The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 21, 1932, Page 4

Dail Central Yorker Party U.S.A. Pabti@hed by the Comprodaily Publishing 13th Bt. New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St,, New York, N. ¥. Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E. SUBSORIPTI By mall everywhere: One year, $6: six Borough of Manhattan and Bronx. N six months, $4.50. Canada, $8 per year; 75 cents per month. (ON RATES: months, $3; jew York City. two months, $1; Foreign: one yeni pting Socialists Ai Scottsboro MPHE shameless anti-working Socialist International is latest attack by the Europea Mother and the world-wide mass fight to smash the legal lynch verdicts against seven ¢ gro boys It is no accident tl of Budapest, Hung: tacks on Mrs. Ada W authorities Hungary hangmen to the Negro jel del attacks on M anti-fascist str in their suppo: Junkers on the hypocritical theory of role engaged in by the American Socialist Party in alliance with the Ne- gro reformists in the National Association for the Advancement of Col- ored People, and in joint service with these reformists to the imperialist lynchers and oppressors of the Negro masses. Both in Europe and in the United States, the socialists and other re- formists are intensifying their atta paign as the date nears for the hear Court on October 10. These attacks to the lynch courts. ‘The workers must ahswer these fight which alone can stop the bloody hands of the imperialist lynchers. Onward with the mass fight to free the Scottsboro boys! ‘world wide protest demonstrations on October 8 illusions being peddled by the imperialists and their reformist lackeys. in their attempts to destroy the vigilance of the masses! All out October 8! verdicts, against the national oppression of the Negro masses! bosses lynch courts! the unconditional release of the nin A Vote for A Vote for Hoover HE workers who really believe that Roosevelt is the “champion of the forgotten man” should ask thems Would a Roosevelt victory be c financiers and industrialic::? The candidly admits that it would not. “that on ali the leading questions of t! agreement, at least as far as can be judged by their political platforms, and that the ordinary man has difficulty in choosing between the two?” Colonel Ayres, a leading banker, could without embarrassment accept the econome platform of the ‘other. Apparently ibusness has little to hope for or to fear in the coming political campaign.” In commenting upon Roosevelt's address on the railroad situation, the “Journal of Commerce,” another leading organ of Wall Street, states that the speech is conspicuous for its “ay the railroads,” and concludes editorially: amend and extend the present policy rather than to effect any revolution- ary changes in the handling of the question.” This clearly indicates that the when it states that Roosevelt and Hoover are both representatives of the 4 finance capitalists. The bankers and industrialists know that Roosevelt ‘will pursue the same hunger, terror ‘sistently and consistently followed by Hoover. The Socialist Party, similar to the reactionary officialdom of the American Federation of Labor, is an ers for putting over the capitalist way out of the crisis (the program of Hoover and Roosevelt). “Its special with the mask of socialist phrases, workers from organizing for a really tion Platform). The Communist Party is the onl; senting the interests of all men and who suffer from the capitalist attacks. consideration of these masses upon which they can unite and organize and win the demands meeting with their immediate needs. capitalist way out of the crisis, the tionary way out—the overthrowing of tne rotten capitalist system and the establishment of a Soviet Governm towards the building of the classless Communist society, the socialist newspaper publishes t in Gern our in the d Attacks on Campaign class role of the treacherous | again glaringly exposed in the | n socialists on the Scottsboro | »f the innocent Scottsboro Ne- | “Nepszava” t provocative at- g the Hungarian ottsboro campaign in | e role of assistant cially against ibere any by the socialists in their country, in their sabotage of the of Hindenburg and the German “the lesser evil.” It is the same at rt ks on the Scottsboro defense cam- ‘ing before the United States Supreme are timed to render the greatest aid attacks by building the mass defense Support the Reject the legalistic No faith in the Demonstrate against the lynch Demand ie Scottsboro Boys! Roosevelt Is elves the following question: ause for anxiety on the part of the Commercial and Financial Chronicle “Is it not a fact,” the Chronicle asks, the day the two parties are in essential answers quite frankly: “Either party jpproval of what Hoover has done for “Roosevelt wishes merely to Communist Party platform is correct and war policy which is now so per- agency of capitalism among the work- task is to cover up the same program and thus to prevent the awakening effective struggle” (Communist Elec- ly Party in the present elections repre- women of the working class and of all It presents a program for the As against the Communist Party presents the revolu- ent in the U. S. A. as the first step Letters from Election Propaganda New York. Editor, Daily Worker: Dear Comrade:—In connection with the election campaign, I will take the liberty to give you a few recommendations in order to reach more workers with our propaganda: 1. The Party should print leaflets with the pictures of all the main candidates. 