canada, $8 per year; Roosevelt’s “Sincere De- votion” to Workers -JN THE leaflet for “wage earner issued with the slogan “A Vote for Roosevelt and Garner Means a Square Deal for Labor,” the Democratic National Campaign Committee says in Point 3: “Because Franklin D. Roosevelt . . has given ample proof through- out his public life of his sincere devotion to the interests of working men and women. He is endorsed by organized labor in his state and has been commended by William H. Green, president of the American Fed- eration of Labor, for “securing enactment of so many measures which so favorably affect the workers’ economic, social and industrial welfare.” We will discuss the specific “‘measures” later. Right now we wish to point out that by “organized labor in his state” is meant the Tammany-controlled unions affiliated to the State Federation of Labor. These unions, by reason of their leadership are rt of the Democratic Party organiza- lowed no voice in the endorsement of candi- y are in the fixir wages and working condi- r wage hich has it of Roosevelt by President n of t F. of L. r Yr xcept, the A. F. of L. le is carrying out its policy of support nile Greer. “non-partis F only the candid s Of the capi st, parties. WI 2 and others endorse Roosevelt, Matthew Woll, vice- president of the A. F. of L., Jo president and wrecker of the United Mine Workers, Wilson, head of the Pattern Makers Union, and others, ve endo:sed Hoover as a * nd of labor.” = ROOSEVELT was born into a wealthy family. He has never had to worry one minute about a job, or enough to eat or a place to sleep. His con- tempt for the working class is equalled only by Hoover's, In Ne in York City, in Binghampton, in Butfalo, in Syracuse, in every the state where militant strikes and unemployment demon- strations have taken place, the police shoot, club, gas and jail workers the same as they do in every other state. city Roosevelt has only praise for the police. t-Governor Lehman, the ‘ orde ¥ cialist leaders in the ga na” of Roosevelt and act- it ov with the fuil cooperation of the So- r rade unions, with the cooperation of the y, with the high-paid of Mo: Hillquit, Socialist ate for Mayor in New York C: ng as attorney for the needle trades union: icious piece-work, speed-up and wage c sistance t agreements n machinery in t t's protege Lehmar nd with the help to lower the wa s standards of the tion level. velt by Green, by the officials of the Tam- many controlled unions of the A. F. of L. means only that these leaders are enemies of the working class the same as Roosevelt is. Birds of a feather flock together. > * * yore COMMUNIST! Vote for Foster and Ford—the candidates of the Communist Party—the only party which fights for the daily interests and the revolutionary goal of the working class—for the overthrow of capitalism and @ Workers’ and Farmers’ Government of the crisis for the toiling masses! as the onyl way out Facing the Issue Squarely! MHE fourth winter of the economic crisis places upon the Unemployed Councils and the revolutionary movement generally the great task of developing the struggles for food, clothing and shelter, for immediate relief and Unemployment Insurance. The situation demands the development of local struggles which will be merged into the nationwide move- ment against the hunger government in Washington—the National Hunger March. That the workers will fight for the program of immediate relief and Unemployment Insurance called for by the Unemployed Council is shown by the strug- gles already taking place and their increase in size and militancy. During the period of the cri the Unemployed Coun- cils arose and became the leaders of the jobless workers. But one of the major weaknesses accounting for their relativ slow development and growth, is the absence of qualified leading forces to give the workers guidance and to make the Councils real p:ectical leaders in the day to day fight for the interests of the unemployed. The lack of experi- enced leading forces able to organize the discontent of the workers, is one of the explanations for the zigzag development of the Councils. Un- doubtedly the weak internal life of the Unemployed Committees and Councils, the absence of sufficient discussions of the experiences of the workers, the lack of systematic education of the members of the Un- smployed Committees and Councils, the tendency on the part of the offi- cials to decree and command instead of guiding and drawing upon. the initiative of the workers, hampers the development of forces from the ranks of the membership of the Unemployed Councils (GORERALLY, the failure on the part of the officials to understand that the rank and file workers should be pushed forward and promoted, given increased responsibilities, etc., checks the growth of a leading body of militant rank and file workers. But this does not explain it all. There are at present experienced leaders