The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 20, 1932, Page 4

Dail Yorker Centred Porty US.A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 5@ E. 18th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgenguin 4-7956, Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail ehecks to the Dally Worker, 50 E. 13th St., New York, N. Y. Bronx, New York City. ix_ months, 34.50. Roosevelt’s “Relief” Pro- gram for Railroad Labor HE politician Roosevelt, who is so “liberal” and so “safe” at the same time, who has the complete support of Owen D. Young, John J. Raskob, and Tammany Hall, fol- lows up his fake farm relief program, with a relief program for railroad labor. It is a program of complete support and protection for finance capital, the stock and bond hold- ers of Wall Street, the Morgans, Goulds and Vanderbilts. In his Utah speech, he discusses what he calls “the preservation of our railroads”. The railroads, he says, “are in serious difficulties”. What are these difficulties? What is happening to “our” railroads, that they must be preserved? Is there something wrong with their equipment? Are they insuperable engineering problems? Is there a shortage of competent workers? Not at all! With his typical shiftiness, Roosevelt nowhere clearly defines what he conceives these serious difficulties to be. But the New York Times correspondent defined them for his as follows: “Man; railroads are not only passing dividends on their stocks, but are even defaulting interest on their bonds.” Now we know what the terrible plight of the railroads really is! The ruling class, which owns and controls the railroads, is worried about its dividends and bond interest, about the uninterrupted flow of its fat profits. Roo- sevelt’s railroad program is a pledge to these financial masters that their profits will be fully protected, at the expense of the working class. * * ® Load interests directly confront one another in the railroad arena? They are three: the railroad workers, the railroad owners and the ions of impoverished farmers. The handful of bankers who own the ads, are, on the one hand, driving the railroad workers into mass unemployment, speed-up, wage cuts and starvation. On the other hand bing the millions of poor farmers who must pay nate shipping rates. they are mercilessly extortio: wishes to assure the financial masters of the roads that he is But he into believing that. he is their champion against these masters. There- higher profits to the bankers, relief from high freight rates to the farmers and to the "the highest wages the industry can afford”. Thus with his honeyed words, he typically strives not only to conceal the wide- spread attacks which the railroad owners are still directing against the workers and farmers, but he also tries to hide the bitter and irreconcil- able class battle that is raging between the farmers and workers against their Practiced in the arts of Tammany, Roosevelt promises to pull in opposite directions at the same for the hungry workers and mortgage-ridden farmers, and for their exploiters.. This is also the policy of the liberals and the A, F. of L. and R. R. Brotherhood leaders, who by means of class co-operation, engineer wage cuts and lay-offs and fight unemployment insurance as a “dole’.. That is why Roosevelt is their candidate. Roosevelt safe! fore he y uises; with conscious and deliberate hypocrisy, railroad work capitalist enemies the railroad magnates, iime, Both Secretary of Labor Doak, ex-official of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, and the New York Times fiinancial expert, assert that Roosevelt's railroad program is nothing but a continuation of Hoov- er’s program. And they are absolutely right. For railroad workers this has meant a lay-off of over a quarter of a million during the past year, wage cuts totalling $225,000,000 and part time for thousands of railroad workers * * * OOSEVELT says that the roads owned by the people them- selves”. This is @ lie and Rooseve! nows it. There are 800,000 railroad stockholders. This figure includes the small fry, one, five and ten-ehare holders, Actually the number of dominant stockholders is less than 50. The report made before a Congressional Committee ten years go showed that over 90 percent of the countries railroads were controlled fnrough inter-locking directorates, by a small group of Wall Street Banks, Jed by J. P. Morgan and Kuhn, Loeb & Co. Since that time, this monop- olistic grip Professor Bonbright of Columbia, has shown how the Va who are nothing but Mor; nts, con- trol more than 25,145 