The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 21, 1932, Page 4

peas os Daily, shed by the Compresalty Publishing Ce. Ine., dally exept ed York City W. ¥. Telephone ALgomquin '¢-7908. Ondie “i ii acd mall chooks te the Daily Worker, 9 K. 38th St, New York, MX, Party rker Ca SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everwhere: One veer, $¢: sx months, 98; two months, $i; eneupting Bereugh nse Bronx, New York City. dra: ome yene, 98; dq, 98_par. ye: conts per_menth. Hoover’s Flunkeys and| | agitation only. Foreign-Born Workers IHE following letter has been sent to all persons who held executive positions in the “relief” machinery during and after the world war. It will be recalled that the outstanding activity of the Hoover machine following the war was its mobilization for the support of the counter-revolution in Hungary, the mas- s@cre of the revolutionary workers and peasants, and leaders of the Hungarian Soviet Government. Hoover’s former spies and flunkeys are again for his campaign Hoover being mobilized “October 19% “Friends of the Chief: “We address you as Lincoln Hutchinson did in 1928. ‘You will remember that Lincoln was Chairman of a group of men who worked among voters of foreign extraction to help put the Chief in the White House. The response to that letter was very great, ‘Some of us are again trying to disseminate facts and CLEAR UP SUNDERSTANDINGS ABOUT THE CAMPAIGN ISSUES WHICH IN THE FOREIGN LANGUAGE PRESS, OR AMONG FOREIGN LANGUAGE CLUBS OR GROUPS. TO FACILITATE THIS, WE ARE OBTAINING SYSTEMATIC REPORTS COVERING THE ENTIRE FOREIGN LANG PRESS. We may.need help in your district to take action on specific situations which come to the attention of these Headquarters. May we count on you as one of our group? (Signed) M. W. TUTHILL, Room 588, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, New York City.” 'HE Hoover adm: tration, through the Department of Labor headed by Doak, and-with the endorsement and assistance of President Wil- liam Green and the other officials of the American Federation of Labor, is carrying through the most ruthless drive against foreign-born workers this country has ever seen, The Democratic Party administrations in cities and states give full support to this suppression campaign, In official statements by Doak the boast is made that in the first six months of this year 20,000 deportations took place. There is not a single important industrial center where the spies of the department of labor and im ation are not actively co-operatii th the employers intimidate, and deport militant workers fighting wage cuts and arre the starvation charity relief system. Hoover hates the foreign-born workers but he wants their votes. We urge foreign-born workers and the revolutionary foreign language ss to expose arid combat this sinister attempt to corrupt and enlist the foreign language press and fraternal societies in support of Hoover. We call on foreign born workers to note that Roosevelt, the Demo- cratic candidate, has never said one word against the Hoover policy of espionage, intimidation and deportation that under the administration of Wilson, the Democrz!, Attorney General Palmer initiated the program of mass arrests and deportaiions of foreign born workers for revolutionary political opinions, loyalty to and activity in the struggles of the working class. The Socialist Party, claiming to be a party of the working class, has never made a single protest, or carried out a single struggle against the arrests and deportations of the dozens of revolutionary workers and organizers jailed and sent out of the country during the three years of the present crisis. The Socialist Party supports Matthew Woll and the A. F. of L, officials who advocated deportations, and have backed Doak’s campaign to the full. The Socialist Party by denouncing Communists as “advocates of vio- lence”, by denouncing as “adventurist” the militant mass struggle organ- ized and led by Communists, gives active support to the deportation drive of Hoover and Doak. Not a single Socialist Party leader has been arrested and held for deportation in the last three years. * » * INLY the Communist Party fights for the political rights of the foreign born workers as part of the American working class, and conducts a continuous struggle against the attempt of capitalist government to make foreign born workers subject to fingerprinting, police supervision, espion- age, terrorization and deportation. This policy is intended to make the foreign-born workers a cowed and helpless section of the working class— the mercy of the big corporations in heavy industry where most of them are employed and where in a number of industries they are the majority of the working class. Support the program and candid: comrades Foster and Ford— of the Communist Party. Vote Communist against deportatio: strengthen the united fight against capitalist reaction! Fight for the overthrow of capitalism and for the formation of a Workers’ and Farmers’ Govern- ment which will end deportations and all other forms of oppression of workers by capitalists! Roosevelt and “A Square Deal for Labor” VOTE for ROOSEVELT and GARNER Means a Square Deal for Labor” says a leaflet issued by the Democratic National Campaign Committee. Ten ” are given to support this hackneyed demagogic statement. The fi “reason” is: “Because 11,000,000 unemployed are looking for jobs under the Hoover regime.” (This is an underestimation of the number of unemployed, now between 15 and 16 million, typical of the attempts made by both Re- publicans and Democrats to minimize the extent of the cap- italist © .