i n the trade unions and fraternal’ organizations who can help not only to develop the Unemployed Councils but can stimulate the rank and file workers and promote them to leader- ship. Bo the fact is that the trade unions and the revolutionary mass organi- zations such as fraternal bodies are not yet fully behind the Unem- ployed Councils. They do not participate fully in their life and combine the struggles of the unemployed with employed workers, The situation demands that the issue be faced squarely, and that the trade unions be called upon not only to send delegates fo Unemployed Councils and parti- cipate in their work (which is not being done) but they must now also act to give the much-needed forces for the practical day to day work. The preparations for the National Hunger March should draw in the trade unions fully, and they must be in the forefront of the unemployed fight. . . Fed fraternal organizations, such as the International Workers Order and other mass bodies likewise should put this question on the order of busiress and regard it as part of their task in the fight for Unem- ployment and Social Insurance. The question of participating in the fin- employed work can no longer be solved by general resolutions nor by talk that it must be done, It must really be taken in hand, The trade unions, particularly the revolutionary unions and fraternal bodies must pass over from word to deed. They must everywhere participate ingthe work of the Unemployed Council and in the Ivcal and national hunger marches. The cry for forces must be met by resolute action, It is the revolutionary duty of mass organizations to help solve this problem. ‘ y DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 26, 1932 Marching Against Hunger! Wages Sink, | Profits Up, in Textiles (By Labor Research Association.) ABOR Research Association re- ports the following profits an dividend payments for the textile industry: Ludlow Mfg. Associates, Ludlow, | Mass., regular quarterly dividend of $1.50 per share. Franklin Co., Lewiston, Me., regular semi-annual dividend of $4 per share. Bigelow- Sanford Carpet Co., regular quar- terly dividend of $1.50 per share of preferred. Arnold Print Works, | North Adams, Mass., reports profit of $207,912 for year ended June 30, 1932. Vietor-Monaghan Co, Green- | ville, S. C., for year endeg June 30, | reports net profit of $146,946. | Profits are result of “important | economies” including speed-up, wage cuts and curtailment (a offs, short-time and varying de- grees of full-time unemployment for | workers). Duplan Silk Corp. re- | Ports a net profit of $20,203 for year ended May 31. Gotham Silk Hosiery Co., for six months ended June 30, made con- Solidated profit of $62,765. Adams- Millis Corp., leading company in- volved in High Point strike, for six months ended June 30, reports net | Profit of $135,000. Apponaug Co., cotton and rayon finishers, report. net profit of 97,402 for year ended June 30, Among textile companies paying regular dividends recently were | New Bedford Cordage Co., Kendall Co., May Hosiery Mills, Dartmouth Mfg. Co., Davenport Hosiery Mills. “The textile industry has an op- portunity for profit such as has not existed since the post-war re- covery,” says S. W. Zelomek, textile trades statistican. F.S.U. Forms Branch for Technical Experts | | The Technical 3 Bureau, affiliated with the Friends of the Soviet Union| was founded for the purpose of ren- | | | dering voluntary technical aid to} | the Socialist, industries, technological | institutes, engineers, and workers of | the Soviet Union by solving technical problems transmitted from the U. 8.) |S. R., preparing articles on important new developments, —_ transmitting | printed material, ete, Engineers, technicians, chemists | and architects are urged to write to the Secretary, Technical Bureau, Room 330, 80 East 11th Street, New York, for more information. | DIALECTIC MATERIALISM GAINS TRIUMPH IN SCIENCE ‘The Second Fopean Conference | for the Study c° the Quaternary Geo- logical Period, which met recently in Moscow and was attended by promi- nent geologists from all over Europe, decided to institute a special section for the investigation of new methods | of geological research, particularly the application of dialectical materalism. Prof. I. Gupkin, geologist and mem- ber of the Soviet Academy of Science, stated: “Soviet scientists can demon- Strate to the world a new approach and interpretation of science, which will eliminate exploitation of man by man and bring a new era of freedom | and happiness. Individual effdrt. de- yeloped monkey into man; the collec- tive work of communities will evolve exist ‘pet Debs, the S. P. Leaders, and the Imperialist War “J Am Opposed to Every War But One—and That Is the World Social Revolution” v. pes was an uncompromising op- ponent of capitalist wars and as such he was indicted in 1918. Al- though he knew the