The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 20, 1932, Page 4

eee i Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1932 Yorker Porty US.A. Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Swnéag, at 08 Telephone ALgcaquin 4-7986. Oubdle “DAIWORE.” the Daily Worker, 50 K. 18th St, New Yerk, M. X. Dail St., New York 5 Address and mall checks ¢: SUBSCRIPTION RATES: months, $3 Wy mall everywhere: One year, 96: six two months, $1; exeagting Foreign: ome year, 98; month, I Fight Cause of Hunger! Join Communist Party! “y By HERBERT BENJAMIN. (National Secretary, Unemployed Councils of U. 8. HE struggle against hunger is involving ever larger mas- Increasing forces join in the battles that must be waged in order that the interests of the workers and their Ses, very lives may be defended against the ruthless attacks of the wealthy ruling class. The outcome of these battles are of great importance not only to the workers who are di- rectly involved, but to all who suffer from or are threatened by the capitalist program of hunger, terror and war. For many hundreds of thousands, these battles determine whether they may live or must die. The splendid struggles that are waged against the ef- fects of mass unemployment, must be progressively devel- Oped into struggle against the cause, The fight to get and keep food and shelter must rapidly evolve into an uncompromising struggle to de- stroy the system which operates to deny us the opportunity to obtain the Most elementary necessities of life. We must wrest from the greedy capi- tulist ruling class, the power which it uses in order to deny us the product of our labor and the natural wealth which can amply supply the needs of all. We must take from this small clique of parasites, the power of the government which is used to suppress iie masses of toilers. 2 * * UR immediate interests as well as our ultimate aims, require a power- ful organization of a conscious vanguard. This vanguard must be made up of the best, most militant, most earnest and devoted fighters in the ranks of the working class. These must give organized leadership to the broad masses in their daily struggles. ‘ The success of our every day struggle, depends upon the effectiveness of the leadership, of the vangua It is the duty of every honest work- Ingclass fighter to help strengthen this vanguard, to assume a share of the responsibility and of the many tasks which must be performed by the vanguard—the Communist Party. Only in this manner, only with the aid of the splendid fighters who have come forward in the bitter strug- gles against hunger and misery, wili the Communist Party be able to Perform its in ensable task of leadership. The Communist Party is the Party which unites the best leaders pro- duced in the struggles of the working class. It is the Party of all who fre determined to fight for both the immediate and fundamental needs and interests of the working class for relief and insurance, against the capitalist attacks on wages and against the abolition of the whole system of oppression. It is the Party which unites and leads all the forces of the working class in the struggle to defend the toiling masses against the attacks of the boss class. All the power and resources at the disposal of the Communist Party is directed to one purpose, the advancement of the cause of the working class, the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of a free Socialist Society. * . . 'VERY WORKER who shares this purpose, whether employed or un- employed, should join the Communist Party. By pooling our energies, our Courage. our talents, our experience and our resources; giving to the Party and through the Party to the working class, all that we are capable ef giving, we can develop that powerful instrument which is required in order to crown with success our struggle to defeat and destroy the system which breeds poverty amidst riches, hunger, insecurity, terror and war, JOIN THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY OF THE WORKINGCLASS! HELP BUILD A POWERFUL COMMUNIST PARTY FOR THE WORKERS OF THE UNITED STATES! Class Battles in Ireland and England OLLOWING the mass strike and unemployment demon- strations in Belfast, which secured concessions for the workers in spite of the use of police and two British regi- ments, come new ruggles in England. Thousands of unemployed workers demonstrated in London yesterday and battled for two hours with police in an effort to reach the Parliament buildings. mass 8 The unemployed, organized and led by the Communist Party and the Unemployed Workers’ Committee, demanded additional relief and withdrawal of government measures cutting hundreds of thousands off the relief rosters. The resistance of the workers to the capitalist offensive is rising throughout the British Isles as the drive on their living standards by the MacDonald Tory government affects ever wider masses of workers. The termination of the trade agreement with the Soviet Union, auto- matically adding thousands to the ranks of the unemployed, is part of this offensive—as. well as part of the imperialist