—Ed. Note.) Roosevelt is governor of New York state. In New York City alone, according to the official figures, there are 1,150,- 000 totally unemployed. In the state probably 2,000,000 unemployed. In New York diction of Governor Roosevelt, there is more number of unemployed as estimated by paign Committee. ‘These 2,000,000 unemployed are looking for jobs under the Roosevelt regime. Roosevelt is a champion of the “state’s rights” theory and knows as governor that the Hoover regime cannot interfere with him in giving jobs. s a whole there are e then, under the juris- than a fifth of the entire the Democratic National Cam- But here are 2,000,000 unemployed in New York State alone, And Roosevelt has not raised a finger to prevent the wholesale discharge of workers by the employers in this state. He is a servant of capitalism In New York state the same starvation system of relief for the un- employed, under the control of the capitalist agencies, exists as in other states, . ° . HS Roosevelt taken any action against the constant clubbings, gassings, murder by police, and’ jailing of workers and their leaders in strikes and unemployment demonstrations? He has not. He is the head of capi- talist government in New York state. As governor, Roosevelt had the power to release Foster, Minor, Amter and Raymond, sentenced to three years for leading the unemployment demonstration of 110,000 workers on March 6, 1930. He did not do so. The unemployed delegation to Albany in January, and clubbed by Roosevelt's state troopers, Roosevelt endorses the vicious stagger system of employment which cuts wages and speeds up workers, and the still more vicious extension of it into the “share-the-work” plan fathered by Teagle of the Standard Oil Company. Roosevelt and Hoover stand shoulder to shoulder on these issues. Their conflict on unmployment and unemployment relief is a sham. battle. They both support capitalism which is the cause of the three- year crisis and the increasing mass misery. 1930, was attacked IN all basic conflicts between the capitalist class and the working class Roosevelt and Hoover have the same position—solving the crisis and saving capitalism at the cost of ever growing misery for the ma Only the Communist Party fights for the interests of the working vlass and organizes the working class for the revolutionary struggle against all attacks on workers and farmers and for the overthrow of cap- ‘talism—for the revolutionary way out of the «~ a | it shows a general under-estima- PARTY LIKE Organizing Our Vote in the Election By MORRIS H. POWERS (Communist Candidate for Con- gress in Philadelphia) HE question of securing a large vote for the Communist Party in November is not a matter of Leaflets, posters, signs and open-air meetings may create general sentiment amongst the workers for support of our Party; however, it is a fact that many very active comrades and Party members will be unable to vote in November, because of negli- gence in failure to place their names on the assessors’ list some weeks ago. This cannot be con- sidered a matter of negligence, but tion on the part of even Party members of the significance of se- curing a large Communist vote in November and generally to par- ticipate in revolutionary parlia- mentary struggle. This negligence is far greater amongst the non- Party people; therefore, it becomes the job of the Party to not only agitate, and then depend on a spontaneous turnout of worker- voters, but to rather organize our vote in each block, division and ward. How is this to be done? Some experience in this connection can serve as a basis for carrying through ‘this work into practice, EXPERIENCES IN PHILADELPHIA In Section 9, in Philadelphia, on @ certain block where the Party has developed some good activity amongst the non-Party workers, Party members were called and asked how many to their knowl- edge will vote Communist on that block. After thinking the matter over carefully, the comrades’ reply was that there were four votes for our Party on that particular block. ‘We immediately asked the com- rades to call in these four workers who promised to vote Communist. ‘The workers were called in, and we explained to them that it is our purpose to organize the workers in the block for the elections. It was brought out by non-Party mem- bers that a total vote on that block ‘was not four but thirteen. We then made a list of all the thirteen. Ryle foe E elected a captain for that block who went out and in less than a half hour visited every one of the thirteen and reported how many of them failed to register last month. Many of the workers were unable to pay their 25 cents for registration. Workers, who had jobs, were approached on this question of covering the 25 cents tax for others that were unem- ployed. They responded gladly and so every vote in the block was assured for our Party in