2. Also local circulars, should carry the pictures of the main and local candidates. When a worker picks up a leaflet. with pictures then he reads it more carefully. 3. Our open-air meetings are dis- turbed by our sympathizers and even Party members by having discussions while the meeting is going on. This must be remedied. .The Daily Worker and also the other language papers should have special articles about this matter. I, hope that the Party will take 4ll this into consideration Comradely, E, Fischer. The Party is carrying the pic- tures of the main candidates on its leaflets, but not in all cases, It is advisable, as this worker points out, to do so, but it need not be done in all cases. In order to enliven the literature, illustrations should be used. The complaint that our cor spondent makes about the turbances at meetings as a result of little discussion groups being or- ganized in the course of the meet- ing, should be taken in hand. Party members must help the dis- cipline of @ meeting. They should attempt to establish contact with workers, but must do it skillfully so as not to break up the meeting into small knots, They should get the reaction of the workers at the | meetings and should continue the discussion with these workers after the meeting. Loose discipline at meetings does not help to carry ‘through the purposes of the meet- ing and very often causes workers to leave because they are unable to concentrate upon the remarks of Our Readers \ Proud of Daily | New York City. | Editor Daily Worker: Dear Comrade:—At about 2 am. | recently the Daily Worker was brought to a group of comrades and | sympathizers who usually meet here in a coffee-pot after the Tuesday | night unit meeting. As the Daily | Was read and discussed, a rising con- | viction of something important sud- | denly took hold of us almost simul- taneously. For the first time since we had become Daily Worker readers, we saw a perfect paper; for the first | time there was no annoying neces- | sity to turn to an inner page to con- tinue a news item. The paper looked so improved and so much more read- able that the effect upon us was as if we had heard some thrilling news. Formerly we loved the Daily | chiefly because it was our paper, but now we can proudly walk arm in arm with it since it is so beautifully clothed. L, W. at Coe It is the policy of the Party to make the Daily more attractive and therefore more readable. The re- | cent improvement in shortening of the stories and avoiding continua- tions on the inside page, as well as other improvements, is in line with this poliey. We are pleased to note that this is meeting with the approval of the comrades, but cannot fully share the enthusiasm expressed by the above letter which says that the 4 paper is “a perfeet paper.” It is necessary to still carry through many more improvements in line with the resolution of the 14th Plenum, in order to achieve the . task ef making the Daily Worker | a Communist mass paper. With the | help of workers, of our readers, of | worker correspondents and of the | | Party organization as a whole, we hope to go forward in that direc- tion. EDITOR'S NOTE. the speaker. Party members who | capable persist in this loose talk should be taken to tack by the Party units. ‘OP'S NOTE, Problem of | Cadres in the Party (Installment TI.) By TZIRUL Where are the forces for such eensolidation to come from? They must come from the ranks of the Party masses themselves. Lenin’s remark in the article “New Work, New Forces” that “as soon as new tasks arose before the Party, new forces for their solution sprang up as if out of the groun ,true for all the Communist Parties."One must only be able to see and un- derstand these now forces. last years there were strike w: and demonstrations everywhere, as well as unemployed meetings and other mass movements. In all of | them new forces came to the fore, of leading the m S. These are the cadres, connecte with the masses, that can and must strengthen our Party organs, | and must be promoted to leading | work in the Party. This is not a new task. For it it stated already in the Resolution of the V. E.C.C. I, Plenum on Bolshevization that: “One of the foremost tasks of every Communist Varty should consist in selecting very careful- ly the leading cadres among the more advanced workers distin- guished by their energy, capabil- ity, knowledge and devotion to the Party . . . These workers must be systematically helped to become real organizers of the masses, Party and trade uni leaders . . . Working class lead- ers should be treated with pa- tience and care and encouraged to work for their own improvement, given opportunities to prove their worth by the allocation of more important and increasingly