offensive against the Soviet Union and the working class on an international scale. The Labor Party leaders in the London County Council—the British counterparts of Norman Thomas, Hillquit, Oneal, etc., of the American Socialist Party—played an especially despicable role while scores of hungry workers were being clubbed by His British Majesty’s police. Having taken the lead in cutting down relief and wages (MacDonald-Henderson), and in connection with the present demonstration, after giving warning to the police of “Communist violence,” these heroes of the Second International bravely announced from the security of the Council Cham- ber that the government policy was forcing Labor Party officials to or- ganize unemployment demonstrations, that they would take the leader- ship from the Communist Party and “create havoc and chaos in every district committze in London. Brave words, indeed, against the background of their betrayal of the Belfast workers! But these are socialists in action. They are of thé same pattern in all countries HAT will the New York Herald-Tribune say about “outside influence” in the London struggle? Following the two-day battle in Belfast, in a long editorial eulogy of the people of Ulster entitled “The ‘Scotch-Irish’ Temper,” ‘the Herald-Tribune stated “With all their sense and courage these people had only to be per- Suaded that they were being exploited to erupt with violence. . ». They had only to be shown they were wrong to subside. The action of the Jabor union conference (read: Labor Party leaders) in making it clear at onee that the inspiration for this burst of fury was not theirs, but. ‘was imported, was a powerful sedative. The rush which English Com- munists, with Mr. Tom Mann in the van, have made to the scene is just the kind of evidence that will give the word of the unions convincing support in Ulster, and it is most likely to restore an atmosphere of cold Sanity which will be uncongenial to radical agitators,” ‘The question the Herald-Tribune has to answer now 1s: Where did the “radical agitators” who led the thousands of English working men and women in the mass struggle yesterday come from? Perhaps the Herald- ‘Tribune editor thinks that the London demonstration was simply a wel- come ta.Irish Communists returning the visit of their British comrades, The truth of the matter is, of course, that both the British and Irish workers are being impoverished and oppressed by the same overlords, The struggles of the Irish workers and peasants against British imperialism and its agents, Irish landlords, capitalists and clergy, is receiving increas- ing support from the British masses because of their own necessity to fight against British imperialism and as a result of Communist agitation, propaganda and organization. ° . . (| Mee task here is to maintain the strongest fraternal relations with the British Communist Party anq working class—and to organize among American workers, especially those of Irish birth and descent, effective political and material support for the liberation struggle of the Irish masses, exposing at all times such slanders as those of the Herald-Tribune. The rising tide of mass struggles in Ireland and England, led by the ‘Communists, show the growing unity of British and Irish workers against the imperialist ruling ciass, in one of the most important sectors of the international class struggle. 4 AE 13» , | | am | luton; Lenin--From February to October 717 LETTERS FROM AFAR, by V. I. Lenin, Little Lenin Library, Vol. 8, 15 cents, THE TASKS OF THE PROLE- TARIAT IN OUR REVOLUTION, by V. I. Lenin, Little Lenin Library, Vol. 9, 15 cents. THE APRIL CONFERENCE, by V. I. Lenin, Little Lenin Library, Vol. 10, 20 cents. All published by International Pub- lishers, 381 Fourth Ave., New York. Ae Coe Reviewed by J. S. ALLEN “ORKERS, you have displayed marvels of proletarian and pop- ular heroism in the civil war against tsarism; you must display marvels of proletarian and nation- wide organization in order to pre- pare your victory in the second stage of the revolution.” Thus wrote Lenin in his first “Letter From Afar” to the Russian workers, five: days after he had received news in Zurich, Switzer- land, where he was in exile, of the revolution on March 14, which had overthrown the Tsar. On | March 16, he had already referred to the revolution as the “first stage of the first revolution.” In the let- ter referred to above Lenin speaks of the situation then existing in Russia as “a transition stage from the first phase of the revolution to the second.” With his unfailing revolutionary perception, with his profound knowledge of history and the role of each class in modern society, Lenin already saw, though he was “afar,” what working class leaders in Russia had not yet clearly grasped. He saw that it was neces- sary to fight and overthrow the Provisional Government, which had taken power as the representative of the bourgeoisie and the big land- owners, although it was the work- ers and the soldiers, nearly all of them peasants, who had led the revolution. He saw the necessity to push the