November. It was then further decided to check up on the votes on the other parties. We found four workers on the block voting Socialist, several Democrat. Discussing the matter, we came to an agreement to call a house meeting of the Socialist and Democrat voters who were work- ers im a private home, to arrange a house affair where the platform | them over to vote Communist. It | | OTHER EXAMPLES ; cent reports of the demoralization and | breaking-up of the Nazi storm troops, | the cables carry the following: dissolved in Ber- |H arksheide Schleswig - Hols- ‘the police. come unto Me” — true gentleman.” of our Party will be discussed, where efforts will be made to win was further decided that the voters donate a few cents each, so that the entire block will be covered with Party Election Campaign plat- forms, Another example: We then fol- lowed the same procedure on the next block. There there were only three known Communist votes, All of. them were non-Party people. We called on them in less than five minutes for a house meeting; one voted Communist last year; the other two voted for the Republican in the last city elections. They were, however, very enthusiastic about doing something to get a large Communist vote out in No- vember. One of them volunteered to act as captain for the block and undertake to secure a dozen votes on that block for the Communist Party. The day after we checked up on this captain, who reported that he actually went out from door to door and spoke to neigh- bors and that he actually reached the number of votes promised for our Party. ‘This method can be applied in every block where we have any contacts at all. Failure to do this will mean that hundreds of our workers, who vote Communist, fail to do so simply because we under- estimate the importance of organ- izing our vote. HITLER’S BODYGUARD DISINTEGRATES BERLIN.—Supplementing our re- ‘Three storm detachments have been lin-Halensee for “mutiny”? The branch of the Fascist Party in si ~ tein has dis- AN solved voluntar- ily. Only seven of the 42 mem- bers remain in 2 the Nazi Party. Differences within Storm Detach- ment 14 in Charlottenburg led to an attempt to murder one of its mem- bers. Hoff, # Protestant minister and socutmaster of a Nazi Boy Scout troop, recently testified against Communist workers on trial for mur- der in the emergency court of Shar- lottenburg. It has been discovered that he advised the boys in his troop to buy revolvers “for use against the Communists” and not to report 1 Gait, THEY’RE BOTH RIGHT! By BARD. Roosevelt declared that the Reconstruction Finance Corporation which has turned over billions of government funds to the bankers (and not a cent to the starving masses) “is as much a Democratic measure as a Republican measure”—News Item. Debs and the Trade Unions Stood | Ritndy for RAblittnary Action of the Workers By ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG Bt 'UGENE VY. DEBS was a revolu- tionary unionist, His whole experience in the labor movement had taught him that only a trade union based on a militant class program can cope with the offen- sive of the employers and serve the workers properly in their every struggles. His revolutionary conception of the role of the trade unions, as well as his experience with craft unions, led him to adopt the idea of revolutionary indus- trial unionism. As a socialist Debs did not be- lieve in the neutrality policy advo- cated by the Socialist Party before the World War. According to this policy the A. F. of L. and its com- ponent, unions, were to tackle only the everyday economic demands of the workers, while the Socialist Party would busy itself with the political phases of the labor movement. This means, of course, leaving the unions to the complete | control of the reactionary leaders. Unlike the “pure and simple” trade unionist, Debs knew that there could be no absolute separation be- tween the political and economic phases of the labor movement. In 1912, when the Socialist Party was at the height of its strength in membership and influence, he wrote: “The S. P. cannot be neutral on the union question. It is com- pelled to declare itself by the logic of evolution, and as a revolutionary party it cannot commit itself to the principles of reactionary trade unionism.” (Emphasis mine.—A.T.) esi EBS stood for the permeation of the existing unions by the so- cialists, advocating the policy of “boring from within.” As a matter of fact, this tactic was enunciated at the very inception of the Social- ist Party as against the policy of deserting the existing unions and (eaving them to the reactionary leaders. Debs never failed to em- phasize the need of the organiza- policy which {s stressed today only by the Communists and the revolu- tionary unions under the leader- ship of the Trade Union Unity League. Neither did Debs recoil from the idea of organizing the unorganized into new unions in view of the failure of the official Jabor movement to pay“ any atten- tion to the hosts of workers left outside the labor organizations, He wrote in 1912: “I would encour- age industrial independent organi- zation, especially among the mil- lions who have not been organized at all, and I would alsc encourage the ‘boring from within’ for all that can be accomplished by the industrial unionists in the craft unions.” (Emphasis mine.