economic causes of wars,’ he did not fully comprehend the nature of mod- ern imperialism, Unlike Ruthenberg who understood the role of Am- erican imperialism and was among the first to be imprisoned during the war, Debs was guided in his anti-war stand mainly by his loy- alty to the principle of interna- tional solidarity of Socialism. He denounced the European Socialists who turned social patriots, and with the So s who voted war credits he wrot “If I were in Congress I would be shot before I would vote a dollar for such a war. DEBS FOR THE WAR OF SOCIAL REVOLUTION Some of Debs’ utterances betray pacifist notions and repugnance to violence. “When I think of a cold, glittering, steel bayonet being plunged into the white, quivering flesh of a human being, I recoil | with horror,” he declared in his Canton speech. We find sufficient proof, ‘however, that Debs. was not opposed to war in general, but only. to capitalist wars. In 1915, when America began to prepare for war, Debs wrote an article for an anti-Prepardeness issue of the Appeal to Reason in which he derided those who would enlist in the army. There were many expressions in that article which did not harmonize with his known convictions, He was, how- ever, accused of harboring pacifist illusions. In a reply in another issue of the paper Debs came back with a declaration of his :position which should cause his — self= appointed successor, Norman Tho- mas, to renounce his memory forever! “No, FE am not opposed to all wars, nor am 1 opposed to fight- ing under all circumstances, and any declaration to the contrary would disqualify me as a revolu- tionist.” (Bold mine--A. T.) ‘This was a staternent dictated by Debs’ revolutionary class consciousness. Debs reiterated that he-was “only Opposed to ruling class war,” and that he refused “to obey any ecom- Road to Life, Soviet ‘Film, Banned in New \Britain, _ Connecticut NEW BRITAIN, Conn,, Oct. “23.— delegation from the Communist Party visited Chief Hart at Police headquarters Thursday morning in regards to the showing of the Soviet film, “Road to Life” by the German | Women’s Educational Club. The chief had granted a permit to hold the film but then changed his mind and can- A celled the permit. Hart told the committee this morn- ing that the decision would not be changed and challenged the com- humi nity towards a higher level of | mittee to go ahead and take legal iibeaes te yk a By ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG | mand to fight for the ruling class, but will not wait to be commanded to fight for the working class.” Debs felt that, since the ques- tion was raised, he must answer it cctegorically and completely. He wrote further: “I am opposed to every war but one; I am*for that war with heart and soul and that is the world-wide war of the social revolution. In that war I am prepared to fight in any way the ruling class may make it necessary, even to barricades.” He concludes: “There is where I stand and where I believe the Socialist Party stands, ; or ought to stand on the question of war.” With the support of the League of Nations, which the S. P. once declared was the Capitalist Black International, the World Court and other imperialist instru- ments among their leaders of faith, is it any wonder that the S. P. leaders are forsaking Debs’ memory as they ignored his opinions when he was alive. oe ele ae, DE took the anti-War resolu- tion adopted at the party con- vention at St. Louis immediately upen the declaration of war by the United States, in April 1927, seriously. In the fight of’ Lenin’s teachings the St. Louis resolution can be considered only as @ cen- trist document with a goodly ad- mixture of pacifism. Considering lowever, the provincialism of the American movement and the exist- ence of a reformist leadership which looked upon the S. P. merely as & parliamentary machine, the resolution must be viewed as a militant instrument which could have been used advantageously for revolutionary purposes. It was, in fact, the revolutionary swan song of the Socialist Party. Although adopted by the referendum yote of an overwhelmingly majority of the members, the resolution soon be- came a mere scrap of paper. The leaders who voted for it at the convention because of the press- ure of the rank and file proletarian Inenibers, sabotaged its execution and completely nullified the pro- visions calling for militant action, which were contained in it. At the Ohio state convention of the party at Canton Debs again expressed what he had said before America’s entrance into the im- Perlalist war. Ruthenberg, the leader of the party in Ohio, was already in prison and Debs took the cause of his imprisonment as the text ‘for his address to the convention. The Government con- victed Debs and tried to make his conviction and imprisonment an example of the same kind, as the execution of Sacco and Vanzetti, which was to serve as a warning