The Daily Worker Newspaper, October 12, 1932, Page 4

Page Four Dail | | | | | | 2, ine., daily axexept Sunday, at 08 & * cussaguin 4-7966. Ondle “DAIWO! m6 mall cheeks te the Daily Worker, #8 K. 18h St, New York, W. ¥. a One year, \CRIPTION RATES: 96; six months, By mall everywhere: Borough of Mai As Winter Comes HE DRIVE on the living standards of the suppression of their struggles, becomes more ruth- less as the fourth winter of the crisis approaches. The entire Hoover administration, and its creature, the Reconstruction Finance Corp., is playing with the lives of hungry and starving jobless workers. Its method of handling $2,100,000,000 voted last July for “public works”, ostensibly to provide employment, shows that it has no intention of providing work on an extensive scale even by the Hoover method of “self-liquidating public works”, but that the funds it loans are handed out for the purpose of boosting Hoover's political fortunes. a Its loan of $62,000,000 to California for the construction of a toll bridge across San Francisco bay, was given wide publicity rec- ently. But after the inflated figures of the number of men to be em- ployed (sometime in the di future, of course,) had been ballyhooed, the numbers of tons of material that would be required (also in the dim and distant future) had been itemized, not a single paper stated the obvious fact that California is a “doubtful” state for Hoover and that this is the only loan actually made out of this R.F.C. fund—so far. $53,105,000 in loans are under consideration but have not yet been made—although 243 applications for loans—amounting to $800,000,000 are in the hands of the Corporation. 5 H 5 the working clz . | IT WAS Hoover, aided as usual, by President Green and the executive | council of the American Federation of Labor, who, while he was still | secretary of Commerce, brought forth the plan of public works as a means of preventing unemployment “durin? periods of depression”. The amount spent on public works—city, county, state and national— has decreased during the Hooyer administration from $3,000,000,000 per year to less than $800,000,000, ‘The banks, railw and industrial corporations, as the Daily Worker showed on October 11, have received over a billion dollars from the R. F.C. But they are’ not putting workers back on the payroll. Those employed part time are getting new wage slashes. The Hoover government does not wish to interfere with the wage cutting offensive of the big corporation even to the extent of giving em- ployment to a few thousand unemployed on public works. On the con- trary, leads and stimulates the wage-cutting offensive. > * ion relief ‘HIS IS the key to the whole star program of the Repub- lican and Democratic Parties. The capitalists they represent are not yet satisfied with the reduction of living standards of workers by 70 per cent. Labor power still is not cheap enough for them. Nothing for the 15,000 unemploved from the federal treasury—more wage cuts for those still working. This is the line of the capitalist of- | fensive. It effects are to be seen in the 33 1-3 percent wage cut in the | Ford plants and the growing misery ‘of the unemployed and their de- pendents. The United States has never witnessed such widespread and acute suffering as this fourth winter of the crisis brings. tion of m s for these demands in every city y and state governments, will drive on Wash- wage cuts, for and jobless insurance, bound up with the ar, is the immediate and all-important task of The Hoover stock market bubble, swelled by the d lions of dollars, has burst. This presages adequate unem fight again the efill fie 5Ses The rece employed worker by police in Chicago, | the bayonet and gas a riking miners, on men, women and chil- | dren, by in the Illinois coal fields, show the new wave of brutality with which the capitalist offensive is being pushed. ® * * ees t program of united front struggle of the Communist Party meets the needs of the working class. Only by putting this program into action in the factories, trade unions. and neighborhoods, throughout the industrial centers and the countryside can the capitalist offensive be | checked, wage cuts stopped, relief and unemployment insurance be won. | This is the work of our comrades in the unions, the unemployed councils and other mass organizations—to carry the Communist program to the masses and organize them for the most militant battles against the capitalist offensive. Glassford’s Challenge FUALL STREET government in Washington is digging in for the winter. It is throwing up fortifications and mobilizing its armed forces for war on the unemployed workers, ruined farmers and hungry ex-servicemen who will come to Washington to put their demands before Cons gress e | It need cause no surprise to 5 tind that Pelham D. Glass- ford, superintendent of police of the District of Columbia, and o e spy system among the bonus marchers, has taken the initiative in these preparations. | sford has requested “undisputed authority to evacu- ate any army of indigents after their constitutional rights of petition have been exhausted.” In othe ds, Glassford wants a monopoly ne SUE mn of mass moy the capital. He