—A. T.) Even prior to that in 1910, in a let~ ter to Tom Mann, the English mil- itant trade unionist, he wrote: “We must bore from within and with- out,” DEBS AND THE the possession of these revolvers to “Let the little children ome | oa A. F. OF L. with all net class collaboration he fre- pa a kena his Aven against tion of the unorganized,—another | ‘| 8. P. gubernatorial candidate who, Samuel Gompers, who for twoscore years was at the head of the A. F. of L. and who more than any one else personified) Ehis policy. Gompers’ connections with the Civic Federation always came in for scathing criticism from Debs. “For the very reason Gompers was glorified by Wall Street, Bill Hay- wood is despised by Wall Street,” he thus compared the two out- standing figures who represented the opposite poles in the labor movement. Although fully recognizing the reactionary character of the A. F. of L. and never failing to attack its leaders for their class collabora- tionist policies and their open be- trayals of the workers in numerous struggles, Debs, however, failed or- ganizationally to challenge Gom- pers’ leadership and call upon his party to solidify the large num- bers of organized workers who fol- lowed the party into an organized opposition: within the A. F. of L. on the platform of the class strug- gle vs. class collaboration. He wrote | in 1911: “The A. F. of L., as an or- | ganization, with its Civic Federa- tion to determine its attitude and control its course, is deadly hostile to the S. P. and to any and every revolutionary movement of the working class. To kowtow to this organization and to join hands with its leaders to secure political favor can only result in compro- mising our principles and bringing disaster to the party.” (Emphasis mine.—A. T.) How prophetic these words sound today when we ob- serve the support which the S, P. leaders now extend to the Green: the Wolls and the Hillmans in their fight against the militant rank and file in the labor unions. ‘The S. P. has indeed brought dis- aster upon itself through its policy of making common cause with the reactionary leaders of the A. F. of L. and with other enemies of labor. THE A.F.L. PARTISAN” “NON- POLICY ‘The Gompers policy of “No poli- tics in the unions” always amused Debs who knew that Gompers him- self was a Democratic politician and that his lieutenants worked for either the Republican or Dem- ocratic parties in consideration for favors or jobs. The policy of the A. F. of L. of petitioning Congress and otherwise depending upon goy- ernment bodies was repulsive to Debs, “Can they not see that we have a capitalist class Congress and capitalist class legislatures and that it is the very height of folly and depth of humiliation for a committee of the working class to beg the representatives of the cap- italist class to legislate in the in- terest of the working class?” * 8 6 H Hane? the defense of the existing capitalist government is the main consideration of the S, P. at the present time can be gleaned from another offieial appeal to the N.Y, Tammany governor by the | day's | the - state in recommending the calling of a of unemployment insurance, motivat- ed his appeal in typical S, P. fash- ion: “The importance of such a recommendation lies in the fact that it would encourage and con- vince the workers of our state at this critical hour that the govern- ment is not remiss in its duty and that grave social wrongs can be remedied through democratic (read: capitalist) means.” Empha- sis mine.—A. T.) This is, of course, nothing else but an attempt to sow illusions among the workers so that they may believe that they can get real relief from the ravages of the pres- ent economic crisis and attendant unemployment from the capitalist state government of New York. DEBS STANDS FOR REVOLUTIONARY CLASS UNIONISM From the very beginning of his acceptance of Socialism as his guiding philosophy, Debs under- stood that the only real labor union is the class union. He never failed to drive home this lesson. The old union—by which he meant. the } vnion which Gompers helped to develop through class collaboration and which was founded on the pol- icy of a “fair day’s work for a fair wage”—he considered as en- tirely opposed to the interests of the workers. He maintained that this union is “organized on the basis of identity of interests be- | tween the capitalists and the wage | workers, and spends its time and devotes its energies to harmoniz- ing these two classes; and it is a main and hopeless task. When this interest can be even temporarily harmonized it is always in the in- terest of the capitalist class and at the expense of the working class.” Debs understood the nature of the class struggle. He saw the ar- ray of class forces in every fight the workers waged. This can be ob- served in all his utterances. He also knew the power, and the role of in class conflicts. He himself experienced it many times during the struggles in which he was engaged. He saw the A.R.U. strike broken by the military force of the capitalist government and when he later described it he wrote that “in the gleam of every bayo- net and the flash of every rifle the class