miles of track through the ownership of 1 percent yf the total c tion of the controlled sys r Professor Splawn showed to tt se Committee on Interstate ead Foreign Commerce, fihat 14 major railroad systems, through holding companies and other evices, owned or controlled over 86 percent of the countries mileage. ‘And these 14 major systems are in turn controlled by Wall Street. Pro- fessor W. Z. Ripl in the New York Times said recently that these figures do not reveal the full extent of concentrated control. Roosevelt accepts and spreads the ruling class lie that the PEOPLE own the rail- roads. He does this in order to enlist the support of the workers and farmers as a whole in support of the wage-cutting policy of the rail- roads, * * * JOOSEVELT’S railroad program has the following six points: The first point is that the government must “announce its intention to stand back of the roads for a specified period” |... “I am glad”, he said, “to approve the policy of freely lending money to the railroads”. Thus he comes forward as an avowed defender of Hoover's policy of government subsidy to the bankers and bondholders. Second: he proposes laws “to more adequately protect security holders and creditors”, during reorganizations. Again he is the avowed champion of finance capital, and the railroad magnates. ‘Third: he advocates motor bus regulation. As a matter of fact the cry of motor bus competition is a deliberate attempt on the part of the railroads to divert attention from their own enormous profits. ‘The large bus lines are for the most part controlled by the railroads themselves, and the figures show that of the total freight moved in this country the buses carry a very small part. Fourth: he believes “in the elimination of non-paying mileage where- ever the transportation needs can be otherwise adequately met.” This is a doctrine which is used by the railroad owners to justify wholesale lay-offs of railroad workers. By supporting this policy Roosevelt again proves that he is the defender of lay-offs to preserve Wall Street profits, Fifth: Roosevelt urges further concentration of railroad control thru consolidations. Since the Interstate Commerce Commission under Hoover has already given its approval to the Four-System Plan, which gives four giant roads in the East control of practically all the railroad mileage east of the Mississippi, Roosevelt merely pledges to continue to assist ‘Wall Street and the Morgans in their manipulations. These giant con- solidations mean wholesale lay-offs, and it is to be particularly noted that Roosevelt says not one word about safeguarding the interests of the workers who will be thrown into the street as a result of these con- solidations. Roosevelt urges that these maneuvers of finance capital “be pressed to a conclusion.” Again he offers himself as the staunch defender of profits at the expense of the workers, Six: he advocates the “regulation and control” of holding companies by the Interstate Commerce Commission. By advocating control of such holding companies Roosevelt is making another “liberal” gesture. Since the I. C. C. and Roosevelt both approve the further consolidation of the railroads, the regulation of the holding companies will do nothing to prevent further concentration. x ‘To guarantee railroad profits, Roosevelt urges that the roads be free from “undue burdens and restraints”. These economies will depend, he says “on the competence and morale of the railroad employees”, Here he openly accepts the Hoover program of wage cuts and speed up. * * * HUB Roosevelt in all his practical proposals shows himself an agent | France and America. As to the also wishes to deceive the farmers and workers | DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1932 FREE THEM! Problem of Cadres in the Party (Continued From Yesterday.) By TZIRUL We still frequently see in the Cc. I. (Communist International) Sections inability to make an ade- quate use of promoted advanced workers for important political ac- tivity under C. P. leadership. The Communist Parties still have ca- dres that are too weak numerically, and yet the movement of the pro- letarian masses is expanding and the need of Communist leadership, as well as the work involved in it are growing. This discrepancy is one of the reasons why many Com- munist Parties in capitalist coun- tries have not yet been able to give an adequate lead to the growing activity of the masses. CHOOSING CADRES FROM NARROW CIRCLE The tendency (inherited from the social democracy) to restrict cadres to a narrow circle of people, has not yet been