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Oe a eee Ae er = aN DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1932 “HALT”! age Four BURCK. Roosevelt-- — Yorker What Workers of Other Dail Party USA Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 4 K& 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgcnquin 4-7956, Cable “DAIWOBK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 18th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, Borough of Manhatian and Bronx, New York six months, $4.50. Canada, $8 per year: two months, $1; excepting Foreign: one year, $8; 75 cents per month. “As Maine Goes!” STRIKE of five thousand shoe workers is taking place A in Lewiston and Auburn in the State of Maine. The strike is against but was precipitated by dis- charges of militant workers who were mobilizing the workers against the cuts. These workers, whom the Industrial Shoe Workers Union is trying to give leadrship, have lined up against them not only the bosses but the state government. wage cuts The Democratic Party Governor-elect, Brann has already tepped into the situation. He has not yet taken office but he is on the job in the service of the employers. governor has called upon the workers to return to work an ation and adjustment later. This is the usual method us ment with unorganized workers, The employers ions, of the workers in the government to dis If the workers would return fo work and await the jud ation” they would be unable to put up a fight against t in 99 cases out out a 100 are in accordance with the t sloyers. The shoe workers have upon i properly met this appeal of the rs With a decision to continue the strike HE action of the Democratic Governorélect is of significance not only for the State of Maine but for the entire country. It is said “as Maine id that as the Democratic ic government act. Frank- goes so goes the nation” and it may here be s Governor acts so will a Washington Democ: lin D. Roosevelt, Democratic candidate for president greeted Brann upon his recent victory. Roosevelt is parading as the friend of the “forgotten man,” as the champion of the. interests of the oppressed masses, but we have here in the action of the Democratic governor of Maine, a fore- shadowing of what a democratic ad: tration would mean to the workers. A democratic administration will serve the interests of the employers by strike breaking as fully as the Republicans. Franklin D. Roosevelt is an old hand in carrying through the plans of the capitalist class. He is a_sure candidate to put\through wage cuts, unemployed cuts, to destroy still further the standards of the workers and carry through imperialist war, oe A vote for Roosevelt is a vote for the same masters that back Hoover. Only a vote for the Communist Party will represent a fight against wage cuts, against the strike breaking government and in the interests of the poor and oppressed. Mr. Hoover’s European Press Agent 644NAN Europe recover?” is the question which Knicker- bocker, the author of the “Red Trade Menace,” is striv- ing to answer affirmativ‘ly in his articles featured by the New York Evening Post: These articles are presented as objective results of a “scientific investigation” of Europe made by one who, as the New York Ev°ning Post states, cov- ered its “highways and byways.” The truth is that they are merely chapters of a badly disguised fairy tale intended to reinforce Hoover’s ballyhoo about the “impending economic recovery” by projecting it on an international scale. All the facts show that not only the countries of Europe but the entire capitalist world is far from nearing the end of the crisis. As Pravda, official organ of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, pointed out in an editorial on August 25, capitalist stabilization is at an end; and far from approaching a new era of “prosperity” we “are enter- ing into the transition to a new epoch of wars and revolutions. . . . There can never again be a capitalist era of prosperity.” In the articles already featured by the New York Evening Post, Knickerbocker deals with the countries of Central and Southeastern Europe. He sees one sign of their recovery in the fact that the workers and peasants “persist at a tolerable level of existence” and that “Com- munists are sentenced to death.” E is an undisputable fact that Communists are being condemned to death in many of these countries where the fascist reaction is in power. But this is not a sign that the crisis in these countries is over. When Communists, the most militant leaders of the workers and peasants in the mass struggle against starvation, are executed, it means that the crisis is deepening and that, on the basis of the ensuing misery, the workers’ struggle is growing. The level of existence to which the workers and peasants in these crisis-ridden countries are forced, is a very low one; but this does not imply that the workers find it tolerable. The great struggle of the miners in Czechoslovakia, or the increasing peasant revolts in Rumania, prove, for