responsible work.” ‘The Parties have not yet taken up properly the carrying through of this directive. To bring to light the abilities of the new activists, and to promote them to more re- sponsible leading work, to help them systematically in their work, such must be now the most im- portant part of the organizational’ work of all Parties, their organs and above all, of the central leader- ship of the Parties. It is essential that the C. C. and the district committees should make a study of basis for cadres, registering all comrades who distinguished them- selves during strikes, demonstra- tions and through their Party ac- tivity in general—all. these who have shown capacity as organiz- ers and have influence on the mas- ses. This can be attained through the instructor-apparatus, by visits of leading party functionaries to the organizations, by receiving re- ports from the basis organizations. PARTY MUST KNOW ITS FORCES. The Party leadership must know its cadres, must be able to allot everyone his proper place where he is most. suitable and most needed, —this is the crux of the matter. To enable the Party leadership “not only to advise (as this has hitherto been done), but really con- duct the orchestra, one must know exactly who is playing first or sec- ond fiddle, and where, what in- strument he was taught, where and how, where and why he plays out of tune (when the music be- gins to be trying to the ear), and what changes should be made in the orchestra so as on this subject. (Letter to a comrade on our or- ganizational work.) (TO BE CONTINUED) Mistakes in Sale of Literature By DOROTHY ROSS (Section I, Chicago) ROM many experiences I know that workers are willing to buy and read our literature. In fact, unemployed workers, who have no- thing to eat, will give their last penny to buy the Communist Party _ Election Platform and other lit- erature, At an open air meeting with about 500 to 700 workers present, workers came to our comrades, who were holdin® literature for sale, and asked them, “Say, can I have a few of these pamphlets...Don’'t you sell them?” The comrades who were supposed to sell the literature were, however, listening to. the speaker. NEED PROPER APPROACH. While collecting signatures I found that when the workers are properly approached and made clear as to what a pamphlet is about they dre ready to buy it. One worker who for a number of years had been voting the social- ist ticket, bought six pamphlets from us. . . © many cases workers who are not ready to sign the petition list to put the Communist ticket on the ballot, gladly buy our literature. CAUSES OF POOR SALE. Literature sale in our section has poor for a number of reasons: (1) The unit members do not yet, realize the importance of spreading our literature among the workers: (2) the Agit-Prop department and the section committee have not. carried on a campaign of enlight- enment in the units; (3) no ade- quate suggestions or instructions have been given to the units on how to organize the sale of litera- ; ture; (4) no mass organizations’ haye been visited; (5) no Republi- can, democratic or socialist meet- ings have been covered; (6) at open air meetings arranged by our units the sale of literature is not properly organized, 4 In order to fully utilize the open air meetings for-spreading our lit- erature among the workers, this is necessary: (1) Good literature committees should be elected at the nvaivone-ertibcinanede ch laeitilineistr $3, ome Thugs hired by the South River, N. J. local government in behalf of di 9-year-old boy and wounded a man, 2 woman and another child. By BURCK. er teem Hor ress manufacturers killed one Behind the Scenes of Second International By MARCEL CACHIN IS.—The ‘delegates to the ses- sion of the Executive Commit- tee of the Second (Labor and So- cialist) International, which took place on the 19th and 20th May, 1932, in Zurich, adopted a “left- wing” resolution in favor of “soli- darity” with the Soviet Union-in case of an attack.” It is interesting to note that the “leftwingers” did not vote for the resolution while the supporters of the extreme right who have always fought against the Soviet Union with the utmost bitterness did sup- port the resolution. Under the cir- cumstances a report of the discus- sion which preceded the adoption of the resolution would have been of great importance. However, neither, “le Populaire,” organ, of the French Socialists, nor the “Vorwarts,” organ of the German Socialists, published a word of what was said in the discussion. The “left wing” played a subor- dinate part in the discussion only. ‘Three of its speakers took the floor headed by Otto Bauer. Friedrich Adler, the Secretary of the Execu- tive Committee, did not take part in the discussion at all. On the other hand, a baker's dozen of the representatives of the extreme right spoke in the discussion. THE DISCUSSION. The situation before the session was that imperialist Japan had in- vaded Manchuria and was threat- ening the Soviet Union, The ques- tion to be decided was, what must the Second International do under these circumstances? The follow- ing characteristic