to militant workers in the present period. Because of the nationwide agitation which followed his im- prisonment, Debs was later offered his freedom. But he would not. leave prison exceyt on his own terms. On December 25, 1921, after almost three years of incarceration In one of America’s bastiles, the 68-year-old revolt —By Burek Thomas and Foster-- “Pious Pleading vs. Class Struggle” Positions of the Candidates of the Communist and Socialist Parties in Sharp Contrast By C, A. HATHAWAY IORMAN THOMAS, by his own confession, is a pacifist. He is one’ who would have the working class take a blow on one cheek and, then, without resistance, meekly turn the other. He would have us accept one wage-cut with- out a fight in the hope that the bosses, seeing the suffering brought | by the first, would sympathetically | withhold a second. This middle- class, Gandhist nonsense is what ‘Thomas is propagating in this elec- tion campaign. In a speech recently delivered be- fore the Commonwealth Club in | San Francisco, Thomas declared: “If we are to keep class strife from becoming literal class war in a country of 13,000,000 unem- ployed ... there is no time to lose. It is, as the one hope of orderly and peaceful social change in America, that I have been so insistently pushing the Socialist program and the Social- ist organization in America.” In other words, the purpose of | i is campaign | Norman Thomas in thi paign | DEBS VS. THOMAS is to prevent “class strife” from de- veloping into “literal class war.” | He is “insistently pushing the So- cialist program” for that purpose. NOT THE FIRST TIME ‘This is not the first time Norman Thomas has put forward such a view. On the Negro question, he also declared against the Commu- nist demand, “Equal rights for the Negroes and self-determination for the Black Belt,” on the ground that it would “incite race war.” He ‘would sooner see the brutal perse- cution of the Negroes continued rather than see the workers strike a blow against it—for fear it would | “incite race war!” To the Negroes also, Thomas's advice is, “Turn the other cheek!” This position of Thomas does not mean that the Socialist Party is “for the immediate needs of the workers,” as some say, and that the Communists are “for revolution ” He is opposed to all struggle, both for immediate things and for the realization of the workers’ ultimate goal—socialism. His policy is one of pious pleading with the capital- ists, while warning the workers against all militant action. In that way, Thomas disarms the workers. ef LL real socialists see the class struggle as the actual motive force of all social change. But Norman Thomas, when he talks of preventing “class strife from be- coming literal class war,” is only trying to hamper the growth of that force—the class struggle— which alone can defeat capitalism and usher in socialism, Eugene V. Debs did not evade the issue of the class struggle or its historical. function. Debs, in sharp contradistinction to Thomas, de- clared: “We insist that there IS a class struggle; that the working class must recognize it; that they must organize economically and politically UPON THE BASIS OF THAT STRUGGLE and then when they do organize, they will then have the power to free themselves and put an end to that struggle forever.” Karl Marx, the founder of scien- tific socialism, also had no cow- ardly pacifist shiver up his spine at the thought of more intense class struggle; on the contrary, Marx saw the struggle of the work- ers taking on constantly higher and sharper forms—from the simplest struggle for higher wages to the revolutionary struggle for State power—as the guarantee for the final victory of socialism, In the Communist Manifesto, written jointly by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, they state: “In depicting the most general phases of the development of the proletariat, we traced THE MORE OR LESS VEILED CIVIL WAR. raging within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into OPEN REVOLU- ‘TION, and where the VIOLENT OVERTHROW of the bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.” How different these words of Marx, the revolutionist, sound, as compared with those of Norman Thomas, the avowed pacifist! Marx, boldly sees “more or less veiled civil war” breaking out “into open revolution.” Norman Thomas wants to stop “class strife from be- coming literal class war.” Yet Nor- man Thomas pretends to be a so- clalist! Eugene Debs agreed fully with Marx on this question. He fear- lessly declared in marked contrast with the whimpering Thomas, that: “I am opposed to every war BUT ONE; I anr for that war with heart and soul, and that is the world-wide war of the social- revolution. In that war, I am prepared to fight IN ANY WAY THE RULING CLASS MAY MAKE IT NECESSARY, even to barricades.” It is because Thomas 4s blind ‘and cannot see? No! In the same San Francisco speech, Thomas sees the