struggle was revealed,” * 8 'HE trade unions which stand squarely and uncompromisingly on the platform of the class strug- gle and which are built on the basis of revolutionary industrial union- ism for which Debs stood, are to- day found under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League, The T.U.U.L. with its affiliated unions and revolutionary groupings in various trades are the only or~ ganizations on the trade union field which are waging a fearless struggle against the bosses’ offen- sive, are organizing the unorgan- ized, are exposing the treachery of the reactionary union bureaucracy and are rallying the workers into new fighting unions to battle: special session of the N. Y. legis- she rae, ation Ae By EARL BROWDER The capitalist press the other day/ carried a story from Shanghai of the arrest of Chen Tuh-siu and six associates by the international po- lice, who turned them over to the Kuomintang. The Daily Worker also carried this dispatch. In this | story Chen Tuh-siu was described as secretary of the Chinese Com- munist Party. Chen is not the leader of the Chinese Communist Party as was wrongly reported, but on the con- trary one of its bitterest enemies, having been expelled in 1927 dur- ing the period of the break-up of the left Kuomintang government of Wuhan, for betrayal of the revo- lutionary workers and peasants to the Kuomintang militarists who were making their peace with Chiang Kai-shek. Chen Tuh-siu, a college profes- sor, was one of the leaders of the Chinese intellectuals who combined with the revolutionary workers in the foundation of the Chinese Com- munist Party in 1921, He never was able, however, to cut himself loose from his class connections with the bourgeoisie. During the period of 1925-26, when the Com- munist Party was working within the Kuomintang, Chen strength- ened these ties insteaq of breaking them. The result was that when, in May, 1927, the Wuhan Kuomin- tang leaders decided to make peace with Chiang Kai-Shek, and to sup- press the workers’ and peasants’ movement, Chen made the most. obstinate fight in the leadership of the Chinese Party to sumbit the revolutionary movement to the bourgeois dictatorship. He was in- strumental in temporarily overcom- ing the proletarian elements in the leadership of the Chinese Party, rejecting the advice of the Comin- tern and adopting a decision call- ing for the disarmament of the workers and peasants. ‘THE FIGHT AGAINST CHEN TUH-SIU The fight against Chen Tuh-siu was led by the working class lead- ers: Sou Chao-jen, the leader of the All-China Federation of Labor (who died in 1930), and Hsiang Chung-fa, in 1927 chairman of the Hupeh Federation of Labor and leader of the Chinese Railwaymen’s Union. When the workers in the Chinese Communist Party over- came their petty-bourgeois mis- leaders in August, 1927, they ex- pelled Chen Tuh-siu and his as- Sociates from the Party. Hsiang Chung-fa became the secretarv of the Party from that time until 1931, when he was arrested by the im- Perialist police in the International Settlement in Shanghai, turned over to the Kuomintang and exe- cuted within a few hours. As a result of the determined stand of the Chinese Communist Party against the opportunist cap- itulation of Chen Tuh-Siu and his associates, the Chinese Party was able within a short time to again Touse and organize a new revolu- Chen Tuh-Siu and the Chinese Revolution tionary advance of the Chinese workers and peasants, which from 1930 up to date has won tremen- dous territory for the revolution- ary forces and established the Chi- nese Soviet Government, with a population of 60,000,000 to 70,000,000, URING this period Chen Tuh- siu_ has conducted an active struggle against the Chinese Com- munist Party. At first he openly defended his capitulation to the Kuomintang. Later, after the suc- cesses of the Chinese Communist Party had thoroughly discredited the Kuomintang among the masses, Chen Tuh-siu switched his posi- tion, declared his allegiance to ‘Trotzky and blamed his own errors upon the leadership of the Com- intern. « During a part of the crucial period f 1927, the writer of this article in Hankow—when the decisive issues of armament or disarmament of the wor and peasants first sharp issue within the ist Party. In view of the fact that the Trotzkyites in Amer- ica have systematically spread slanders about myself in relation to that period, attempting with all their power to create the legend that the Chinese Party and the Communist International, includin: “the American Stalinist, Browder,” failed to carry on a resolute strug- gle against Chiang ,Kai-Shek, it may not be out of place to take this occasion to call attention to the retords. These show that in April, in the period when Chen Tuh-siu was actively and bitterly fighting for the disarmament of the workers and peasants, I wrote a statement for the All-China Fed- eration of Labor energetically call- ing for the further armament of the workers and peasants and the development of seizure of the land, This statement was printed in Eng- lish in the magazine, “Chinese Correspondence,” published at that time in Hankow, was printed in several Chinese revolutionary news- papers, and was distributed through the country as a pamphlet in 