extracts from the speeches of the righ wing repre- sentatives throws an important light on the spirit in which the resolution was adopted: (Vandervelde (Belgium): It is not yet certain that Japan intends to attack Soviet Russia. It is of great importance that the Second Inter- national should not forget its tra- ditional attitude towards Soviet Russia. We must also not forget that at our congresses in Marseilles and Brussels we declared that the Soviets themselves represent a danger of war, that they are incit- ing to war, that they want war. The Rusian Menshevik Dan: We are faced with two imperialist, countries—Japanese and Bolshevist. imperialism. We want to have nothing to do either with the one or the other, Renaudel (France): Russia is con- ducting a policy of expansion which is threatening Asia. It is conduct- ing an imperialist policy. We can not make any distinction between the dictatorship of the Soviets and the dictatorship of Mussolini. Let. the Soviet Union appeal to the thing else but sell literature; (2) the chairmen of the open air meet- ings, should take a few minutes to speak on the different pamphlets on sale and urge the workers to buy them. This should be done at least. twice during the open air meetings. e Te mass sale of literature dur- ing the election campaign will gseoure thousands of votes for our Party. We must bring the message of the revolutionary movement to the workers who are under the poi- ‘ ~ The soning influence of the capitalist_ press. ; Discussion on the U.S. S. RB. ” League of Nations for the appoint- ment of a court of arbitration. There is no higher court of appeal than the League of Nations. And for the rest, Soviet Russia is al- most as much to blame at Japa- nese militarism. Gillies (Great Britain): For thir- teen years there has been talk of the threat to Russia. That slogan won't work any more. We must. have confidence in the League of ations which will settle the con- ict. The Russian Menshevik Abramo- vich; We must under no circum- stances make common cause with the Bolshevists. After the comple- tion of the Five Year Plan Stalin might very well get the idea of waging war in the Far East. Liebermann (Poland): I must admit that up to the present I hhave believed in the neutrality of Poland in case of war, but now I don’t dare to support this view any longer. However, this does not mean at all that if Soviet Russia is attacked we must support it un- conditionally. Hilferding (Germany): I am no supporter of a Japanese victory and a defeat of Soviet Russia. On the other hand I am not in favor of the opposite contingency. A vic- tory of the Soviets over Japan would be just as destructive for European democracy and would probably result in the setting up of the proletarian dictatorship to the banks of the Rhine. Soupkup (France): Japan is not. waging war against the revolution, but against Russia which might just as well be Tzarist. The Austrian Delegate, Otto Bauer, spoke on behalf of the “left- wing” and declared that the Soviet Union must be defended uncondi- tionally, The delegate of the I.L.P., the following important. statement: The moral defeat of the League of Nations is so decisive that we should make ourselves ridiculous if We applied to it for assistance now. If the proletariat ever finds itself in this dilemma then its over- whelming majority will support So- viet Russia with its whole heart. In any case, the working class would’ prefer to be a hundred times more unfortunate together with Soviet Russia than to tolerate the capitalist system any longer. * FTER this the three “left wing- Resolution and? way, “on account of the speech made by Renaudel in moving it.” Otto Bauer explained his attitude in much the same way, whilst the Swiss delegate Grimm declared: “I cannot vote in favor of the resolu- tion, for if I sided with Renaudel and Hilferding I would endanger the unity of my party.” Fritz Adler took the floor on) a formal point of order only. WHY NOTES WERE PUBLISHED. In view of the fact that the or- gans of the various socialist parties have published no reports of this interesting discussion we have been compelled to use the “notes” of Renaudel himself , who publishes them in his organ “La Vie Social- iste”. But why does Renaudel break the dead silence maintained by his colleagues on the point? He an- swers this question himself when he declares that “the resolution becomes more valuable when the details of its adoption are known.” Renaudel is aiming at two things with his publication of the main trend of the discussion. On the one hand he wishes to reassure the right wing and the bourgeoisie con- cerning the resolution. The publi- cation of the utterances of the supporters of the resolution prior to its adoption’ puts the matter in its proper light. The discussion shows clearly that the social demo- cratic leaders have not altered their attitude towards the Soviet Union in’ the least and that they intend to continue their bitter struggle against the social revolu- tion which is being carried out in “the Soviet Union. Renaudel wished to prove that the international so- cial democracy fully maintains