The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 26, 1932, Page 4

Page Four AILY WORKER, N EW YORK, Mi DAY, SEPTEMBER , 1932 Daily.<Worker | Published by the Comprodally Publishing Co., Inc,, daily exexept Sunday, at 30 E. 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgenquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK. Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 1th St., New York, N. ¥. | | SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywh One year, 36; six months, Borough of Manhatian and Bronx. New York six_months, 34.50. Canada, $8 per year: The Growing Attacks on the Party Ae THE crisis in the United States deepens and the class struggle sharpens, the capitalist class and its govern- ment resorts to increasing violence to repress the working- class movemnt. The terror is particularly severe against the revolutionary working class and the vanguard of the 33; two months, $1 y. Foreign: one yen 73 cents per month working class, the Communist Party. The capitalist class | knows that only the Communist Party can unite the ranks | of the workers and defeat the offensive against the living | standards of the toilers. It knows that only the Communist | Party can lead the masses to the revolutionary way out of | uction of capitalism and the setting up of a government But terror is not the only weapon which the capitalists employ against Side by side with the increasing fascist attacks goes the activities of the social reformers, the Socialist Party, the Socialist Labor | a i} and the renegades, the Lovestone and Cannon groups, to divide | the movement of the working class. In the recent month | aves of class struggle have risen, these social fascist organiza- ms have displayed feverish activities and I sorted to the vilest methods in order to weaken the Communist Party and to bar its way | to leadership of the struggling workers, That explains the barrage of lies and the concentrated campaign of slanders against the Party and particularly its presidential candidate, Comrade Foster. = & HERE is a division of labor between the open agents of the capitalist class and its henchmen, the social fascists who disguise themselves as friends of labor,. government, club and arrest didates of the Communist While the capitalists. through their workers and break up meetings of the leadin Party, the social fascists come forward to justify the attacks of the capi- talists. by charging the Communists with provoking violence. They serve their capitalist masters by spreading propaganda aimed to weaken and | discredit the Communist Party. Not a dav passes by a new lie is spread | about the Communists. The New Leader, the Forward and other Socialist sheets shamelessly pervert the truth and do not hesitate to carry in their | papers the propaganda of fascists and police spies. : | | The capitalist class lends every supvort to the social fascists to achieve the end of confusing the workers. Thus we see the Socialist | Heywood Broun devoting his column in the World-Telegram and syndi- cated by the Scrips-Howard press, a capitalist press organization which supported Hoover in 1928 and which is one of the main props of support to the. Democratic candidate. Franklin D. Roosevelt. This prostituted writer knows no bounds in the vulgar lies which he ins out in his columns. The greater the support which the Communist Party wins among the masses and the more menacing the Party becomes to the capitalist order, the more violent grow the attacks of the hired journalists of the capitalist class. But the capitalists do not trust only to their violence and the special services of the social fascists to accomplish their aims, They are using spies and stool-pigeons and police agents on an ever larger scale to destroy the effectiveness of the Communist Party. The D; ‘orker today is a ument called ist Manifesto.” This s but it is | clear that i Party. Along wit a doctrine dealing with the s of human be , thers is a special document captioned in big ty “SPIES.” This document shows the crude work of a police agent. The whole document smells of the methods of the Czarist Okrana, which tried to demoralize the ranks of revolutionary organizations by playing the membership against the leaders and appeals to the members of the Party to conduct a struggle against its leadership, on the grounds that they are being sacrificed toa the police attacks while their leadership goes scott-free, a 3 3 =] Bo Qa 3 The following quotation shows the police badge of its author: “But neither Foster nor any other leader is considered dangerous to the government. Every facility is offered them by the government for ‘revolutionary activities’ The government which does not hesitate to shoot, gas and burn out the patriotic bonus seekers, always hastens to release and pardon the ‘leaders’ who blabber revolution and overthrow of the government. Why—even a child can see that they are the agents of the police, the pet angels of the bourgeoisie.” This document ends with an appeal to the workers in the following language: “We are doing all to save the Party. We need your help. If | there is any weakening in the Party, you will be to blame.” There is no doubt