revolution into its “sec- ond stage,” the proletarian revolu- tion, ae} IN his “Letters From Afar” Lenin discusses all the problems of de- veloping the revolution .into its “second stage,” shows that the power must be transferred to the workers and poorest peasants whose government must be organized after the model of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies and that only such a government could obtain real peace, bread, land and freedom. He altéady sees clearly the necessity for forging the unbreakable alliance with the poorest peasantry by confiscating the land of the big landowners and nationalizing the entire land as demanded the peasants. All these, said Lenin, would constitute the “transition to Socialism.” Today this estimate of the Rus- sian revolution and its development is an integral part of Marxism- Leninism, is unquestioned in the policies and tactics of the Commu nist Parties. Then it was only Lenin who cleariy saw the perspec- tives of the developing revolution, understood how to lead the masses | to the attainment of their de- mands, oy ee Te principles that guided the Strategy and action of the Bol- sheviks during the transition from the bourgeois revolution in March to the proletarian revolution in November were enunciated by Lenin in complete form in “The Tasks of the Proletariat In Our Revolution.” His famous “April Theses,” which | he wrote on his arrival in Russia under the title of “The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Rev- olution,” are also contained in this Little Lenin volume. Together with “Letters on Tactics,” in which he answers the counter-arguments of his Bolshevik opponents, whose leader was Kameney, these writings served as the basis for discussion at the All-Russian Conference of the Bolsheviks which took place in Petrograd (now Leningrad) in May (April, old calendar), At the National Conference Lenin convinced the Party, and through it the workers, of the correctness of his views. The speeches delivered by him at the conference—on the Political situation, the war, the na- tional question, the agrarian ques- tion, on the situation within the international socialist parties—are contained in the pamphlet “The April Conference.” Events which transpired during the first week in May—the tremendous outpouring of the masses under revolutionary slogans on May Day and the dem- onstrations of May 3 and 4 pro- testing the continuation of the war —were already proving Lenin to be right, The further development of the revolution to the successful upris- ing of November 7 workerd out just as Lenin had said. Taking Marx and Engels as his teachers, study- ing in detail all the lessons offered by history, always able to perceive the needs and moods of the masses, Lenin was able to be the leader of the successful proletarian revolu- tion and guide it to the creation of the Soviet State, laying the foun- dation for Socialism which today covers one-sixth of the earth, + 8 6 To introductions to the pam- phlets by Comrade Alexander Trachtenberg help the reader not only to understand the historical setting of these writings of Lenin, but also help him grasp the role Played by Lenin as the leader of the Communist Party in making his Party and the workers under- stand how they were to push the revolution onward and lead it to its successful conclusion. Together with the additional pamphlets cov- ering the period from the April Conference to the November Revo- lution, which will be reviewed later, the wide distribution and reading of these pamphlets should be an indispensable part of the celebra~ tion in this country of the 15th Anniversary of the October Revo- Ht i be “WE'LL FIGHT TOGETHER BROTHER!” By Quirt Eugene Victor Debs On Sixth Anniversary of His Death Workers Honor the Memory of Militant Leader; “His Best Traditions Belong to the Communist Movement”’ By ALEXANDER TRACHTENBERG 1. DAY is the sixth anniversary of the death of Eugene V. Debs, the militant and eloquent champion of the American working class. ‘The Socialist Party which has dis- owned and betrayed the revolu- tionary heritage of Debs, even as it is now betraying the interests of the workers and poor farmers of this country, is utilizing this anni- versary to raise funds for their election campaign. = | Norman Thomas heads their na- | tional ticket and Morris Hillquit is their leading candidate in New | York, Can any_ revolutionary | worker who knew Debs and what | he stood for in the labor move- | ment doubt for a moment that | i these Socialist Party leaders have by their utterances and deeds lost any right to associate their names with that of Debs? What a chasm separates the revolutionary teach- ings of Debs from the counter- cialist Party and its leaders who defile his [memory by using his name to advance their ends. “The drive to raise sufficient funds to finance the national so- ialist campaign, will reach a climax ‘Thursday, October 20, the sixth anniversary of the death of Eugene V. Debs,” so reads the opening paragraph of an article in the S. P. “New Leader,” Meetings are to be held in the name of Debs to collect