believes that the us police rather than troops will not cause such storms of anger and protest as followed the military attack on the bonus marchers. of * * * WHERE is still in effect, the emergency order issued by the Board of 4 Commissioners following the murder of two veterans and the forcible ex- | pulsion of the bonus marchers last summer. It reads: “Until further orders, in view of the conditions now existing in the District of Columbia, all organized bodies or groups of persons attempt- ing to enter the district shall be prevented from doing so unless it is established that such groups of persons have a lawful purpose in com- ing into the district and are not intent upon disturbing the peace or upon becoming public charges or engaging in any lawless conduct.” This order is equivalent to the declaration of a state of siege in the nation’s capital whenever the auth ies feel like enforcing it. The capital of the nation has been blockaded against its unemployed and hungry working class citizens, Hoover sits behind a triple guard of secret: servicemen or fares forth, surrounded by detachments of troops, to make quavering speeches about the return of prosperity This Wall Street hero creates the impression that the hungry mil- ons want his life. What American workers want is enough to eat. They want work at decent wages. They want unemployment insurance. They want something more than the starvation handouts of stingy charity. ‘They want the right to organize and strike, they want the right to the | streets for their demonstra , they want an end to the growing sys- tem of starvation and suppression They are going to fight for these rights, and Glassford knows it. The Communist Party will organize and lead masses of workers, farmers and ex-servicemen in these struggles. American toilers are not going to lie down quietly and die because a Glassford is calling his cops before a single merch has started for Washington, is a sivange sight—the capital of the fichest nation in the world fortified against the hungry millions for whom American capitalism has no work ard whom it refuses to feed, clothe and shelter. Workers know that there is plenty to eat in this country—but that it ig in the hands of their enemics. They know there are billions of dollars in—and paid out—of the government treasury for these same class enemies. They are coming to know, millions of them, that the crisis and mass unemployment, for which the capitalists and their system are solely responsible, is being used to beat them down into actual slavery and. pauperism, Glassford, speaking in the interests of Wall Street capital, has issued a challenge to every worker and poor farmer in the United States. IORKERS and farmers, led by the Communist Party, the militant trade | unions and the Unemployed, Councils, will not “evacuate” the posi- tions of struggle they have already taken. They will defend their ele- mentary economic and political rights. The fight for relief from hunger, the struggle for jobless insurance and the bonus must include the fight for the rights to the streets. The Hoover police must be forced to-keep their bloody hands off the hungry workers in the mass organizations, A united front struggle enrolling the | factories, neighborhoods can do it, ' | to coliect signatures to place the | metal needle and shoe industries. | of the veterans for the bonus set | flected in | ‘a part of the working class, the | a functioning block committee | relief in the name j ences. | ployed, . The election platform and | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 12, 1932 COLUMBUS REDISCOVERS AMERICA PARTY LIFE |Recruiting-- |Campaign or Daily Task? By J.P. HE Election Campaign of the Party began with the mobiliza- tion of the Party and the members [| of sympathetic mass organizations Party on the ballot. During the last | three months we convinced 265,000 toilers to sign our lists. In the course of this collection we visited and talked to at least twice as many workers. Comrades Foster and Ford spoke to hundreds of thousands of workers in their elec- tion campaign meetings. Here again we reached with our | agitational material leaflets, stick- | ers, posters, pamphlets, etc.) at least five times as many workers as came to these meetings. In the past two months in the Southern Illinois mine strike, the miners fought militantly against a wage- reduction, against the policies of the leaders of the “Progressive” union, against the state forces. Thousands of workers were involy- ed in strikes of the textile, steel, Tens of thousands of unemployed participated in the struggles for immediate relief, in hunger march- es and demonstrations. The fight a wide strata of the population in motion. LITTLE PARTY RECRUITING The Party participated and in many cases played a leading role in all these actions. Yet if we ex- amine how many new members we recruited during this period we will find that all these struggles, strikes, campaign meetings and other act- ivities passed by without being re- our recruiting. The Party members are active among the masses, but we fail to understand how to bring oui the role of the Party as the political leader of the struggles. We have not