that the costs of the publication of this manifesto comes from the capitalist class. It is true that it is hard to distinguish this police agent manifesto from the products of the St st Labor Party, especially in the recent periods. It is true it sounds like the provocative articles of the Socialist Party, which has time and again spread similar slanders. But this does not change the character of this document as the work of a police agent. It only shows that the Socialists and the Socialist Labor Party are more and more resorting to the gutter language of the police in order to attack the Communist Party. * IN THE coming period the workers will see more of such vile methods | used by the capitalists and their agents. The American capitalist class, that built up its riches by the use of Pinkertons and Burns agents, by a system of frame-up and murder of revolutionaries and by other notorious methods, will stop short of nothing to check the growth of the Communist. Party. But they will not succeed. The revolutionary proletariat and the Communist Party membership will vigilantly defend its Party and stand at its post in the struggle to win the leadership of the working class in the fight for the overthrow of capitalism, The American working class, which is suffering the severe blows of the crisis, will close its ranks around the Communist Party and defend it against the capitalists and their vile agents. A New Recruit in Detroit By GEORGE COOPER iG HTROIT.—William Springer was new home to be furnished him by the Welfare Department, @ hundred per cent American, It was true that he had been out of work for a year, that his family were going hungry, and that he hhad been served with a notice of dispossess. But he was going to have nothing to do with the Un- employed Council. ‘When some workers from the unemployed council heard he was going to be evicted and came round to offer their help to fight the eviction, he cursed them and chased them out of the house, “Why, I’m an American, he said “Tl have nothing » If I was a foreigner it might be different, But I’m an American, The Welfare Department is going to take care of me,” “- * So he quietly submitted to being evicted. And when the Welfare Department, as usual, sent down a truck to clear his furniture from sidewalk, Springer actually the truckmen pile his be- ger didn’t know that the Detroit ‘Welfare Department was just going to put his furniture in storage, the expenses to be paid by Springer, that taking away his furniture that ‘way was merely to prevent the Un~ employed Council from putting it pack into the house, in case Sprin- ger changed his mind. So the drove away with Springer’s i poor Springer fondly im- | they were taking it to a By the time Springer had qiscov- ered the true situation and wearily made rounds of the Welfare De- partment offices and got nothing for his pains, it was already eve- ning. Springer and his wife had no place to sleep, He had, how- ever, held onto a couple of blank- ets and a great big American flag, “They won't touch me while I have this flag, said Springer; he spread out his blankets in front of his late dwelling, covered himself with the American flag, and went to sleep, ‘The tattoo of a policeman’s club against the soles of his feet rudely awakened Springer. An argument with the cop concerning his inter- ference with Springer followed, with the result that Springer got a beating for his pains and spent the night in jail, He spent the next two days look- ing for his furniture and trying to get the Welfare Department to give him a rent check for another flat, With no results, aa Se “Well,” said Springer, “I guess you fellows are right, No working- man can get a break around here if he tries to anything by himself, If I don’t join with the rest of the people like myself I'll just go to hell by myself, I’m with you from now on,” This happened last week, Now, Springer is an active organizer on the East Side of Detroit, building Pos SH PARTY LIFE Fight White Chauvinism in West-Pa. By CARL PRIC HITE chauvinism, much of it of the hidden, concealed variety. has shown its head more openly in the Pittsburgh district recently. The district convention of the Par- ty added more Negro comrades to leading positions in the general Party work (three full time sec- tion organizers in West Virginia, Allegheny Valley, Hill, Pittsburgh city sections, full time union or- ganizers, etc.) and added capable Negro comrades to the leading Par- ty committees (Ben Carruthers on the secretariat of the Party, four Negro comrades on the district buro, etc.) This served to sharpen the struggle against white chauvin- ism within the Party ranks. In the New Kensington (Alle- gheny Valley section) where Com- rade Howard Robinson was recent- ly elected section organizer of the Party, a special meeting of the sec- 7 | tion committee of the | cussed this question and dragged | out info the open the crassest forms Party dis- of white chauvinism. 