funds to advance the can- didacies of such “labor leaders” as Thomas, Waldman, Hillquit and their ilk, | TWO PARTIES, TWO CANDIDATES. Let us take a recent example to characterize the position of the S. P. and its presidential candidate, Norman Thomas. Let us compare his’ stand with that of William Z. Foster, the standard bearer of the Communist Party and see which of these candidates truly represents the interests of the working class and which of them are carrying on’ the revolutionary traditions of Debs. Let us compare the attitude parties and the two leaders. Foster and Thomas are candi- dates for President of the Commu- nist and Socialist Parties respec- tively in the present election. Be- fore he was stricken, Foster made an extensive speaking tour through the country. His schedule in- cluded a meeting in Los Angeles while he was on the Pacific Coast. ‘When he arrived there, he was ar- rested, taken to the police station, fingerprinted, beaten up for good measure and forced to leave the city, As Foster remarked to the press, “It isn’t every day that the police thugs have a chance to beat up a presidential candidate.” The scheduled meeting was broken up, workers who came to greet and hear Foster had their heads smashed and many were arrested, Norman Thomas, the S. P. pres- idential candidate also had a meet- ing arranged for him in Los “An- geles. He came there after Foster held his meeting without interfer- ence by the. police and his speech | was bl across the country, in revolutionary practices of the So- | Why this difference in the at- titude of the Los Angeles police, every honest and intelligent worker will ask? Why the murderous at- tack upon Foster and his comrades and the welcome to Thomas and his associates? The answer is simple. The Cham- er of Commerce, the Manufactur- ers’ Association, the real estate board, the taxpayers’ association— all the business interests and their hirelings fear Foster and his Party and are bent upon keeping the workers from hearing his revolu- tionary message. They do not fear ‘Thomas and his party and are glad to give him the opportunity to speak to the workers who may be misled to come to his meetings. The bosses know that Foster will speak of struggle ang militant or- ganization while Thomas will warn against struggle and call for class collaboration. Their brethren in San Francisco heard Thomas de- clare at the Commonwealth Club that the present objective is “to keep class strife from becoming literal class war in a country of 13 million unemployed” and that “t is orderly and peaceful social change in America that I have been so insistently pushing in the so- cialist program and the socialist organization of America,” CAPITALIST AGENTS Thomas and the Socialist Party he so ably represents are the agents of the capitalist class in the labor movement. They attempt to delude the workers, to lead them away from the path of struggle, the path Gene Debs always taught the workers to follow. Foster and the Communist Party, on the other hand, tell the workers that only through struggle can they better their conditions during the present crisis and achieve their emancipa- tion from the yoke of capitalism. Against the capitailst way out of the crisis—speed-up, stagger plans, EUGENE V. DEBS At the age of 65. Photo taken while he was a prisoner in the Fed- wage cuts and class collaboration— which Thomas, Hillquit ang the Socialist Party preacher and advo- cate. Foster, Ford and the Com- munist Party urge the revolutionary way out of the crisis—a militant struggle against the offensive of the bosses and a relentless cam- paign of exposure of their agents among the workers. Against such agents of she capitalist class Debs constantly warned the workers and never missed an opportunity of ex- posing their treacherous role. IORMAN THOMAS has clothed .. himself in the mantle of Debs to cover up his social-fascist deeds. The Socialist Party parades the Debs tradition in its attempt to further mislead the workers. But while wearing this mask, the So- cialist Party does not dare to pub- lish the revolutionary utterances of Debs nor does it dare tell the work- ers what Debs really stood for during the forty years in which he battled in the front lines of the class struggle in the United States. ‘The Socialist Party is only too well aware that to present a true pic- ture of Debs would be to expose itself in its true colors before the American workers. In forthcoming issues of the Daily Worker will be published Debs’ views on such important mat- ters as trade unionism, imperialist war, and the Russian revolution, as well as his reactions to the lead- ership of the Socialist Party which, since his death, has travelled still further along the road of openly betraying the American working class. Regarding Interview With Scottsboro Boys Editor, Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: Regarding the interview, “A Visit to the Scottsboro Boys in Kilby Prison,” which appeared in the Daily Worker on Oct. 15th. ‘The article was a result of an interview sent out by the National Commit- tee for the Defense of