its old attitude towards “Soviet Impe- nialism” and that the bourgeoisie has no cause to worry. Pea ge ania le second reason is. indicated in the remarks of the Swiss del- egate Grimm concerning the atti- tude of the working masses to- wards the Soviet Union. It was a warning to. the session not to for- get that “the overwhelming ma- jority” not only of the Communist, but also the social democratic workers “will wholeheartedly sup- port Soviet Russia’. This situation had to be taken into consideration in formulating the resolution. It was not possible to affront the working class openly. The open crimes of Japanese imperialism made this still more impossible, for the: unprovoked “attack on. Shang- hai and Manchuria and the threat to the Soviet Union were’ so obvious that a terrific scandal would have resulted from an attempt to con- ceal these crimes completely. For these reasons the famous resolu- tion was adopted as an alibi by the leaders of the extreme right wing of the Second International. by Renaudel showed the real attitude of the leaders of the Second International. However, the social democratic workers pres-- ent at the Congress declared with- out beating about the bush, that it is necessary to fight for peace and defend the Soviet Union without _ the the 4 INT, Michigan. — This city sprawis over the countryside, a mushroom which spread out over- night with the phenomenal growth of the automobile industry, and is now sickening and dying with the collapse of the automobile industry. Here is the main center of the enormous General Motors Corpora- tion, where are located the plants of its chief subsidiaries, Chevrolet, Buick, Fisher Body, A-C Spark Plug, and a dozen lesser shops. But all the shops are Closed. In a one industry town a handful of the workers still find employment. ‘Two years ago there were 160,- 000 people in Flint; today there are 130,000. Some of those who have gone have drifted back to rel- atives and friends who still have some food to share with them, others have, gone to other cities hunting for work and have been stranded. But a large part of that 30,000 were Negroes and Mexicans, who came to Michigan in the northward trek of wartime and the early twenties. The Community Fund crew got the bright idea of relieving the relief problem by shipping the Negroes and Mexicans back to the South, Few of these, of course, had any place to return to, Whole families had come north, Jeaving no ties behind. But all that the charitable souls of Flint could lay their hands ‘on were “vol- untarily” transported back to the South and Mexico, That was one means of “solving” Flint’s unem- ployment problem. HUNGER AND SUFFERING. Those who still remain in Flint are little better off, unless you think it is better to starve id familiar scenes. By the city’s own count, 5,000 families are now sup- posed to be receiving miserable city poor relief. The Community Fund and other private agencies record another 1500 families. | Add to these the untold number of fami- lies who have been refused any kind of relief; add those who, knowing the ruthless policy of the city poor relief and the Community Fund, are still trying. to scrape along on the last of their savings, borrowing, pawning, or who, though already starving, cannot bear to go through the humiliating procedure » of standing in lines and being herd~ ed like cattle for day after day un- til they shall be put on poor relief; add to these the single men, widows, widowers, and childless couples, who are not even permit- ted to register—and you begin to get an idea of what hunger and suffering. means in Flint. By the city’s own . murderous. standards, one in every five persons in Flint is starving. By any humane stand- ard, three quarters of Flint’s work- ers need substantial unemployment Telief. ee . WN the dreary, abandoned high school building which serves as poor relief headquarters thou- sands of men, women and children are pressed together in long lines, waiting for the weekly ‘dole.” Three dollars for a family of five. Sixty cents a week to feed each person. To a'‘tall, graying Scotch- man, a pioneer mechanic in the automobile industry, whose reward for a lifetime of work was a place on the poor relief line, I expressed my horror at the inadequacy of the relief. He smiled bitterly. “If you think this is bad, come back after election. This is just some taffy to make us vote right. After the vot- ing’s over they'll just let us starve to death altogether.” CHARITY SCENES. Hour after hour these workers + qnd_ their wives and children, rushed together in the long lines —and it was a scene repeated every day—had to wait for the miserable pittance allotted them by the bos- ses and politicians. Hungry chil- dren tugged at their parents’ arms, begging to be taken home and fed. FLIN®,; MICHIGAN HOOVER PROGRAM IN CHEVROLET CITY By GEORGE COOPER Mothers dropped exhausted to sit hunched up on the bare floor, still holding their places in the lines, Men stood, arms folded, faces set and eyes staring ahead, trying to control the impatient quivering of their bodies, All for three dollars to feed five persons for a