'OMRADE Robinson had wanted to attend the unit meeting of the Party in an important min- ing town. The s izer of the N.M.U “local comrades” did not want Comrade Robinson to come to the meefing because it would mark them as Communists to have a Negro organizer visit the town. But this argument, which the sub- district organizer accepted and ap- proved was shown in the section committee’s discussion to be not the real basis of the objection to Comrade Robinson's doing his work in C. First, a Negro worker is no novelty in a mining town; second, Negro organizers of the N.M.U. had regularly visited C.; third, Comrade Robinson pointed out that he had eaten and slept with comrades in both mining and steel company towns, as well as worked in them, and no objections were raised and no increase in the terror resulted. The real reason for this objection was concealed resistance to a Negro comrade be- ing in charge of the Party work in this section. The section com- mittee correctly decided that Com- rade Robinson should attend the unit meeting together with other members of the section committee end a discussion take’ place on struggle against white chauvinis “NEGROES AMONG NEGROES” At this same section committee meeting another Party member ob- | jected to Comrade Robinson as section organizer of the Party, openly stating “let Comrade Rob- inson work among his own people | and we will work among ours.” ‘When questioned this Party mem- ber “explained” that he had meant that we needed foreign-language organizers to work among the vari- ous nationalities, “explained” that he only wanted Robinson not to neglect the Negro workers, but it was quite clearly and openly stated that it is not a good idea to put Negro comrades to responsible gen- eral Party work but instead they “can be more useful” working am- ong Negroes. This, of course, is white chauvinism in its crassest form and is an argument for the admittance of Jim-Crew methods in our Party, an argument against fighting white chauvinism in prac- tice, in the daily life of the work- ers and in their daily struggles. White chauvinist tendencies crop- ped up in the N.M.U.. national board meeting held recently when even one leading orgahizer attempt- ed to “explain” advocacy of Jim Crow dances. In the Western Pa. district of the N.M.U., the district buro of the N.M.U. was undecided on one particular dance, and refer- ted it to the Party district buro for decision, without making any definite recommendation. The na- tional board of the N.M.U. took de- cisive action against this white chauvinism. In the Coverdale section rotten white chauvinism appears among the leading section comrades, in- cluding organizers of the NM.U. and the Party, when the Party sec- tion organiZer (a Negro comrade) married a white woman. Some comrades somehow felt this was “immoral,” began a campaign a- gainst both the section organizer and his wife, raising other issues against these comrades, but based on the crudest form of white chau- vinism. The Party secretariat had to state categorically that this campaign must cease, that rumors being spread against these com- rades were untrue, and pointing out the white chauvinist base of this attack. ‘ In Washington, the secretary of the Workers _ Ex-Servicemen’s League organized a Jim Crow dance in the name of the W.ES.L. The District Buro of the Party is now organizing a mass trial of this Party member in Washington, with @ member of the secretariat per- sonally responsible. THE growth of open white chau- vinism in the Pittsburgh district is apparent. Immediate education of the Party membership as to the boss’ character of these tenden- cies is a burning necessity. In the N.MU. and the steel union, no struggle for the special demands of the Negroes is being carried on or has been carried on. The pro- gram for Negro work of the last strike has been shelved and forgot- ten. There has been developed no struggle against Jim Crow and so- cial discrimination against Negro workers (demonstrations before restaurants, etc.). The trial now being organized in Washington, Pa. is the first mass trial organized in the district, and must be followed by mass trials in other sections. The district convention of the Par- ty held recently sharply called for a turn in the fight against white chauvinism and in the struggle for the demands of the Negro workers, ‘The decisions of the district. con- ‘vention must now be immediately A BEDTIME STORY oon, How ) EXQUISITE! f eae A) SOCIALIST Howard Press, INTELLECTUAL As told by Papa Broun, leading light of the Soc! --- ANDO SO THEY KICKED | FOSTER OUT OF THE CAMP. IGN. ete, alist Party and prostitute penman for the Scripps- BURCK. Who Leads the... Fights of the Negro Masses 7 ° HORTHY HANGMEN Four Million Negroes of South Are Now Prevented from Voting Shows Need of Struggle for Equal Rights By ELIZABETH LAWSON. NOTE:—In a previous article the writer showed how four mil- lion Negroes in the South are deprived of the vote, by every method from “grandfather” clauses and fake literacy tests to sheer terror. In the present ar- ticle, the question is raised: To whom can the Negroes look for ‘leadership in their struggle to gain the franchise? What is the duty of the Communist Party in this fight? ye Oly Be ‘OUR MILLION Negroes of the South are today disfranch- ised. The struggle for the ele- mentary democratic right of the franchise becomes today one of the most important