instance; that they find it unbearable and consequently rally around the Communist Parties which point out to them the only path leading to a higher standard of life—the path of relentless struggle against the capitalist offensive and for the overthrow of the capitalist system. ee ee Be the struggle of the miners in Czechoslovakia the Communist Party Succeeded in mobilizing social-democratic and reformist workers who joined the revolutionary workers in a militant united action against the bosses’ wage-cutting offensive. This proves Knickerbocker’s argument in support of his “recovery” thesis is groundless, Another sign of recovery, according to Knickerbocker, is the fact that “the social-democrats in Austria havé made the utterly destitute very jew and Communism very negligible.” This is not true. In, Vienna alone, where the municipal government is in the hands of the social-democrats (socialists), there are more than 80,000 unemployed workers and only a handful of them get any relief. The workers of Austria are beginning to realize that the social-democrats are working overtime to unload upon their shoulders the burdens of the economic crisis and therefore turn in ever larger number to Communism, . . . FHE workers can easily realize that Knickerbocker’s articles are there- fore mere attempts to further spread the illusion that with some sac- rifices on the part of the workers the crisis will become a thing of the past. The answer of the workers to the prosperity ballyhoo must be a more determined struggle against wage-cuts, for social insurance, and against imperialist war. The workers must firmly close their ranks and organize for a militant united action against the bosses’ offensive. They are urged to rally around the Communist Party and its candidates in the present | election campaign which is part of the struggle for the only way out of the misery to which the workers are condemned by capitalist society which in vain tries to conceal its bankruptcy. Voted Republican 43 Years, Will Now Vote Communist Buffalo, N. Y. Democratic because I thought I could get something out of it, but I haye found that the Democrats are the same as the Republicans, I am join- ing the Communist Party, because it is the only Party that fights for me and my people and the working man. ‘Ther are eight votes in my family and they are all going for the Com- munist Party, If I was younger I would stir up a lot of devil, but Tam with you, and I am going to saty with you and fight. I urge every Dear Comrades: I have been unemployed since April 6. I was laid off after working for the company 15 years. The city gives me hardly enough to eat, and they don’t want my children to come to see me. My son works three hours @ week, making 40c an hour, but the city insists that I take $1 off it and pay my rent. But I would not do it. I am 73 years old. I have been voting Republican 43 years. I voted for Benjamin Harrison. Last year I| Negro to do the same. stopped voting Republican because I] A NEGRO WORKER. fdind out that they are fakers, that ' Hoover is a jackass, and I. voted | His Words and Deeds The Words and Deeds of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Wm. Z. Foster’s Co- lumbus (Ohio) speech. Issued by National Election Campaign Com- mittee. Published by Workers Library Publishers. Price 1c. Reviewed by VERN SMITH “POTH parties backed Hoover's reduction of taxes for the rich; both have played the power trust’s game; both support high tariffs and a big navy; both are united to op- pose even the wishy-washy Dyer anti-lynching bill. Both parties are behind the Reconstruction Fi- nance Corporation, and their rep- resentatives sit on it, handing out relief to banks, corporations and railroads,” says William Z. Foster. Roosevelt's whole political history shows him an agent of Morgan. When Roosevelt was assistant sec- retary of the navy under Wilson, he helped send American troops to invade Soviet Russia, and has never c ged his policy since. At that time Roosevelt was actually in charge of the subjugation of Haiti, and was responsible for the slaugh- ter by the U. S. Navy of 3,250 Hai- tian Negroes. Roosevelt Jim- crowed the Navy, and draws his strength largely from the lynch lords of the South. a ae OOSEVELT talks of unemploy- ment insurance by the States— but no Democratic Party-controlled State has made even the first be- ginnings toward unemployment in- surance. Roosevelt talks against wage cuts, but himself cuts wages. His platform calls for discharge of 25 per cent of the federal employes if he is elected. Roosevelt has never lifted his voice against “Bloody Thursday” in Washington, and is known to be personally against payment of the veterans’ bonus, ROLE OF DEMOCRATS The Republican Party, the Hoo- ver administration, have so iden- tified themselves with the crisis that there is going to be a big protest vote this year. The Demo- cratic and Socialist Parties are the lightning rods along which this flaming current of resentment against. starvation is to discharge