yet learned how to demonstrate to the workers that the Commu- nist Party is in the forefroht in their struggles; that the Party is most advanced part, and the in- terest of the workers, is the in- terest of the Party. We talk about this to the work- ers, but we fail to show it to them au practical work. We repeat in all our articles, speeches, the magic word—link up the struggles of the workers employed and unemployed, with the election campaign, link up the struggle against wage cuts | in the factories with the fight against the war danger, etc., etc. oe OR ET us consider the followinng exampie: In a@ block where a street nucleus is functioning there is also a fairly good functioning block committee with. the members of the unit leading the work there. In the face of this, the unit as- signed a group of comrades to can- vass the houses in order to find starving families and go with these families to the Home Relief Bureau to demand relief for them. This was done in the name of the Com- munist Party. | AN EXAMPLE OF ‘LINKING UP” What do we see here? A unit having a real desire to do mass work, yet because of deep-rooted sectarian habits, instead of organ- izing through its members the block committees, themselves as or- ganizers of the struggle for relief, this is done in the name of the Communist Party. We wouldn't be far from wrong if we said that workers would rather fight for re- lief in the name of a block com- mittee than of the Communist Party, a political organization with which they may not have any sym- pathies as yet, leading their direct immediate struggle for relief in the block where they live, One of the reasons, we assume, why the unit where there is also in its territory, carried the fight for of the Party is because the camrades wanted to link it up with the election cam- paign. What is the proper method of linking up thé struggle for un- employment relief with the election campaign and how can the street nucleus, as a political unit of the Party, appear as the leader of the struggles for unemployment relief? Here too let us consult the experi- The Communist candidate of the territory in which the block committee is functioning, partici- pated personally and actively in the struggle against the eviction of a family in the territory. He set a good example himself, also helping to carry back the furniture together with the members of the block committee, Here we could very well bring out to the workers the fact that the Communist candidates standing on the platform of the Party, are in the lead of the struggle against evictions and for unemployment re- lief, alg, to discuss with the work~- ers the role and activities of the candidates of the other, bourgeois Parties ang the platform of the other, bourgeois parties on unem- ployment. In connection with this immediate struggle against evic- tions and for relief, the Party unit should have arranged open-air and indoor meetings, with our can- didate as the main speaker, dis- cussing the election campaign, par- ticularly around the issue of im- mediate relief and unemployment insurance. Thus the Party would appear both participating directly in the struggles of the unemployed also the Party unit would appear as the political leader ang organ- | izer of the struggles of the unem- issues of the Party would then be considered by the workers as their very own, tested and understood in the light of their own experi- ences. TO BE CONTINUED —By Burck ——“Me thinks the natives have gotten a little thinner than the last time I was here.” Some New Products of the Anti- Soviet Lie Factories |U..S. S. R Progress Contrasted With Capitalist Crisis Brings Flood of Lies; Yarns in London “Express” Typical of Bourgeois Press Thruout the World (The following article, although referring to the British capitalist press, and particularly to the , London “Daily Express” neverthe- less applies with equal point to the numerous newspapers and magazines in the U. 8. who car- ry on a continuous campaign of lying misrepresentation against the Soviet Union and its tre- mendous achievements. Editor’s Note.) By L, MOSKWIN, (Continued from Yesterday) Judging from Miss Clyman’s ar- ticles it would seem that she had actually been in Kem. She openly states for what purpose she went to the North of the Soviet Union. She wanted, just think, after visit- ing the concentrating camps, to ex- pose the “horrows of the Cheka’”, she wanted to write about what she had seen of “forced labor.” In the first article of the series, en- titled: “Town of the Living Dead”, Miss Clyman declared that the name of this little town “though never mentioned aloud, is now seared on the souls of millions of Russians, Mothers use it to frighten- naughty children, tremble when they hear it p2o- nounced in court.” * 6 8 ISS CLYMAN wanted to give a highly colored description of Kem employing plenty of effective words and phrases, but she oyer- reached, herself. She states that Kem is a place for all undesirable and that in the whole of the Soviet Union there is not a single family which has not contributed a vic~ Se “the town of the: living dead.” Miss Clyman however, has had really bad luck. There was nothing to expose. Miss