overcome, and this frequently leads to insufficient contact between some parts of the Party apparatus and the rank and file of the Party. * 8 'HE Comintern and its sections, supported by the main mass of Party members, have succeeded in forming in all the most important C. I. sections a fairly steady lead- ing kernel that carries out the line of the Comintern. This was at- tained through ruthless struggle on two fronts; against left sectarians, especially against Right opportu- nists who had come to us from the social democratic parties under the influence of the revolutionary up- surge. New cadres consisting of workers have taken the place of people who turned out to be op- portunists and were expelled from the Party. While in some Parties, in the first years of their existence, their Central Committees consisted almost entirely of intellectuals and people of free professions, workers constitute an overwhelming ma- jority in the present Central Com. mittees, This improvement in the social composition of the leader- ship of the Party is noticeable, for instance, in the C, P's of C.P. of France, there was only one manual worker among the 24 By J. BURCK. members of the first C.C. whereas there are 40 manual workers among the 54 members of the present C.C., including 20 factory workers. The newly formed leading kernel has gained sufficient experience in leading work to be able to ensure a definite continuity in the leader- ship of the Party. But this process of establishing stable Bolshevist cadres is not yet complete in most of the Partics, and still requires considerable work and attention. FEW LEADING FORCES CONNECTED WITH FACTORIES There is a certain improvement in the composition of district com- mittees in a number of Parties, but more is required in this direction. This applies above all to the con- nection of these organs with the factories of their district. There are By FRED GILLETTE ILLESPIE, Ill—This bedraggled. mining town winds across the plain approximately 58 miles from Springfield and encompasses four Superior Coal Company mines em- ploying 2,500 men, Standing before the two story stucco building of the Gillespie National Bank is a uiletin board bearing this cryptic comparatively few members from | Massage: the factories in the District Com- Mine No, 1—No Work mittees, and where there are any, Mine No. 2—No Work they seldom come from the chief Mine No, 3—No Work factories of the district, but rather Mine No. 4—No Work The message on this bulletin has remained unchanged the past five months since the men downed tools April 1st, Last night the majority of the 2,500 strikers trekked into Stanton to hear their leaders; An- sbury, Pearcy, Allard, Piscek, Frazi- ing work of the Party committee. | er; an amalgamation of socialists, The entire work of the Committee | Musteites, Trotskyites, Democrats, is generally done by paid function- | Republicans, Despite Allards state- aries, frequently by only one secre- | ment that “we must respect the tary or two or three committee | opinion of the minority—give every members, whereas the comrades | man a chance to talk whether he from the factories are only invited | be a Socialists, a Communist, an to meetings, and not always that, | I. W. W or what not—” Communist as the meetings are generally held | speakers were conspicuous by their during working hours. This is one | absence, of the reasons of the inadequacy Committees had waited on Mayor of Party work in the factories, George Luker, of Staunton, urging THE WEAK SPOT. him to speak: had invited a pro- In all Parties the weakest sec- | fessor of economics from Iowa State tor of the cadres are the middle | University who extolled the virtues and lower organs—the district and | of Ghandi (passive resistance); a nucleus cadres of the Party. As | Socialist subbing for Powers Hap- Jong as the Communist Parties do | good; Piscek, a Musteite: in fact not work seriously for the consoli- | free speech for everybody except dation of the local and nucleus | a representative of the National organs of the Party, and do not | Miners Union—except @ represent- also strengthen district (provincial) | ative of the Communist Party, A leadership, do not concentrate on | true “united front” that includes the factories a definite change in | everybody except those who under-~ the work generally cannot be ex- | stand what “class struggle” means pected. and what to do about it, The union (TO BE CONTINUED) is drifting on reformist Musteite Some Timely Facts About from the small or less important factories, FACTORY WORKERS NOT IN THE DAILY