itself without. harm to the capital- ist structure—et least, that is the capitalist idea of things. The speech of William Z. Foster, Com< munist candidate. for President, made in Columbus, Aug. 20, was devoted wholly to exposing this role of the Democratic Party, and to pointing out that the starvation and hunger policies of the Hoover regime are actually mirrored, de- spite certain distortion merely for the purpose of camouflage, in the Roosevelt program. Roosevelt, Democratic nominee for President, spoke that day in Columbus, and Foster was able to quote directly from his most recent utterance to prove the Communist position. oP Sa 'HE speech is published under the title “Words and Deeds of Franklin D. Roosevelt,” in the Com- munist National Campaign Com- mittee’s series of penny pamphlets. Foster points out that either Re- publican or Democratic Party could adopt the other’s platform, and that “Hoover could be a member of Mr. Roosevelt’s Cabinet, or vice versa.” All this Foster brings out in his speech, and proves with a wealth of concrete illustrations and facts. He contrasts the Roosevelt-Hoover program of wage cuts, starvation of the jobless, imperialist war, terror against Negro workers, with the Communist program as indicated in the six demands of the Commu- nist platform, as fought for day by day in countless industrial strug- gles and demonstrations. The only fault with the pamph- let is that since the speech was made, Roosevelt has committed himself still further, and these later admissions of the Democratic candidate can not get into the. Columbus speech. Roosevelt is now pledged, for instance, to the 20 per cent railroad wage cut. This pamphlet should have wide circu- lation, and should be completed with a proper distribution of the Daily Worker, which shows Roose- velt. exposing himself even more fully than the pamphlet does. “The Negro Reds of Chicago” in Wednesday Issue In Chicago . . . “Mrs. Ormsbee, wife of a stockyards worker. . . . She did not want to talk at first; the Negroes have learned not to trust whites. But then, convinced that we came from the workers’ press, she told us some amazing facts.” .. . And the mass funeral for Abe Gray, John Oneal and Ernest, “the three victims of the bloodstained landlord system.” More than 100,000 workers, black and white, marched through the South Side streets, a great solemn army of proletarian vengeance. . +» The meetings of the jobless in Washington and Ellis Island . +. the struggle against the Negro Jandlord and misleader, DePriest. « + « Colorful, incisive biographies of Harry Lightfoot and other newly developed leaders in Chi- cago’s South Side . . . and the fighting, Communist election cam- paign, All this—and more—in “The Negro Reds of Chicago,” illustrated with photographs, which begins in tomorrow's issue of the Daily Worker. Be sure to order your copy! | guerilla warfare under conditions Mr. Patel, Indian nationalist leader, said yesterday that Mr. Gandhi was the “only man standing tod=y between India and revolution,” and, as such, really a friend of Great Britain—News Item. The Heroic Struggle of the - _ Lancashire Textile Strikers British Greens and Wolls SellOut Workers Communist Party, Textile Minorit y Movement Build Strike Front ishment of the whole of Lancashire stopped every Burnley factory, For five weeks the Burnley and Earby weavers have been on the streets fighting against the de- | pletions of the Trade Union lead- ers, and the brutality of the hordes of imported police. But the will to victory was invincibre. Now the determined will to fight of the textile workers has _com- pelled the extension of the strike to the whole country, 200,000 weav- ers have closed the ranks and pre- sent a solid front against the em- ployers’ offensive, ape eee Since this was written reformist leaders of the Weavers’ Union have agreed with the employers, at a. conference called by the Ministry of Labor, to put thru an 8 1-3 per cent wage cut. Whether the work- ers will permit this sell-out to be put over remains to be seen> —EDITOR’S NOTE. By HARRY POLLITT ‘WO hundred thousand Laneca- shire weavers are out on strike against the demands of the owners for wage reductions of 2 shillings, 9 pence on the pound (15 per cent) and for the introduction of the more loom system, designed to throw out of employment 50 per cent of the working weavers. For 19 months the millowners have tried by every means to break the heroic resistance of the Lan- cashire textile workers to these de- mands, Already in 1931 ‘the work- ers, after five weeks mass strike, forced the employers to withdraw their demands, In months of H lps savage police brutality the baton charges and arrestS, the ferocious application of Means Test under which thousands of unem- ployed have been deprived of bene- fit, the mass unemployment réach- ing 55 per cent, the strikebreaking and splitting tactics of the trade union leaders who have repeatedly accepted the employers’ policy, who agreed to more looms, who offered @ wage-cut of 1 shilling, 4 pence