Clyman has only exposed herself. In the article, en- titled “The town of the living dead” Miss Clyman, against her will des- cribes the living peaceful and crea- tive work for educating people who are not punished for the crimes they have committed as bourgeois justice punished criminals in its efforts to be rid of them, but by means of a definite regime of work converts these people into new useful members of society, Secondly, in spite of her provo- cative attitude, in spite of her in- tense desire to bring about colli- sions, nothing happened to Miss Clyman, To her great regret, we assume, the authorities displayed the greatest patience towards her, Miss Clyman, who set out to make discoveries, according to her own account, did not spend the days she was at Kem in the dungeons of which she had dreamed, but in a clean, spacious room of one of the ( grown men, hotels, Miss Clyman sheds big crocodile tears over the lot of the “poor vic- tims of the Soviet Government.” She constantly seeks to harrow the feelings of the readers of her paper with descriptions of the “terrible Chekists” who later however, ac- cording to her own description, prove to be thoroughly obliging, cultivated people. Also the guard in front of the commander's office supplied Miss.Clyman with material for making her readers’ flesh creep. Here, her’ fantastic “imagination causes "her to write: “I knew that the sentry would shoot me down if I_ventured to enter the building without a pass.” (We would like in passing, to ask Miss Clyman what would sentries in other countries have done in such a case?) In almost every line Miss Clyman makes use of the expression “living dead.” -She boastfully calls atten- tion to her “courage,” her bold behavoir. The emissary of Lord Beaverbrook is compelled to make the following admission: ‘There is nothing in the outward appearance of Kem to aésociate it with the horrors of prison and exile.” Miss Clyman relates what the obliging commander of the camp tolq her. “We haye dairies, orchards, and gardens which could very well com- pete with those in England. We have never made use of force.” ae ee ERE our good Miss Clyman has evidently noticed that she has not described Kem in the way Lord Beaverbrook desired. Quite with- out reason she suddenly changes her tone ang attributes to the camp commander’a statement which he, of course never made: “And if they do not work, declared the camp commander, we shoot them.”.. “Daily Express, Angust 31. ® NOTHING HAPPENED ALAS! Miss Clyman {s obviously not Pleased with such facts as a well organized school and a magnifi- cently equipped laboratory in which very interesting inventions are made, orchards in which right in the North of Soviet Russia peaches and strawberries are grown. These and various other facts at which the “Daily Express” correspondent is painfully surprised, are only casually mentioned and then she turns her whole attention to the so-called “forced labor.” Miss Cly- man however, is pursued by ill- luck. In her presence one of the “living dead” is handed his trade union card and, what displeased her still more, his wages were ac- cording to trade union rates. What. is there left for such a “reporter” in this case? She must again o- tempt to make her readers’ flesh creep, She writes that ‘it is impos- sible to imagine what can happen to me here, Nobody in Moscow with a special pa. knows where I am. ‘They will search fer me for months.” But as a matter of fact, nothing happened to Miss Clyman. The camp commander made reference to some of her fellow-countrymen who in the years 1918-20 invaded this district and tells her that he himself fought against them, that he took part in the civil war. What does our traveller then do? She attempts to get past the sentry by showing him papers which have no validity (she admits this her- self) in-order to gain admission to places «which can only be entered (And again we would like to ask Miss Clyman in passing what, the Britih authori- ties, for instance, would say to such actions on the part of a for- eign correspondents—say a rep- representative of the Soviet press?) Miss Clyman finally arranged something in the nature of a public political demonstration in memory of the British intervention troops. She went to a church quring a di- vine service and, to “the astonish- ment of all present” handed over to the priest ten roubles with the words: “I give you this money in the name of my fellow-countrymen who are buried here in North Rus- sia, Please include them in your prayers.” The priest, greatly touched, in- vited Miss Clyman to a cup of tea which was gratefully ‘secented, a NE could quote numerous other examples to show how Miss Clyman has endeavored without success to carry out the orders of* Lord Beaverbrook how she, who wanted to make exposures has only succeeded in exposing the provoca- tive purpose of her journey. Lack- ing actual material she indulges in an unbounded incitement against the Soviet Union, in the course of which she allows herself to make such statements as the following: “Arm a bandit and you have a “Red Guard.” (“Daily Express” August 30.) What has been said appears to us to suffice for the following con- clusion: The