LEADERSHIP These comrades from the fac- tories are not drawn in a suffi- cient measure into the daily lead- WomenWorkers in the U.S. years old, presents a special prob- Jem to be solved in the organizing of workers in heavy industry. ‘The sanctity of the home, an- other old American formula, is given the lie by the army of des- perate unemployed women, sleep- ing in parks, eating in breadlines, and forced into prostitution to: save themselves from starvation. Approximately 2,500,000 women are out of work—one out of every six unemployed workers is a wo- man worker. In New York City alone, over 20,000 children have been taken from their mothers and placed in institutions. The organization of working wo- men in the struggle against war is of primary importance. The Ameri- can bosses count on using women workers in the factories, on rail- roads, and in every industry of bas- ic importance in carrying on war, “Women will play a greater part % future wars,” admitted Major @™m- eral Ely of the U. 8. Army. ‘The organization of women, an- especially exploited sectin of the working class, is esse.dial in the building of succey.cul struggles against unemployment and for bet- ter working conditions. That there are comparatively few women in WOMEN WHO WORK, By Grace Hntchins, International Pamph- let No. 27, Ten Cents, Reviewed by MILDRED GAIMES. ‘HE American mother of the ad- vertisements, with nothing to worry about save what soap to use, is a myth. Two out of every nine workers in the United States are women, says Grace Hutchins in her new pamphlet, Since 1900, the number of working women in the United States has more than dou- bled. The woman worker in American industry in many cases not only supplements, but often supplants men’s work, according to the writ- e? of the pamphlet. Women, work- ing side by side with men, are paid on the “sex basis of payment”. ‘Women receive from one-fourth to one-half less than men in most in- dustries. 9, 10, or 11 hours a day. increased speed-up in offices and factories, point to the necessity of organized protection for women workers, Oh Nig oe EARLY two million women are in factory production, Over 180,- 000 are in the metal industries, 50,- 000 in the making and repairing of automobiles, 35,000 in rubber face tories, 82,000 in the making of elec trical supplies, and 86,000 in the chemical industries. This impor- tant section of the industrial work- Of the bia, goiilaeiniebete who, wl be competoly ab Melt eeryion | ing class, most of them under 25 our fighting organizations is, of course, due to the fact that the special aspects of organizing wo- men are not understood. Women Who Work should be read by evezy organizer in every field of work. Spread of Strike and? United Front Are Burning Needs shoals rapidly despite Allard’s con- tention: at the meeting that “this union is based on the class strug- gle—it is the fight of the working class against the capitalist class.” By now it is pretty well agreed that Franklin County is the nut that has to be cracked by the Pro- gressive Miners Association in the problem of spreading the_ strike successfully throughout Illinois. That is agreed by thousands of rank and file coal diggers through- out the state, But what about the leadership? What does Pat An- sbury and his side-kick, Gerry Al- lard, say about that? These two guiding lights live in Franklin County, the area which produced 20 per cent of the total production of Illinois Jast year (and which can with extra shifts gouble its output). Well, they too agree, At the mass meeting they hammered away on the need of pulling Franklin Coun- ty. Those were their words. But as ohne of the Scotch miners said to me, “To hell with their words— its the deed wha’ counts,” And its the deed the miners want, Well, what are the deeds of An- sbury and Allard? Are they toil- ing night and day to pull out the giant Orient mines, the Bell-Zoller and Old Ben Coal Company mines? Miners are asking these questions all throughout the fields. A HONEYMOON TRIP ‘The ansver? Ansbury and Al- lard are preparing to go up to Nova Scotia as fraternal delegates to the convention of miners there, A sort of honeymoon trip while in their own state 35,000 miners in revolt are looking for leadership: while in their own county, in the very mines they worked in and were icadcrs of the locals, production rolls merrily on, (It puts me in mind, one miner said to me, where was Allard and Ansbury when we were marching on Franklin Coun- ty? Up in an airplane, And when we were ambushed and our van- guard turned back, Ansbury meets us miles away from the scene of ambush and calls us “cowards.” And now when we need all our forces here, they're going on a honeymoon trip 5,000 miles away). 