fronts in the strug- gle for Negro rights. To whom can the Negroes look for leadership in this struggle? Obviously, the Democratic Party of the south is in the forefront of the fight against the Negroes’ right to vote. “But those followers of the Democratic Party lie, who tell the Negroes that there is any difference in this respect between the democrats of the South and the Democratic Party as a whole. The recent national convention of the Democratic Party rejected a proferred plank against lily-white democratic primaries. The same convention refused to abolish the two-thirds rule, thus continuing and approving the leadership of the South within the Party’s ranks, 'HE REPUBLICAN PARTY in the South has made no effort to gain the ballot for the Negroes. On the contrary, the Southern Repub- licans have been at considerable pains to prove themselves more lily-white than the democrats. To this end, the Republican Party in Southern states “cleaneq out” Ne- gro committeemen. At its national convention, it unseated _ many Southern Negro delegates, ‘The collusion between the re- publicans and democrats in the dis- franchisement of the Negroes, is shown with striking force by an incident only a few days old. In Houston, Texas, democratic com- mitteemen and the democrats as a whole barred hundreds of thou- sands of Negro voters from the primaries. And when these Ne- groes appealed to the republican U. S. District Attorney, Henry Holden, for redress, he formally declined to prosecute the demo- cratic election judges for violation of the federal code regulating suf- pave rights in congressional elec- ions. WHERE DOES THE S, P. STAND? Nor is there any help or leader- ship in this struggle from the So- cialist Party. Have not their own candidates declared against the suffrage for Southern Negroes? Let me cite two quotations: * Said Heywood Broun, leading so- | cialist: “If IT were a candidate for high executive office, or judiciary office, I would say, even without being concerned, that I would not_ now sanction the efforts to enforce the 14th and 15th amendments to the constitution.” Said A. F. von Blon, socialist candidate for Lieutenant-Gover- nor of Texas in 1930: “The South will not for at least 50 years tol- erate voting for a colored man.” And the courts? The N. A. A. C.P:and other organizations of this type have made much of recent decision of the U S. Supreme Court. voiding the Texas white-primary Jaw. But what the court actually did was to point out to the bosses of Texas a better method of dis- franchisement. Saiq the Supreme Court: “Whatever inherent power a state political party has to deter- mine the content of its member- ship, resides in the state conven- tion.” And the democratic state convention in Texas, quick to take the hint, passed a resolution bar- ring all but “white citizens” from its primaries. iS the line-up is complete. The Democratic Party di: franchises the Negroes in ‘ts prim- aries’ (which, in the South, are virtually the elections.) The Re- publican federal officials whitewash this mehisement, and the so- cialists done it on the ground that the time is not “ripe” to make @ fight on this question. And the ecourts take a hand only to point out to the democrats how to dis- franchise in such a way that their actions will stand the tests of le- gality. The conclusion is clear. Only the Communist Party and the rey- olutionary mass organizations will fight for the elementary demo- cratic rights of the Negroes. And more clearly than eyer is shown the correctness of the Communist slogan: “The right of self-determi- nation for the Black Belt.” How futile is all talk of equality in this section, without the right of self- determination, is shown by the fact that the white rulers of this territory have torn from the Ne- groes even that elementary right granted to white workers—the right of the ballot. SOME OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED. Thus the strug jle for the right of the Negroes to vote is one of the most important struggles that the Communist Party must lead. But here there will be objections from lerestimate the strug- gle for itary democratic rights as part of the struggle of the workers against the capitalist offensive. These say: “We cannot fight for the Negro’s right to vote in gen- eral. Most of them, if enfranch- ised, would vote for the republicans or the democrats. We can fight only for the right of the Negro workers to vote for the Communist. ticket. We must be very careful not _to raise legalistic illusions.” This tendency to underestimate the importance of the fight for ‘lementary rights is, unfortunately, all too common in our Party. Some months ago, a comrade in the South objected to the slogan: “For the right of the Negroes to serve on juries.” on very similar grounds: “We cannot fight for the right of Negroes to serve on juries. We can fight only for their right to serve on juries in particular cases, as Scottsboro, etc. We cannot inter- est ourselves in this as a general democratic richt, for in doing so we would be raising legalistic illu- sions,” rere eee 'UCH an attitude is highly incor- rect. The struggle for the franchise for the Negroes — and for. his other