week. After a morning and most of an afternoon’s wait on line, a woman with two children finally received her grocery check and moved away; then walked over to stand on an- other line. This was a clothing line; some children’s clothing had been donated and was to be dis- tributed. The woman was pathet- ically weary from her wait for the grocery check, but there was al- ready @ hint of cold in the air, and her children were barefooted and covered with single garments. PS ihe “WHAT'RE we waiting for now, mama”, one of the children asked, “I'm going to get you some clothes”, the mother replied. The children burst into excited comment: “Mama's going to buy us shoes and dresses”, one cried, old enough to remember the time when he mother had actually been able to buy the clothes for her children. Her mother looked at a bundle of the rags which were be- ing handed out, and burst into high, unrestrained weeping. At the sound, a young man behind her also lost control. “I'll be damned if T’'ll wait any longer to cover my kid with those rags”, he shouted, and shouldered his way out of the building. . ‘The chubby face, and round of one of the charity officials, beaming “good will”, presented a contrast—to the peaked, gaunt faces I had left behind in the cor- ridor. But it was not a pleasing contrast. He purred and mewed like a fat, white kitten. “It is too bad the poor have to come here for their grocery checks and then take them to the grocery to exchange them for food. I have an idea to change that. We will open a city commissary, and they will just make one trip and get their food’ directly. Besides, I’ve figured out a balanced diet which the city commissary will be able to supply. for $1.80 instead of $3.00 a week per family.” “BRAVE, FINE PATIENCE.” What can one say to such @ man? As I turn to go, he says: “And the most inspiring thing about it all, is the brave, fine pa- tience of the poor.” | Patience! Those working men and women standing in the long lines outside his door are not pa-' tient. If he had eyes to see, he would see the hatred in their eyes as he passes. He would see the fists of the workers clench as they, watch the officious clerks dilly- ! dallying at their windows, - He would see how the women take, their children’s hands and hurry; away from the poor relief building | as from an unclean thing. He would i see, as I have seen, the families gathering about their table to eat! the meagre fare, and see the par- ents look at the food and then look at each other in bitter unani~ mity. He would see the look in the eyes of hungry workers as they look at fat politicians, big-paunched cops, smug bosses and their sleek women, mas oe 1 lO, it is not patience that keeps these workers from hurling him and his kind out of the places of, power. It is only because they still do not know how to do it. These workers need no further incentive to struggle against their oppressors. What they need is to learn how to struggle, to learn who are their own leaders, and who their betray- ers. This they are gradually learn= ing, as the growing strength of De- troit's Unemployed Councils show. (Tomorrow: “Fresh Air in South Bend, Ind.”) THE FARMERS WAY OUT. (The Position of the Communist Party on the Problems of the Farmers). Issued for the National Election Campaign Committee by the Workers Library Publishers, New York, Price 10 Cents. ° . Reviewed by L. DANIELS, a ketal pamphlet points out briefly. .and Democratic Parties—their Promises in pre-election days, and what the farmers received in re- turn after the elections—bank- farmers elected a republican presi- dent; in 1930 they elected a demo- cratic’ congress, hoping to better their conditions. But in 1931 and worse, proving that neither of the parties will do anything fér the farmers. Have the Socialists and Farmer- Labor Parties done better for the soon as they were put into office, that they will do no more for the farmers either of two i Showing the Way Out for the American Farmer. forced out—evicted—and will add to the millions now roaming the country in search of food and shel- ter. oe . ‘HE farmers of the country feel that what they need in order to get on their feet, is release from the burden of mortgages and taxes, imposed on them by the state gov- the record of the Republican | ernments, irrespective of the party in power. The farmers have been educated by this train of events— and disillusioned by them. This is proved by the fact that the more ruptcy and failure. In 1928 the | militant farmers in different sec- tions of the country are getting to- gether, realizing that only hy mass action can they get what they need, and raising as one Hall coh orte 1932 things have gone from bad to | demands, a moratorium on gages and taxes. Witness the pres sent Iowa situation where the farmers striking for higher prices on their produce, give milk to the unemployed and to the hospitals, are farmers? They have shown, as | This shows they realize they fighting not against the but agfinst the wealthy dealers, © ee representatives of the boss class. ‘ farm. Why should the farmers vote for the Communist Party candidates? | te |