8 # BIG question mark is forming in the minds of tens of thou- sands concerning the ability of their leadership, No central direc- tion is being given the strike, Min- ers are lguguishing on their back “or lack of directives, in- stead ¢, being advised to form the be po ieee oak apart of expanding the ive the rank and file—the top leader- ‘pip fritters time away: while , Starvation faces the miners now on strike for more than five months, BUT THE HARCO WENT TO WORK An example of leadership: yes- terday three small mines at Bel- leville were picketed and 75 men pulled out, At the same time the Peabody mine No. 47, known as the Harco mine, within reaching dis- tance of Belleville, went back to work with 700 to 800 men, Another example of the leader- ship’s fostering dangerous legalistic illusions among the membership; of pandering to class . collaboration Words and Deeds of Illinois ‘Progressive’ Mine Leaders methods (despite class struggle talk) was seen at Carlinville Thur- sday, About 600 miners wives from central Illinois demonstrated on be- half of the union and against the wage cut, Who led the demonstra- tion? Chief of Police Clarence Rasor, Who gave the address of welcome? Mayor Edwarg O'Neill, of Carlinville. Sheriff Frank Fries and Mayor Wm, Brown of Gillespie also spoke, The speakers list re- minded you of a police convention, But Allard speaks of the union be- ing based on the “class struggle” as do Ansbury, Frazier and the So- cialist speaker, But this kowtowing to the police officialdom and pro- fusely thanking them at each mass meeting for not turning machine guns on them, is getting on many of the rank and filers’ nerves. LEGALISM! And speaking from the same platform as the gendarmerie, was Claude Pearcy, president of the PMA, He emphasized everything ex- cept the slogans against the wage cut, On the platform also was Joe Pescek, the Musteite and others who had warned the miners against “being associated with the Reds,” at the Gillespie conference. This legalism does not halt here, however, It is well known that Dan McGill, ex-Farrington tool who was always parked at the cross- road, first with Lewis then with Fishwick-Howatt, is lobbying with William Lawlor, Republican State representative, to intercede on be- half of the Committee of Five chosen to “ask” the legislature for the right to enter Franklin County peacably: to ask for a state investi- gation of Franklin County. The old gag of asking the boss to investi- gate himself, FATHER MCGUIRE OF ILLINOIS A word on McGill: né is a crony of Father McGuire, the Illinois Father Cox, Father McGuire, freind of Lewis and Walker, is the priest in charge of McGill’s parish, Father McGuire has been broad- casting from Harrisburg, Ill, ad- vising the miners to accept the wage cut and return to the pits, In Springfield a number of Catholic miners took the floor to bid Father McGuire mnd his own business in Heaven and they’d mind their busi- ness down on earth, And it is this type of man, McGill, who is being pushed to leadership in the “class struggle” P, M. A, A partisan of the Democratic party and a bitter Red baiter, ee wane the leaders of the P, M, A. shilly-shally around with their Musteite program, Lewis gun- men are infiltrating the fields pre- paring for the next move, Sixty- five Lewis men were imported into Springfield yesterday: four of them housed by one of the members of the pit committee of the Capitol mine—a Lewis man, Many miners feel Lewis next immediate step will be to send his men into the mines under heavy gunmen guard to take away the charters from the rebel- ling locals. As long as the P. M, A, merely OHN GAVRO A STORY OF MINERS’ LIVES AND STRUGGLES By EMIRY BALINT, SYNOPSIS ‘The author, a revolutionary writer, tells how he came to Volar, Penn- sylvania, to help the striking miners the strikers, who introduces him to there. He meets John Gavro, one of the rest. He helps them get relief. They prepare to picket in the morning. Feber . (Installment 4.) I SAT out on the stoop of the dark, closed store, with Gavro. It was a beautiful moonlight and everywhere the miners were sitting outdoors on the grass in front of their homes, on chairs, benches or porch steps. Three litle girls sang as they walked, arm in arm, through the town. Their voices reached us from over the bridge. Then they came back, always singing the same song, turned around and marched through the shopping district again. “. , » Hinkey