democratic rights — is part of the struggle “for equal right for Negroes”; it is likewise part and parcel of the~ struggle “against capitalist terror and against all forms of suppression of the political rights of the workers,” The determination of the white bosses and landlords of the south to keep the Negroes disfranchised, is part of the efforts of these bos- ses and landlords to keep the white workers separated from the Ne- groes, to beat the Negroes down, and with them the avhole working class, To the objection that to raise such demands would be to create legalistic illusions, we must answer: TWO METHODS, Any immediate demand, such as the right of the franchise, may be raised and fought for in a revolu- tionary manner, or it may be raised (and therefore betrayed) in a re- formist manner. An example of the reformist. method of raising immediate demands is the action of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on this very question of the franchise. The N. A. A. C. P. raises the ques- tion in the courtroom only; there it raises it in such a way as to ab- solve the courts and the govern- ment from their responsibility in this theft of the Negroes’ right to vote It wants to whitewash the courts. It warns the Negroes against, mass action and mass protest on this question. It promotes the belief that by means of the ballot, once gained, all \rights and freedom may be achieved. Thus it betrays the strug- gle, and, by taking up the question, actually sets the Negro masses back in their fight for the franchise, Similarly with the question of an- other democratic right, the right of the Negroes to sit on juries. Here again, the N.A.A.C.P, betrays the struggle. Unfortunately, some of our own comrades fall into opportunist, legalistic ways of looking at this question. Thus a leading comrade in Baltimore allowed a statement to be made in his name, to the effect\ that “Now that we have won the right to have juries in Euel Lee’s (Orphan Jones) case, he can get a fair trial.” Re he ‘ must be very clear on this question. The Communist Party will fight for all demooyatie Wats | PREPARE MURDERS | Arrest of Dr. Madzar and Others Follows Execution of Sallai and Furst By G. A. N THE 29th July of this year Horthy’s hangmen strangled two of the best fighters of the Hungarian proletariat, Emmerich Sallai and Alexander Furst. The two dead Communists’ were then burried secretly s& an’ unknown place for the murders still. feared them even in death, But all these measures were un- able to stifle the voice of the two martyrs of the working class. Des- pite the threat of the gallows, des pite police terror, bayonets and tor- ture, the workers of Hungary dem- onstrated again and again agains the murders and against the fas cist: dictatorship. And above all, the illegal Communist Party of Hungary is still at work, The Party has issued one leaflet after the other, organized one dem- onstration after the other. The Horthy gang thought to intimidate the revolutionary. working class movement and its party by slaugh- tering Sallai and Furst. Its error was demonstrated immediately, and the Hungarian police then looked around for new victims. MAKE NEW ARRESTS. A few days ago the Hungarian press again reported “sensational arrests.” The Budapest poliée had arrested Alexander Poll, Dr. Marz- sar and a number of other revolu- tionary authors, artists and work- ers. Dr. Madszar and many others are not Communists at all; they are left wing intellectuals, Dr. | Madszar is known outside the fron- tiers of Hungary as a scientist, a University lecturer, as a former Secretary of State and as a mem- ber of the Social Democratic Party for many years. His crime is that he was not prepared to tolerate indefinitely the continual treachery of the social democratic leaders and that he stood for the class struggle both inside and outside the Social Democratic Party. | | | AR many years Dr. Madzsar was the editor of an organ of scien- tific socialism which had a consid- erable circulation. Although by no means a Communist organ, it fought uncompromisingly against Hungarian fascism, against the imperialist war preparations and in defense of the Soviet Union. With the arrest of Dr. Madzsar and the others the Horthy clique aimed at intimidating the revolutionary in- telelctuals and robbing them of their leaders. At the same time the police wish the crush the revo- lutionary trade union opposition in Hungary. They declare that the Communist Party organized and directed the revolutionary trade union movement through Dr, Madz- sar. PREPARING GALLOWS. The aim of the police in arrest- ing Alexander Poll is still more atrocious. The police report de- clares that Poll is the successor of the murdered Communists Sallai and Furst and the leader of the Secretariat of the illegal Commu- nist Party. It is clear that the murders intend to murder Alex- ander Poll as they murdered Sal- laj and Furst. An. international storm of pro- test. must prevent this brutal crime. The _international working class must protest not only against the | demanded | Democratic Party and explains the murderous plans of the Horthy clique, but also against the perfid- ious. denunciations of: the