visits of representa- tives of the bourgeois press to the Soviet Union and the permanent residence in Moscow of correspond- ents of the big bourgeois papers and news agencies are, in our opin- ion, a good sign showing that the circle of readers of these papers and agencies desire regular and au- thentic information about the Sov- jet Union. Newspapers correspond- ents who come to Moscow for this purpose must and do have every possibility of carrying on their pro- fession unhindered in accordance with the laws of the country in which they were staying, NO PLACE FOR THEM IN U.S. S, Rt Should, however, some organizers of anti-Soviet campaigns be of the ( r As Seen We are publishing this leading article from the August 25th issue of “Pravda,” official organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union which strikingly summarizes the world situation, and answers the deliberate lies of the bourgeoisie and its press that the economic crisis has past its most critical stage, and that pro- sperity is returning.” A careful reading of the following article will enable workers to understand the major tasks in stimulating and developing the mass struggles against the growing attacks of the capitalist by developing the wid- -est united front from below.— EDITOR. rae URING the past year history has confirmed very conspicously the correctness of the Bolshevist an- alysis of the international situation. COMMUNIST ANAYLSIS CONFIRMED The ecomomic crisis in the cap- italist countries has become acuter, it has aggravated all the jnconsis- tencies. inherent in the capitalist system, it has weakened this sys- tem, and exposed its rotteness more plainly than ever in the eyes of hundreds of millions of human beings. At the same time the economic crisis, and the frightful increase of want and misery among the masses, have awakened to poli- tical activity broad strata of the oppressed and exploited toilers, and taught millions of proletarians the necessity and inevitability of the struggle in defence of their elemen- tary interests. During the time of the crisis the proletariat has passed through a stage of development which under ordinary “normal” conditions: would have required at least a few decades. m The petty-bourgeois illusions and dreams of pacifism are being torn out by the roots, for the war in the Far East has begun, and the ag- gravation of all the iniernational contradictions of capitalism has shaken the whole system of treaties upon which the equilibrium and the relative stabilization of capitalism, which set in 1923, were based. ‘The petty-bourgeois illusions on state, capitalism, and “democracy” are being dispelled for the masses recognize that in actuality the state consists above all of the troops of armed men, with the prisons as material addition (as Engels says). If we separate ourselves from realities and sail into the cloud of dreams, then of course “capitalism can give dozens of mil- lions for the poor and the workers . » the fact is that no pressure can force the state to such things, it needs the ure of a real revolution” (Lenin). The fact that the Soviet Union is finally consolidated on the way to socialism, a fact which cannot be concealed by any amount of lies from the bourgeois and social dem- ocratic press, shows the masses of the toilers in the capitalist coun- tries that the sole way of escape from poverty, want, and unemploy- ment, the sole salvation from fresh wars, is the dictatorship of the pro- letariat, the way of Socialism. Under these circumstances the bourgeoisie is in a great hurry. STABILIZATION OF CAPITALISM AT AN END In foreign policies it seeks a loop- hole of escape in’ new imperialist wars and in the intervention against the Soviet ion; in home politics it seeks the way of escape—espe- The World Situation by ‘Pravda’ cially in countries with a strong revolutionary upsurge—in a regime of unrestricted terror, in bloody repressive measures against the workers, In the open fascist dicta: torship. The general crisis of capitalism becomes daily acuter, and has en- tered a new stage. The stabiliza- tion of capitalism is over. We are in the transition to a new epoch of wars and revolutions, accelerated by the military policy of Japanese and French imperialism. Capitalisr’ has reached a catastrophic stage, = phase of violent class struggles, of attempts to redivide the world by means of war. “Outs of the partial stabilization of capitalism there grows a still acuter crisis, the growing crisis destroys. the stabilization—these are the dialetctics of the development of capitalism in the present histori- cal moment” (Stalin). This Bolshevist prognosis has been completely confirmed in the ‘course of development of the pres- ent crisis. The transition pointed out by Comrade Stalin at the 16th Party ! Congress of the C. P. S. U., the transition leading to decay in the § capitalist countries and toa mightly economic upsurge in the Soviet Union, has now reached a new and hjgher stage shown in the leading capitalist countries in the increas- ing weakness of the bourgeoisie on the one hand and in the increasing strengthening of the revolutionary proletariat on the other. But there is as yet no reyolu- tionary