probability of the very “literal class war” (open revolution) which he is frantically trying to head off. He says: ea “Given man’s ancient habit of war, IS NOT WAR, civil or for- eign, MORE LIKELY THAN PEACE in a world of strife he- tween classes and nations for power, prestige, _ profit—yes, sometimes for bread?” There Thomas admits that war 4s “more likely” than peace. But what a typical middle-class way of putting the question. With Thomas all the trouble arises from “man’s ancient habit of war.” The robbery of one class by another, the op- pression of one people by another, etc., does not enter into his pious, cher. calculations; it is of oy Si Sia amas C. A. HATHAWAY at the door of the capitalist rulers. But with: Thomas, the question is different.. The oppressive, robber wars of the capitalists against the toiling masses and against weaker peoples is placed in the same cate- gory as the struggles of the op- pressed for freedom. And it is precisely these latter struggles—the liberation struggles of the masses—that Thomas at- tempts to halt when he tries “to keep class strife from becoming literal class war in a country of 13,000,000 unemployed.” How different the question of war was put by Eugene V. Debs: “No, I am not oppposed to ALL wars,” declared Debs, “Nor am I opposed to fighting under all cir- cumstances, and any declaration to the contrary would disqualify me as a revolutionist.” And does not this clear-cut dec- Jaration of Debs disqualify Norman Thomas as a revolutionist and a socialist? Most completely! UT maybe Thomas is correct, and all other Socialists—Marx, Engels, Debs, Lenin—are wrong. In that case, hewever, Thomas should not parade as a “socialist”; he should defend the correctness of his pacifist-liberalism as against the revolutionary socialism of these working-class leaders and fighters. CRAWLING BEFORE THE EXPLOITERS But, is he correct? We think not! What does his theory amount to? Nothing but a pitiful crawling before the ruling class, pleading for some consideration for the masses only to avoid revolution—‘some consideration” which is never granted. In the meantime, to the he says: “Don’t fight; don’t don’t demonstrate—and, for God’s sake, ‘keep class strife from becoming literal class war.” What is the effect of such a policy? Will the bosses stop their wage cutting drive after hearing ‘Thomas’ whining? Will they stop lay-offs? Will they grant relief to the unemloyed? Will they pay the bonus? Will they establish social insurance? etc., ete. And, finally, will they quietly and peacefully give up power, turning the State power to the workers and poor farmers, as a result of Thomas’s pious pleading? Not by a long shot! The capitalists have too much at stake; they have rolled in wealth and luxury too long. They will not yield up ® cent until it s squeezed out of them by the toilers. William Z. Fosier ,the Commu- nist presidential candidate, in his book, “Toward Soviet America,” put the question clearly and sharply. He declares: “The capitalists will never voluntarily give up control of society and abdicate their system of exploiting the masses, Regard- Jess of the devastating effects of their decaying capitalism; let there be famine, war, pestilenge, terrorism, they will hang on to their wealth and power until % is snatched from their hands by the revolutionary proletariat. “The capitalists will not give up of their own accord; nor can they be talked, bought or voted out of power. To believe other- would be a deadly fatalism, disarming and paralyzing the workers in their struggle. No ruling class ever surrendered to a rising subject class without a last ditch cpen fight. (Witness the fight of Great Britain in 1776 to retain the American colonies; and the fight of the Southern ruling class in 1861—C. A. H.) To put an end to the capitalist sytsem will require a consciously revolu- tionary act by the great toiling masses, led by the Communist Party; that is the conquest of the State power, the destruction of the State machine created by the ruling class, and-the organization of the proletarian dictatorship. The lessons of history allow of no other conclusion.” In this statement, William Z. Foster stands on firm ground together with Marx, Engels, Lenin, and, yes, even with Eugene V. Debs. BOVE all, recent events prove the correctness of these’ asser- tions. The murderous warfare of the bosses and their political hench- men against the ‘unemployed, clubbing, gassing, and even killing them in dozens of ci including “socialist” Milwaukee; the vicious attacks against the ex-servicemen in Washington; the brutal efforts to break the fighting front of the poor farmers; the categorical re- fusal of Republicans, Democrats, and Socialists alike to pay adequate relief to the hungry and suffering millions — workers, ex-servicemen, Negroes, and poor farmers—all this conclusively proves that the cap- italist class will never yield an