in the pound (approximately 7 per cent), all these methods of the textile capitalists have absolutely failed to break the fighting will of the Lancashire textile proletariat? of increasing economic crisis the workers in mill after mill struck against the new terms, demon- strated and picketed in masses and blocked the advance of the employ- ers, For two years more than 40 per cent of them have been unem- EARBY WEAVVERS 5 LEAD FIGHT ployed, the wages of. those em. ployed have averaged 38 shi llings ($6.84) per week for men and 29 shillings ($5.22) for women. But the ranks are solid, and the black- legs are few and far between and meet the determined hostility of the workers. GIVE LEAD TO RAILWAYMEN ‘The Lancashire cotton workers are fighting in the front ranks of The fight of the Earby weavers in a little village in North East Lancashire for 2 weeks prior to July 25th against a wage-cut of 71-2 per cent, led the fight which was taken up by 20,000 Burnley weavers. On July 25 the Burnley employers attempted to reduce ages, but the 20,000 Burnley weav- 's struck work, and to the aston- How “Daily” Sales Helped Build a Block Committee (By a Daily Worker Seller) One day when selling the Daily Worker on West-25th St., between 9th Avenue and 10fh Avenue in New York City, one of the workers on this block called me in and bought a Daily Worker, On talking further she told of the high rents and the miserable places they have to live in. Most of the workers on the block are either out of work or are getting starvation wages, A great many of the workers go to the Salvation Army for a measly plate of beans or to the A. & P, for a stale loaf of bread or weak coffee. Many of the children go to School hungry and without suf- ficient clothes, Often they have no electricity or gas, and have to use oil lamps, candles, or go around in the dark, Called Meeting We called an indoor meeting on the block and today we haye sixteen families in the West 25th St,, 9th- 10th Aves,, Neighborhood Block Com- mittee. We haye already sent a dels | work we da egation to the landlord to protest the serving of dispossessed notices on two unemployed families on the block.— one family with, two children, an- other with five children, We have taken the workers up to the Home Relief Bureau for relief. We have held open;air meetings popularizing the work of the Neighborhood Block Committee, Demand Rent Cut ‘This week we are sending a larger delegation to the landlord to the ef- fect that if he dares to throw these two families into the street helpless, we will refuse to pay rent and we also are ‘going to demand that our rent be reduced, since we have re- ceived wage cut after wage cut, We are organizing our children to de- mand free hot lunches and milk from the school and better conditions on the Salvation Army bread line; _, Fellow workers, this clearly shows that the selling of the Daily Worker is not a separate and isolated ac- tivity but a part and parcel of all the. the Sritish working class, which is menaced all along the line by a new wave of attacks on wages un- der the regime of the National Government, the government which is leading and directing the most savage capitalist offensive and war preparations. The fight of the Lancashire textile workers is giv- ing the lead to the railwaymen, menaced with new mass dismissals and speed-up; to the London trans- port workers, threatened with wage- cuts and dismissals; to the printing workers, engineers, municipal work- ers, all of whom are directly men- aced by the new offensive, The Lancashire cotton workers The heroic strike and the barricade fighting of the Vienne textile proletariat, the strike of the Polish textile workers who at Bialystok fought against the fascist and mili- tary terror, the strikes of the Japa- nese textile workers under condi- tions of unheard-of repression, the preparations of the Saxon textile proletariat for strike against wage- cuts—the Lancashire workers add another to these heroic class bat- tles of the international - textile proletariat, The Lancashire textile workers~ look to the whole of the British and international proletariat for support in their struggle. Already the response to their appeal shows that they will not look in vain. But it is necessary to act quickly, to pour into Lancashire messages of greeting and solidarity, and money for the strike relief actions being organized by the W. I. R. * . A Pox most dangerous enemies of, the strike are, the ‘reformist trade union leaders who already are negotiating behind the scenes with the employers and the government, seeking to find a basis of com- promise on which to call off the strike and betray the interests of the workers, ‘The Communist Party anq the ‘Textile Minority Movement are ceaselessly striving to. strengthen the strike front, to organize the strike, to develop relief, to develop an elected strike leadership repre= senting and having the confidence of the striking masses, Only in this way can the maneuvers of the strikebreakers of all shades be