25,000 copies THE PRESENT ARREST The present arrest of Chen Tub- siu in Shanghai is one of the signs of the disintegration of the Kuo- mintang and its satellite groups, among which is the group of Chen Tuh-siu. Politically he is far from the Communist Party, one of its active enemies; he is much closer to the group of Wang Ching-wei, with which he has worked for many years. Wang Ching-wei is the so-called “left” leader of the Kuomintang, who was the premier of the Nanking government up un- til a few months ago, when he had another split with Chiang Kai- Shek. The present arrest of Chen is undoubtedly connected with the struggle between Chiang Kai-Shek and Wang Ching-wei, which re- flects the struggles between the various imperialist powers for dom- ination of the Nanking government. a— 97S i Question WORKER writes from Bend, Oregon, to ask whether the Communist Party “believes in God, the bible, or any kind of church or religion,” Answer The following extracts from Lenin’s article on “Socialism and Religion” state clearly the Com- munist Party's position on this question. The full article and other articles by Lenin on that subject are included in a pamphlet called “Religion,” published by the International Publishers, 381 Fourth | Avenue, New York, N.Y., and which | can be purchased for 20 cents. “Religion,” writes Lenin, is one of the forms of spiritual oppression which everywhere weigh upon the masses who are crushed by contin- uous toil for others, by poverty and deprivation. The helplessness of all the exploited in their struggle against the exploiters inevitably generates a belief in a better life after death, even as the helpless- ness of the savage in his struggle with nature gives rise to a belief in gods, devils, miracles, etc. “Religion teaches those who toil in poverty all their lives to be re- signed and patient in this world and consoles them with the hope of reward in heaven..... “Our Party is a league of class- | conscious, progressive fighters for | the liberation of the working class. Such a league cannot ang must not be indifferent to ignorance or be- | mightedness in the shape of reli- gious beliefs. We demand the en- tire separation of the State from the Church, in order to disperse the fog of religion by purely intellectual and only intellectual weapons, by our press and oral persuasion . “A union in that genuinely revo- Questions and Answers lutionary struggle of the oppressed } class to set up a heaven on earth is more important to us than @ unity in proletarian opinion about the imaginary paradise in the sky... “The class conscious worker of today, brought up in the environ- ment of a big factory, and en- lightened by town life, rejects re- ligious prejudices with contempt: He leaves heaven to the priests and bourgeois hypocrites “But we must under no circum- stances allow ourselves to be side- tracked into a treatment of the religious question in the abstract— idealistically—as' a matter of “reason” quite detached from the class struggle—a presentation often y radical bourgeois demo- “That is why we do not declare, and must not declare in our pro- gram that we are ‘Atheists’; that is why we do not forbid and must not forbid proletarians who still cling to the demnants of old pre- judices to come into closer contact with our Party “We must not allow the forces waging a genuinely revolutionary economic and political struggle to be broken up for the sake of opin- ions and dreams that are of third- ~,.. rate importance, which are rapidly losing all political significance, and which are being steadily relegated to the rubbish heap by the normal course of economic develop- ment..... “The revolutionary proletariat will see to it that religion does realy become a private matter as far as the State is concerned, And en, under a regime cleaned of Mediaeval mustiness, the proletar- jat will wage a great open strug- gle for the abolition of economi¢e slavery, the real source of the reli- gious deception of humanity.” How the Socialists Supported — Imperialist War of 1914-18 ‘Ruling Class Has Changed Fundamentally” and articles of leaders of the Second (soc’alist) The Daily Worker continues the publication of e: ts fi in | tional is from in support of the imperialist war of 1914-18. The follo’ the “Arbeiter-Zeitung,” the central organ of the Social-Democratie Party of Austria, issue of Sept. 18, 1944s “It is true, this great iaaale of “the icplse of Europe has etisigs also the ruling class fundamentally. Who would have expected of Herr von Bethmann Hollweg, who appeared normally as the embodiment of bureaucratic one-sidedness and limitation, that he would praise the freedom of the people as the highest treasure and see in it the moral idea of the State policy of our day? The man of the ‘God-given realie ties, the man who regardes the world of dominance and exploitation on the one hand and suppression on the other ag the order of things ordained by Providence, the.man who regarded any attempt té@ shake the pillars of this order as a revolt against an authority set up by God! And now in a passionate indictment of Great Britain this man hag delivered the flaming words: The cause of the freedom of the peoples epee ge ragurot Crest brietn Tgnrot Great oe Sei cond aes, J 3 ~,