social fascist leaders. The latest arrests were openly by the Social Demo- cratic Party, “Nepszava,” and the leader of the ‘party, Karl _Peyer, have repeatedly denounced Dr, Madzsar as. a bolshevist, The “Nepszava” has repeatedly called upon the police to arrest him.. The police have not only complied with this request, but have also confiscated the pamphlet published by Dr. Madzsar in which he ex- poses -the -treachery of the’ Social reasons which caused his breach with it. ‘The campaign against the Revolutionary Trade Union Oppo- sition is at the same time an act of friendliness on. the Hungarian police towards the so- cial democracy. SOCIALIST ‘The “Nepszava” is now doing its best to persuade the Hungarian workers that Karikas, Poll and the others are not threatened with death, and that the protest cam- paign is nothing but. Communist scaremongering. The “Nepszava” wrote extctly the same with regard to Sallai and Furst. Prior to the murder of Sallai and Furst and af- ter the crime had been committted the “Nepszava” called on the work- ers to take no action. Under the circumstances if? is easy to see why the Hungarian bourgeois press is full of praise for the socialists. The social fascists traitors have actually done every- thing in their power to~ maintain rule of fhe bourgeoisie in Hun- At the time of the Soviet ‘| Republic the social democracy al+ lied itself with Entente imperial- ism and organized the counter- revolution. After the overthrow of the Soviet Re public it supported the murder of the revolutionary leaders of the working class who were dragged to the gallows with the approval of the social demo- cratic ministers. And to-day the social democracy is still doing its utmost in the interests of the bour- geoisie by provocations and denun- ciations, The international proletariat must condemn the agents of Hor- thy and save Karikas and Poll from the gallows by a powerful campaign throughout the world. “The Negro Reds of Chicago” in Wednesday Issue “The Negro Reds of Chicago.” This is the title of the ‘story— based on first-hand investigation— by Michael Gold, well-known working-class writer which begins in Wednesday's issue of the Daily Worker, Appearing in four installments, Gold's story presents a striking pice ture of the struggles of the Chi- cago workers—part{icularly of the Negro workers on the South Side of the city, Be sure to order your ocpy in advance! Union, In the view achieve, «8 (Second) International. to prevent this. “Neue Zeit,” Nov. 27, 1914, of the Negro masses—and for the workers as a whole, It will fight for the Negroes’ right to vote, for their right to sit on juries, for their right to assemble. It will fight not only for the right of the Negroes to vote the Communist ticket, but for’ the right of the Negroes to vote. But in the very process of strug- gle, the Communist Party and the revolutionary mass organizations will, if they work in the proper revolutionary manner, destroy le- United Lae titoat Negroes and white in which the white workers must be in the fore- How the Socialists Supported Imperialist War of 1914-18 In Saturday's issue of the Daily Worker we published an excerpt from a speech by Vandervelde, Belgian leader of the Second (Socialist) International, in support of the imperialts war. The following is from. the pen of Karl Kautsky, notorious Social-Democrat, chief theoretician of the Second International and most venomous reviler of the Soviet of this Social-Democrat, the international unity” of the working class at its most critical moment was impossible to “The present war shows us the limitations for the influemee of the We deceived ourselves when we thought that the International would be able to secure a united attitude on the part. of the whole Socialist proletariat of the world during a world war. Such an attitude was only possible in individual and particularly straight- forward cases. The world war has split the Socialists into various camps, for the most part various national camps, The International is unable “That is to say, the International is not an effective weapon in time of war; it is essentially a peacetime instrument.”—Karl Kautsky, in the * “ J Noted Writers Appear In Symposium In Sept. Issue af New Masses Waldo Frank, Sherwood Anderson, Edmund Wilson, Granville Hicks and other well-known writers contribute articles to a symposium. on “How I Came To Communism” in the Sep- tember New Masses, just out, Mi+ chael Gold contribute a piece on “Why I Am A Communist.” " Other features of the new iss are: “Marxism and the Crisis” by leading English economist, Maurice Dobb; Engels on Goethe, hitherta /unpublished in English; two stories by Moe Bragin and John L, Spivack, _|and sketches from the scene of action in the farmers’ strike, ©” Book reviews, cartoons, and poems by Langston Hughes and A, B, Magil, round out the September number, CORRECTION In a review of Wall St , the new pamphlet by Anna Rocheser, pub- lished in the Sept, 22 issue of tha Daily Worker, the price was erron- eously given as 50 cents. The correct price is 5 cens each, (with special bundle order rates,) pamphlets to be Library pa from the Workers ry ers, Box 148, Station New, York City ‘ mas