de- feated. Increasing thousands of strikers are expressing in meetings and demonstrations their support for this line of the Communist Party and the Textile Minority Movement, and are rallying to the slogans: No Wage Cuts! No. M Looms! Reinstate the Disrhisst Weavers! For a Collective Agree- ment Embodying Those Slogans! “The strugg! against militarisw ts an extreme form of the clar; struggle against war and against the political power of capitalism.” e BM hs. Sag kw 5 are worthily taking their places in | the’ battle line of the international | in the workshops and other branch- onslaught of the textile barons, | Countries Can Teach sed VITAL PUBLICATIONS OF THE R. L. L. U. | ‘WO hundred and fifty thousand Lancashire weavers on strike! Not a wheel turns in the biggest textile area in the world. The Brit- ish labor misleaders confer, confer, and confer some more with bosses and government while the revolu- tionary minority movement. stirs the strikers on. The scene shifts across the Eng- lish Channel, to Belgium, A strike starts in one of the coal pits in Limoges, Inside of a few days every miner in Belgium is out. Into Ger- many, across the border into France the strike spirit spreads. The strike becomes a great demonstra- tion of international working class solidarity. IN POLAND In terror-ridden Poland, where death threatens every militant working class fighter, the tramway- men of Warsaw erect barricades and battle the Pilsudski police and troops. The Polish tramwaymen, after a bitter, fierce struggle, win their demands. Mass strike struggles, not merely of thousands, but of tens and hun- dreds of thousands of workers, are constantly being waged by the toil- ing masses of these cquntries, work- ers with a growing t@®dition in the battle of class against class. LESSONS FROM THE BARRICADES Who can calculate the immense value of the lessons of these strug- gles, to the American workingclass? Out of generations of life and death struggles; out of battles on the bar- ricades, out of mass_ rebellions against reformist misleaders, out of countries where starvation has\ stalked since the years of world im- perialist war, countries under the iron grip of fascist dictators, these lessons come to us. Our shortcomings are many, in our preparations of struggles, in our work in the A. F. of L., ete. We have a lot to learn. Experience teaches us - and we can also learn much from the collective ex- periences of the revolutionary trade union movements in other coun- tries. ALMOST ON A SILVER PLATTER The Red International of Labor Unions, of which our Trade Union Unity League is the American sec- tion, offers us these e: oat you can almost say on a silver platter. We have, up to now, paid little, almost no attention to the pamphlets published by the RILU, and to the RILU magazine. The time has come when the RILU lit- erature must be popularized, must be circulated broadcast. Let us look over some of the re- cent publicatiors of the RILU. “How They Won the Strike of the Warsaw Tramwaymen;” “Stop Mu- nitions!” and others. We talk a lot about how to win strikes, how to preven’ the shipment of muni- tions; the RILU pools the experi- ences of the workers in all coun- tries, and tells us how to win strikes, how to halt munitions, and we have, at least up to now paid very little attention. HOW THE POLISH TRAMWAYMEN DID IT “How They Won” is worth its weight in gold to every worker in- terested in the building of the revo- lutionary unions. Ruthless speedup measures were breaking the tram- waymen's backs. A ten-hour stretch on the cars was the rule. The Red Tramwaymen’s Union, Right in the Shops, prepared the tramwaymen for struggle. At the end. of the day's work mass meetings were held es of the service; not only union members but also the unorganized and the members of reactionary unions were invited. At every meeting and gathering the Red Union and the Red Trade Union Opposition emphasized that the capitalist plan of rationaliza- tion could be stopped as soon as the workers elected their committee of struggle under the leadership of the Red Trade Union Opposition. This committee started one of the most militant strike struggles ever seen in Poland. The strike was spread from the shops to the power Station and the depot. . The attacks by the fascist police came fast. But the workers had defense corps and gave a good ac- count of themselves. Seeing the splendid 8rganization of the strik- ers, the motor-bus men joined them. / United front . . . united front... sthis was the slogan which caught By N. HONIG, on like wildfire The fascist and reformist trade union lsaders ne- gotiated phoney agreements for thi strikers but the strikers did not fal for them, There are eleven traml- the strikers fought under a unit front led by the militant workers The fascist and reformist trade union officials negotiated phoney agreements, but the strikers paid no attention to them. The demands against the speed-up and rational- ization measures must be won! And they were won. Unity of alJ the tram workers, and