crisis in any of the deci~ sively important imperialist coun- tries In China alone the Soviet revolution has been victorious over a wide territory; in Spain alone ig there a struggle to convert the bourgeois democratic revolution into a socialist revolution. The capitalist countries which are advanced in the sense of revolu« tionary development (Germany, Poland), are just beginning to ap- proach directly to the revolutionary crisis. ‘The Capitalist attacks on the standards of living of the work- erg continue. The proletariat is still on the defensive. But it is beginning more and more to go forward to the counter attack on the lives of the revolutionary move- ase of the most advanced coun- ries. ‘The peculiarities of the tactics of the international _ revolutionary movement at the present stage result. from this situation, The material productive forces of capitalist society have come into decided contradiction to the exist- ing conditions of production; that is to say, contradiction to the con- ditions of ownership under which they have developed. The present poverty and want, the starvation and unemployment, appear to be unsurmountable; the standards of living of the masses, already low- ered, will sink further. There is no progress possible, there can never again be a capitalist era of prosperity. The sole radical way out for the toilers is socialism. Re- alizing all this, the international Communist movement mobilizes the masses, and prepares them for the decisive struggle against imperial- ist war and against fascism, for the dictatorship of the proletariat which realizes socialism in actual practice. (TO BE CONTINUED.) The Literary Supporters of Mr. Norman Thomas By R. K. «IJOOPLA! Anything the Reds can do we can imitate!” cry the American Socialists. And they have done it again. Leading Amer- ican writers have come out for Foster and Ford. Sherwood An- derson, Newton Arvin, Sidney How- ard, Langston Hughes, Matthew Josephson, Lincoln Steffens, Ed- mund Wilson, and on and ‘on and on, to the tune of over sixty strong —all have not only declared them- selves for the revolutionary way out of the capitalist crisis, but have banded themselves together to ral- ly the intellectuals of America to election standard of the Commu- nist Party. Now the Socialists come out with THEIR list. They had, alas and alack, a hard time digging out any- thing from among the left-overs; but let us be fair; they have done as well as could be expected under the circumstances; the circum~- stances being, quite simply, that the front ranks of American liter- ature stand steadfastly for Foster and Ford, \ Pa ee ‘HE first name on the socialist list, Henry Hazlitt, is appropri- ate enough and sets the tone for the rest, since Mr. Hazlitt is the author of a*series of pep books for businessmen. When recently asked in a questionaire whether he thought capitalism was moving to- ward collapse, Mr. Hazlitt uttered a resounding “NO!” To the ques- tion, why not? Mr. Hazlitt an- wered capitalism’s “inherent strength in our traditions.” ! ! ! Beside being literary editor of the Nation, Mr, Hazlitt is one of its economists. It was none other than Mr. Hazlitt who wrote in “The ” perhaps the most infam- ous editorial that has this year ap- peared in the liberal press: when the unholy combine of railroad bosses and labor fakers put over the 10 per cent cut on the railroad workers, Mr. Hazlitt hailed it as “the most hopeful event since the beginning of the depression.” Yes, Mr. Hazlitt certainly is the right man to head the list of intellec- tuals supporting the Socialist Party!, °. * 8 ‘HE other twenty names the so- Cialists scraped together are rather a mixed crew. There is Stuart Chase, the unofficial advisor to the capitalist class on how to “plan” the planless profit system. ~ There are the regular Socialist Party hacks like Heywood Broun; there are the Broadway playboys, like Gilbert Gabriel, George Kauf- man, Morrie Ryskind, whom Broun corralled, no doubt, one night at the Thanatopsis Poker Club, whose . activities Broun cescribes regularly in the “World-Telegram.” Then there are the literary men, literary in the old romantic sense of the word, whit is to say they liye in another world or one long ago stowed away in lavender. Consider, for instance, Van ‘Wyck Brooks. He has lived the past twenty years in the circle of Em- merson and Thoreau—generatjons ago. The word “socialist” could only have evoked in him pleasant memories of the amusing and earnest group who made the Farm experiment back in eighteen fifties. Or—to do him justice—the word “socialist ” have reminded him of tall, lean Eugene Debs, the Debs of the pre- e tired study and tell him that Eu- gene Debs, who warned his follow- ers that when he received praise from capitalists it would be he: cause he was a traitor to the work- ing class—has nothing in common with that darling of the kept press, Norman Thomas. te RN opinion that they can violate these Union for Lord Beaverbrook’s “Own, Moscow correspondent” Miss Cly- man, who wishes to introduce “Riga” customs in MoScow. Miss Clyman’s chief must. think out a new trick, The manouevere with “Riga” information, from is exposed and frustrated, w | (\,