Dinkey Parly Voo . . ., The cops are having a hell of a time to keep us off the Picket line . , , Hinkey Dinkey Parly Voo!” Four or five times the girls marched through the town. The little strength that the soup and bread had given them, they ex- pended in marching and singing. This afternoon, they had been crying, ready to die of hunger. “YOU MUST LEARN LEADERSHIP” I was tired, or perhaps the little Pioneers had made me sentimetal. I gazed into the night, and we sat there, speechless; for a long time. Brother Gavro sighed deeply. “Hey we would have everything, we would stick it out, the pickets would fight, and you see, we have relief, everything goes well as soon as a single Communist comes among us. Stay here for a while, comrade.” “Tomorow I mus go somewhere else, brother Gavro. There are too few of us. But you have to learn leadership yourselves, Yow yourselves must become Com- munists, The best among you will join the Party. Meanwhile, will help you as much as we can, and we will mobilize the workers in the cities.” For a long time we talked about the political situation of the world, the American working-class and Soviet Russia, but mostly about the strike. Like parched earth, he drank in every word. Then, seeing he would never get through asking questions, I said, “We must go on the picket line early tomorrow morning; we had better go to bed.” CHE ts 'HE settlement slowly quieted down. We went back to the bowling alley, and with Gavro's help. I put two tables together for a bed. I loosened my belt, took off my shoes, put my coat under my head, and lay down. John, on his way out, called back from the door. “Say, comrade, every Communist’ is a great scholar, isn’t he?” I laughingly answered that they were not exactly scholars. “But they must know how to read and write, don’t they?” “Reading and writing is not so hard. It can easily be learned. ‘We'll talk more about it tomorrow, brother Gavro, and you'll see what an easy subject, Communism is. It was made especially for men like you. But good night now, Jet us not forget there is another day tomorrow, and we must get up early. “You are right, start for the picket line at half past five. The people ate today, they will have strength to march. I'm sure not many of them will stay away to- morrow. Good night.” I thought that dawn could not be far away. I struck a match and loked at my watch. It was just past four o'clock. I could sleep until five, but my back was stiff from lying on the table. The air was musty, and it settled on my lungs, I decided that I would rather sit out in the street. In half an hour, the pickets would begin to come together anyhow, I FACE A GUN T had hardly sat down on the stoop, when suddenly-a huge form jumped out from behind a villar on the terrace of the neighboring house, and shouted, “Who's there?” Not only that, but he held a gun threatingly in his hand, ready to shoot. I recognized the shape imme- diately, “Stop playing with that gun, brother Gavro, it might be loaded.” “Well I'll be . . .” he exclaimed, “why did you come up so soon?” ‘Because I got tired of sleeping. But what are you doing here, with that gun in your hand?” “T camped here with the Polish policeman’s guns. The other one is there in the shadow, leaning against the wall.” “Why was that necessary? Lg body knows Where I om, ” AVRO came clogs ‘to me. He looked around cautiously, be- cause the miner is like a hunted animal, he even pulls a gun on his own shadow sometimes. “I didn’t trust this storekeper, and you see, I was right,” he said. I loked at him amazed. “I went home,’ he said excitedly, “and the woman asks me whether it is true that there is a Hungarian Communist in town. I said.” And what if there is, whose business is it?” Then she told me to hurry here and tell you to beat it, because the Yellow Dogs are looking for you, and if they find out where you are, they'll blow up the house during the night ... . The Polish policeman had told her so. “So I went into the policeman’s room, woke him up, and asked him if her story was true. When I saw that he didn’t answer, but was measuring with his eyes the dis- tance to his gun, I gave him one on the chin so that he fell asleep again. I took his gun that hangs in the hall, too, and since then, I've been keeping guard with the two guns in the shade of the house, “I was guarding the Communist comrade.” ee sau: 3 , Of course, I remember John Gavro from Valar! He was in jail for three weeks. As I see from his letter, he has been out now for eight weeks. He has learned to, read and write, and what is most important, he