tacties based on that unity, won the strike. REAL ACTION AGAINST WAR War bursts out in the Far\Kast. On that front, and from the border countries bordering on the Soviet Union, the imperialists plan to at- tack the land where the workers rule, In the plans for the coming war, the conscription of the seamen the dockers, all transport workers forms a vital part, The refusal to transport muni- tions in becoming a fact, in many of the biggest ports of the world. The ports of Germany,~ France, Great Britain, Norway, have see; huge mass demonstrations by mi: rine workers, supported by all othe workers, against the transport mnuitions. The social-democrats try to hinder this movement, but the members of their own unions join the “stop munitions” move- ment, The dockers of Dunkirk, France, conducted a general strike against war shipments. They linked it up with a s.rike for wage increases, giving a splendid example of how anti-war work should be conduct- ed. Thirty-seven in the crew of a British ship transporting soldiers to India struck and delayed this war transport for a long time. In France a united front con-mittee of all unions in war and transport in- industries was set up. How to fight Munitions Shipments—that’s what we learn from this RILU pamphlet. THE SOVIET TRADE UNIONS How, under Socialism, as in the Soviet Union, do the trade unions improve the wages and conditions of the workers; whas are -their methods of worn; what part do they play in the construction Socialism? These are questior! which workers often ask. Whe imperialism is preparing to atta the Soviet Union, the popularizing of the work of the Soviet Trade Unions is of the greatest\import- ance. “Trade Unions Under Socialism,” by J, Shvernik, secretary of the Central ..Council of the Trade Unions of the Soviet. Union, tells how, the Soviet workers, in their struggle for Socialist construction, are realizing their creative energy and initiative in new Socialist forms of labor. DRAWINGS FROM THE EX- PERIENCES OF THE WORLD WORKERS One of the most; criminal exam- ples of neglect has been the keeping of the RILU magazine away from the workers of the U.S.A. Glance at the table of contents of any issue of the RILU magazine, “The Austrian miners in the Fight Against Factory Fascism.” . . . “Cot ton Textile Workers Struggles jj England” . . . “United Front Ta tics in the Latin American Cour] tries” . . “The Belgién General Strike and Its Lessons’ .. “The Unemployed Movement in Mexico.” I remember the time, a few years back, when Party members and those active in the revolutionary unions and oppositions suddenly be- gan talking “Strassburg Resolution i} | waymens unions in existence, eh (on strike strategy). “Comrade, have you read the “Strassburg Res- olution,” “You must read the Strassburg Resolution,” we used to tell each other. It became a sort of a fad (and a very good fad), because it had been mentioned in the speeches of some Party leaders. Then the fad died down. We shouldn’t need to be hit on the head by a hammer to begin reading the Very important RILU literature. We should realize that. reading it is an essential part of making a real turn toward work in the factories. We should realize that we'll be better able to win strike and other struggles if we draw from the experiences of the struggles of the workers of the world. NOTE—AIl RILU literature ca®? be obtained from Trade nUio) Unity League, 2 West 15th St. New York City. How the Socialists’ Supported Imperialist War of 1914-18 IN YESTERDAY'S issue of the Baily Worker we published an ex- eerpt from an article by Karl Kautsky, leader of the Second (so- cialist) International, in support of the imperialist war of 1914-18. ‘ Kautsky, Thomas and the rest are colleagues of Norman Thomas, Morris Hillquit and other leaders of the American Sociatist Party, The following is from a speech by Albert Thomas, French socialist leader and minister of munitions, delivered to the workers of the Creuzot munitions factory on April 15, 1916. Pat } hil ized spirit of wer is the spirit of sacrifice, the spirit of self-d ' the consciousness of the common duties which rest upon all of the subordination of individual interests to the interests of the com munity as a whole, the recognition of a discipline, and the will exert all energies for the welfare of the Fatherland, This spirit of © war has already worked wonders amongst us, and not least in cur industrial organization and in the relations of the State to industry. | And you, you working men and working women, have you not also felt the flame of the spirit of war rise in your breasts? You have offered the peoples of the world a wonderful example of what a pro- letariat filled with the spirit of national defénse can accomplish, ‘Tomorrow, however, you may recall the rights you have won, but you will have learned.to measure them against the spirit of the war poricd, the spirit of organization and harmony which fills all hearts in the common work for the welfare of the Fatherland. Industrial harmony must survive the war.”