Political Prisoners, Because IY was given no oppor- tuntiy to see the interview in the form in which it was sent out, a number of observations were wrongly ascribed to me. ‘The appearance of the boys in no wise surprised me. No one can read the courageous stand these boys have taken in the prison, their ready refusal to be taken in by such wily smooth-spoken tools of the southern landlords as Walter White and Pickens, the leaders of the N. A, A. C. P. without having @ keen appreciation of their native intelligence, With reference to the meeting with the Klu Klux Klan member in Atlanta, this boy is now a mem- ber of the Communist Party and one of its most capable workers. Accustomed all his life to use the term “Nigger,” he is making every effort to avoid the use of that term and only occassionally lapses back to it, although its use had been a part of his former life. WILLIAM L, P, ’ (Continued from Yesterday) NEY speaks: “It must a been no more than sixteen bushels. Some of the flour distributed to the croppers, by Grab, was charged up against them by the planters and merchants, Yes, of all the greens a family didn’t get no more than two cabbages and six carrots. Then they was having a tough time in Oklahoma,. They heard of the do- ings here. Tarr, a barber, talked to the poor. They marched into Henrietta. Some days after their march, the Red Cross came into the yard here with their truck. They didn’t have to ask. We had potatoes and cans of fruit. paid out of their own money, The woman wrapped them up pretty and we wrote a let- ter asking the folks out there to write back. I went down to town, thinking I could get on a truck and go to Henrietta. They wouldn't have me, There was the Mayor strutting around. On the floor the stuff scattered and the letter torn. I got so mad the Mayor walked off to arrest me. I cussed that lickall and Dicklick till the whole town heard. All th stuff they sent to Henrietta was mostly given by poor sharecroppers and renters. But the merchants and town got all the glory. The people of Henrietta opened the town to the fakers. Give them the theatre free and the best rooms in the hotel. Give them a five-gallon keg of whiskey. Next day they got another keg of whiskey which they lugged back to En- gland and must a sold.” ore ae 'ONEY spits into the yellowish weeds. He comes to the most important part of his story, about. the food raid in England, Ark. “It was back in January 1931, Red Cross relief stopped. Men and wo- men went down again and again and was turned away with bellies empty.” He was doing a little truck- ing then and cropping. He stops on the road one day. An anxious crowd. Men not knowing what to do. One of the women crying, “Are you men going to squat still and see us starving?” says Coney, “That was like dynamite exploded in my head. One thing I can't see and I’m no warhorse, I can’t see women. and children trampled in the road. It makes the tears come to my eyes and the blood to my face. I says to the men, ‘Are you game to go down to England and do what you have to? You got to make up your minds what you're after. Once you got your minds made up, no turning back, and spill the last drop of blood if you got to! Twenty-seven got on the truck. Two of them negroes. We didn’t have no guns, no pitch- forks. The woman went with us. And if anyone dares call her a liar, Til kill him,” THE STORY OF THE RAID His wife nods her head. “I don’t believe I had a jack- nife on me. There was one rifle. It was broke. We was bringing to town to.mend it. The chief of po- lice hails us in the street. We tell him what we're after. He beats it for the Mayor. We walk into the bank. The lawyer tells us there’s no money for relief. ‘We come here for something, by God, we're not turning back till we get it’. He looks over our twenty-seven. He laughs, ‘Oh, they can take care of you’. ‘Sure, they'll take care of us,’ They tried to get the home- guard to gun us. The homeguord Said, ‘Give them something to eat, I been hungered too.’ eee ait tenents joined us. They called the militia. The militia got halfway to Lonoak and never went no fur- ther, The Mayor run round and the chief of ‘poli ‘They was seared out of their Wits. Duncan one of the richest merchants faint- ed dead away. All of England town was rushing round like rats flooded out. We loaded the truck with more than she could carry, We got what we was after.” Coney puts his big hands like guards on his knees. He leans forward and spits. It is almost midnight, He limps off the porch to help lift the rd out of the ditch. We say goodbye, sorry we cannot stay over, PARTY WORK IN ARKANSAS On the road Harry Minium talks of the problems of Party work in Arkansas, How thousands of nat- ives hereyand the rest of us Amer- icans have been educated into be- icans have been educated into be- ing dumb. He wonders whether he'll ever get a job again as switch- man, remembering how he bossed ®@ crew, running nights with a lan- tern, bleeding the air off a car, Kicking it back, and the round- house. Well, work in the Party is taking up all his time now. Hell, he wishes there were more men