has joined the Communist Party. And now I greet him warmly and I be- lieve that all other Communists just as warmly greets John Gavre, Communist miner in our ranks. aesibices ’ THE END. i. Letters from Renegades and War New York City. Editor Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: Please answer through your col- umns the following question, as it requires clarification: We are an ILD. branch. Last Wednesday a well-known speaker was invited to our branch to lec- ture on “The War Danger.” After the lecturer got through and the floor was open for discussion, I took the floor. In the course of my talk I stressed the counter-re- volutionary role played by the re- negades, who hinder the movement in the struggle against war on a real revolutionary basis. I men- tioned the incident at the Labor ‘Temple where delegates were elec- ted to the World Congress and where the Trotskyites proposed a resolution to invite the Second In- ternational and the reformist Ams- terdam International to fight war. I also mentioned that these rene- gades called the August First De- monstration mad adventurism on the part of the Third International and how their Prinkipo leader, Mr. ‘Trotsky, issued syndicated inter- views in that very time when war was actually going on, that Japan will not attack the Soviet Union. All these facts, I said, play direct- ly into the hands of the capitalist class, who are seeking a way out of the crisis by—war. To my amazement the lecturer in his summary said the following: “It is high time that you werkers should confine yourself to the topic of a lecture, As the lecture in on the War Danger, I should not have mentioned anything about the re- negades and their counter-revolu- tionary activities because it has nothing to do with the topic.” I personally think that such an attitude of the speaker is very dangerous and an underestimation of the treacherous activity of the renegades in the fight against war tries to win the peanut wagon] on a revolutionary basis. mines and leaves the big mines operate, it will not be an impos- sible task for Lewis to accomplish, The new union is in danger, many rank and filers say, Only prompt realization of their lon h “Spread the Strike’—‘“Pull Frank- lin County”—‘A broad united front’ and “Defeat the wage cut” will save it, many of them are con’ y Please give this question your immediate attention. As members of a revolutionary organization we want to be clear on this, Comradely yours, Our Readers The protest of the above cor- respondent is entirely correct. To discuss the war danger in general without pointing to the role of the pacifists, socialists, renegades, is to adopt a frivolous attitude toward the struggle against imperialist war, A successful struggle against impe- rialist war is possible only if gen- eralities are avoided, if all phrase- mongering is exposed and if the masses are shown concretely how war is being prepared and, specie fically, who is fighting against im- perialist war, and who helps ob- jectively and directly to prepare the war and disarm the proletarian struggle against it. Not to tell the working class who are the enemies within their ranks, means to sub- ject the workers to betrayal and to paralyze the fight against war, — EDITOR’S NOTE. LLD. to the Rescue New York City. Editor Daily Worker, i Dear Comrade: m ‘Thanks {9 the LL.D. and Attor- ney Merbaum, 6 E, 45th St., who is a lawyer representing the In- ternational Labor Defense. During a rent strike which was won, I got into an argument with Marshall Novick of 911 Brook Ave. He knew I was the leader. There- fore he and the landlord, Mr, Goldman from 868 E. 172nd St. planned a frame-up on me, ‘They had me errested and T was let out on bail, Then the trial came up on August 23, The three judges in Special Session Court in the Bergen Building said that they would have to investigate before giving a sentence. When the sentence was given out on August 30, my lawyer, Mr. Mer- baum, showed the judges that they were wrong to even consider & charge in the first place which was a frame-up charge from the begin- ning. I got a suspended sentence. I am appealing to all workers and readers of the Daily Worker and The Freiheit to show this ar- ticle to their friends and by read- ing this article they can see how much the Left Movement does for 1.L.D. Member of the Sacco- Vanzetti Branch, Bronx, P. S.-Although the meeting was very small in attendance, $5 was Taleed for the Daily Worker. the working class. Please give this article over to both papers, Comradely yours, a D. MORGENSTERN | 4 & fe 6