inch, will never give a crumb to the workers without a fight, without “class strife becoming literal class war.” Norman Thomas, with his paci- fism, is not weakening the assault of the bosses against the workers; he is only attempting to disarm the workers, ta break their re- sistance. THE ONLY WAY OUT William Z. Foster, on the cone trary, stands firmly on the plate form of the father of revolutionary socialism, Karl Marx on the plat- form of the class struggle. In the words of Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto, “The Com- munis¢t disda’n to conceal their views and aims. They openly de= clare that their ends can be at- tained only by the forcible over- throw of all existing social condi- tions, Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. hey have a world to gain.” Those workers campaign who in this election are really for a fight for bread today and for Socialism will repect the deadly pacifist poison of Norman Thomas, and energetically support the Com- munist candidates, William Z. Fos- ter and James W. Ford. ‘Their road—the revolutionary road—alone offers a way out of the crisis and misery of capitalism. The Party and Organization Problems of Railroad Men By A. C. H. Y hee give a basis for judging the value of my opinions, I will state that I am comparatively new in the movement—six months in the T. U. U. L. and three months in the Par- ty. My work thus far has been to assist in building a local of the Na- tional Railroad Industrial League where I am employed. Aliso I have been working with the National Of- fice of the R.R. League to further erganization on the railroads in general. The Party seems fully aware of the importance of trade union work in heavy industry. The Party reso- lutions and titerature stress this point and there is apparently a real effort being made to transfer the 14th Plenum Resolution on this point into concrete action. And yet the actual accomplishments fall far short of the possibilities. WHERE PARTY FAILS T have already observed many in- stances of failure of Party members who are or who have been employ- ed on the railroads to get in touch with the NRIL. I understand this condition exists in all the TUUL sections, which are hampered in their activities by lack of forces. Often these forces are at hand— members who are particularly fitted for trade union work, but who are engaged in general Party work. For example—a laid-off member of a railroad electricians’ lodge with many contacts in the terminal where he formerly worked—a cap- able organizer with trade union ex- perience in the Miners Union of Great Britain. Has been nine months in the Party, doing Unem- ployed Cowncil and Open Forum work, but until a month ago neith- er he nor the NRIL knew of the existence of the other. Another case—an ex-"“boomer” switchman with contacts in many yards—Par- ty member for several months— contacted by accident at a non- Party railroad meeting. He has beeri active in unem- ployed work @ ganable ercapizan W baa importance of revolutionary organization» on the railroads cannot be over-stressed. They are still the main arteries of transport- ation and all other industries are dependent on them. A strike on the railroads would cripple abso- lutely all war activity. Revloution- ary activity in this industry will follow the rails and carry the mes- sage of the class struggle into the farthest reaches and most isolated corners of the country. The rail- road workers are ripe for revelu- tionary industrial unionism. A new wage cut stares them in the face— working agreements are being bro- ken at every turn—their faith in the Brotherhood officials was killed with the 1932.sell-out and they are beginning to realize the impotence of their present organization, In this situation it is vitally im- portant that the NRIL have the support of all Party members who are or who have been engaged in the industry or who have contact with railroad workers. Also, in the past, there has been much scattered railroad activity by local groups and shop units who have failed to get, in touch with the NRIL center where their activities could be co- ordinated and the movement car- ried out on a national scale. Ef- fective organization on the rail- roads must essentially be national in scope, as wages and conditions are in most cases based on nation- al agreements, SOME SUGGESTIONS Here are some suggestions which I think will aid the carrying on of trade union work in general. Further and continued efforts should be made to get Party mem- bers active in their respective T. U. U. L. sections — their activities should be coordinated through the Union and League Centers. To this end they should support their re- spective headquarters financially as well as morally, A directory of na- tional offices of 'TUUL sections would prove useful, This directory should be published in Labor Unity, the Party Organizer and such other Party pub! as | | {