like Coney. In_ Little Rock we sit in the Dutch Mill opposite the State Capitol and talk to Gus Zini over his excellent barbecue. Zini, the Party’s candidate for Mayor in the ¥ that time there was hundreds | of poor croppers and one-horse | “VOTE FOR CONEY OF ARKANSAS" A SKETCH OF STRUGGLES OF POOR FARMERS By MOE BRAGIN. | aint been paid in 2 years. last elections, He says of Coney, “He's good gold, ain't he?” In Southern Texas among the rice farmers, in New Orleans also we hear of Coney. The boys at the Marine Workers’ quarters in Gravier Street tell us of the Creole farmers arming, waiting for Coney to come down to lead them. In the Imperial Valley of Louisiana and up among the Oregon red- woods, on the Mesaba Range and in Bagley, Minnesota they all know Coney. eee r New York a letter written by Coney: “Dear Friend: Will try to drop you a few lines let you know I received your letters. Like them fine, but the only way I see out, of this crash is to organize both Black and White Labor and Farm- ers and go to the poll and vote the old Parties down, The Cap- lists have got us all under thair thumb, Now God People, I would be very glad if every Body felt just Like I do about the condishen of the whole world. They would not hesatate about voten the working class in ofis. As Long as we let the Capitalists Rule and make our Laws and Hold our ofises Just that long we will Be in Poverty. All of you good Citizens stop and fisk yourself if you are treaten your Fellow Citizens Right and Your Dear wife and Children Right to Support a Party that has Promest all thses good things in Life and you have never got to them yet, As soon as they get the ofis tiley soon forget the Salt of the wal and try to make a few more mill~ lion for thair ohe class and let Laber and Farmers go to Hell, “Just like the few landlords here at my home town, they gay Keep a dog poor for a poor Hound will run. 2 Rabbit longer than a Fat one will. ‘If you let these renters and sharecroppers and day Laber | get ahead, they won't work.” The cotton farmer in this section of the Country has about Half a crop of 1931, and the landlords are a- goin to fix the price of picking at | 25cts. a hundred, and the farmers can’t live at that. Winter is com- ing, and no clothes; and the Rains in July Ruined thair food “crop. Water got all over it, and when the water left it, it died. And for meat you could Kill every Hog in Lonoak County the first of Noveme ber and it woulden last the coun ty till Christmas if it were dise tributed all thru the county. But for my own self I have 4 Hogs t kill for my meat and they wont average 1 cow to every 10 famleys all over the county, The question comes up down Here between the white Laber and Small Farmer and Sharecropper and the Negro. Some white Labers says if it was not for the Negro in the Black Belt of this destrick they could get a fair deal. But here is my vews about that and I am one of you one-horse Tenents myself. Here goes: I have taiked Lots to the Negro and Here is what he says: We are afraid of the Boss. We Negroes aint got any protexion. If we don’t do what we are told they will beat us or maybe kill us. They can curse us and nock us round and we hafto do what the Boss say. We ain't got no voice in any thing. We help feed the world and cloth the world and Fought for our country in the World War and Pay Taxes and cant vote or Have any voice in any thing, “THE WAY I SEE THIS THING” “The way T see this think now is for Laber one and all, Black and. white, to organize and all pull to- gether and vote together and do away with the old parties and build our own parties and put this labrr party in ofis at a Resonible salary and do away with-all un- essary ofisers we dont need and our taxes wont be so Hard t# Pay. Thair are 8 thousand acres of =y | [ in Lonoak County that the taxes And I don’t no what they will do about thair taxes in 1932, for the Short. Crop and the Short price they can’t more than pay thair furnish, I know men Right Here that work for what they eat and a place to Sleep. People a tramping the road from one side of the world to the other looking for work and can’t find it. Well, I am a candidate for Governor of this State on the Commonist Party, They nomena- ted me at Little Rock on 17 of July. I tried to beg off but I couldent, I told them that they Had made a mistake in chusen thair man. But they said I was the one man they wanted for I had showed the People of this State where I stood. I told them I was not qualifide for the ofis. But some one has got to Break the ice so I guess it just as soon be me as any one. Now, if you Comrades feel me worthy, vote for Comrade. H. C. Coney in November at the General Elexion. I promise to do all I can for the Laber and Farmer Both white and Black, as I am a farm- er myself and no what it means, Comrade H. C, Coney.” (THE END.) “Negroes Treated Like Everyone Else” -- “NO NEED FOR SPECIAL DEMANDS,” SAYS S. P.—BUT READ THIS Census Bureaa published analysis shows that 12,048,762 famities or familles in United States, had radio sets in.1680, 44.4%; foreign-born whites followed with 48i6p—: i] ,