The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 19, 1932, Page 4

ae “ Daesem She Stwtn R a Ber Peeeonmon reese roar ” DAILY WORKER NEW YORK, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 19, 1952 ~ Poly cnomet Published by the Comprodaily Publishing C 13th New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Address and mail checks to the Daily Work Inc. onquin 4-7956, 50 E. daily exexept Sunday, at 5 B. able “DAIWORK.” 13th St. New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By malt everywhere: One year, $6; six months, 3: Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York C six months, $4.50. Save the Scottsboro Boys!) Force Release of Mooney! ‘HE following appeal by the world wide organization of the Interna- tional Labor Defense has just been received: Seven Negro boys languish in a row of narrow death cells in Scotts- boro, Alabama. Two others await trial before a court of class justice and the prosecutors have sworn that they too shall be sent to join the seven. In San Quentin, California, Tom Mooney, militant fighter in the struggles of the working class has been held in prison for more than 16 years. The Scottsboro and Mooney frame-ups are two of the most sordid and despicable in the history of American labor. The Scottsboro Negro boys symbolize the increasing militancy of some 14,000,000 black workers and poor farmers—the most oppressed and exploited toilers in America. They symbolize the growing unity between the black and white toilers upon whose shoulders the American bour- geoisie is trying to thrust the whole burden of the crisis. From his prison cell Mooney has declared his solidarity with the Scottsboro boys. The Scottsboro boys were brought to trial on April 1931 before a prejudiced court and in an atmosphere of race hatred. They were the victims of perjured testimony and found guilty on a false charge of rape, and sentenced to be executed on July 10, 1931. Only the intervention of International Ked Aid (the International Labor Defense is the American Section, which instituted a world-wide protest movement in their behalf has saved their lives thus far. So great was this protest movement that the Supreme Court of the United States has been compelled to take up their Appeal which is to be heard on October 10th. * * 'HE American bourgeoisie is ruthless. Ti:ey murdered Sacco and Van- zetti in 1927. They have kept Mooney and Billings in prison for 16 years when the world knows they are the victims of an atrocious frame- up. Corrupt themselves, they offered to release Mooney if he would de- | sert the workers’ cause, if he would “promise to be good.” But Tom Moony spurned their offer with the contempt it deserved. They club storture and shoot down the toilers who struggle against misery and “starvation. And now they want to burn the lives out of the innocent Scottsboro boys. Now, more than ever, it is necessary to broaden and intensify the campaign to save the lives of the Scottsboro boys and to compel the American bourgeoisie to release them, Mooney, and all other class war prisoners. October 10th, proclaimed by International Red Aid as “Scotts- boro Day” must be made a day of impelling protest and demonstration. YOU TOILERS:—Know that the Scottsboro and Mooney Frame-up | are a ruling class attack on YOUR militancy and the working class. unity that repudiates and casts aside all prejudices of race, nationality or color. You POOR FARMERS:—The same ruling class which has kept Mooney in prison for 16 years and now seeks to send a current of death-dealing electricity through the bodies of the innocent Scottsboro boys, also drives | you from your farms, sends its police to torture you and throw you into prison. When you fight for Mooney and the Scottsboro boys you are fighting for yourselves. YOU YOUNG WORKERS:—From their death cells the Scottsboro youths have appealed to YOU to save them. “We are innocent,” they said, “the white ruling class of Alabama would burn us in an electric chair because we are workers and our skin is black!” And Mooney, whose youth ‘was spent fighting to make a better world for you to live in, now calls you to join the fight for the release of all class war prisoners. YOU MOTHERS:—Mooney’s 84-year-old mother, together with the Scottsboro mothers, turn to you in their agony. You will not see their innocent sons made the victims of a judicial murder, without raising your voice in protest. Join the fight to return their sons to them and to the workers’ movement. YOU INTELLECTUALS:—You will not remain silent while the Amer- ican bourgeoisie prepare another Sacco and Vanzetti horror. It is in your power to get the ear of the public. Exercise that power to broadcast the hellish facts of the Mooney and Scottsboro frame-ups . . . * SB ee ae RED AID sends this Appeal to the toiling masses, and mothers and intellectuals of the world and urges with all the earnestness it can command that you intensify the fight on behalf of Mooney and the Scottsboro boys. Intensify the Scottsboro-Mooney International Campaign! Make the October 10th demonstrations so great that the Supreme Court of the United States will feel the volume of protest! Utilize every opportunity to draw new elements into the protest move- | ment! | Support the legal aspects of the Scottsboro case with mass pressure! | This and this alone will save their lives! This and this alone will restore Mooney and the Scottsboro boys to freedom! —EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, INTERNATIONAL RED AID. SocialistParty onHoover’s Bloody Thursday 'HE Socialist Party of Norman Thomas, which, like the Republican and Democratic parties has come out openly against the payment of the veterans’ bonus, has now begun to think in terms of the ex-servicemen’s vote next November. Carefully hiding their stand against the bonus, the socialists, like Police Chief Glassford and William Randolph Hearst, are now attempting to strut forward as the “friends of the veterans”. Yes, indeed, the socialists have waxed critical over Hoover's method of handling the bonus march situation on Bloody Thursday. The method of dealing with the vets was “stupid”, declared the leading editorial in the New Leader, official organ of the Socialist Party. According to the socialist editor, Mr. Hoover was not carrying out the policy of brutal capitalist terror against the starving unemployed war vet= erans. All Mr. Hoover did, claim the socialists, was to make a mistake. He should have kept silent and not have issued any statements following the bloody eviction—this is the line of the New Leader editorial from which we quote: “A sense of decency would have impelled intelligent men to regret having made a horrible and brutal blunder in this affair and to hope that silence would be succeeded by oblivion, but the Hoover coterie goes on to add malice to its folly.” The Hearst press has been singing the same tune. ° * . ) eae socialists think that Glassford, who first called the police which did the shooting and who organized a spy and police system in the ranks | of the veterans, could have done the dirty work of ousting the bonus army | more cleverly than Hoover. Indeed, the socialists criticize the Hoover administration for not considering Glassford the superintendent of Wash- ington police. “Fortunately, the answer of General Glassford is a sharp rap over the knuckles for these stupid politicians,” says the socialist editor. Here the socialists boldly ally themselves with the position of Wash- ington’s bloody police chief. Veterans must understand that the socialists, the republicans and democrats alike are opposed to their fight. The s lists, however, would betray the vets by pretending to support them like the unctuous General Giassford did and is still doing. Of all the political parties, the Communist Party alone not only sup- ports, but organizes and leads the fight for the veterans’ back wages. We call for the building of the broadest united front movement of rank and file veterans, Legion members, Veterans of Foreign War members, Worker Ex-servicemen’s League members and unorganized veterans with other sections of the toiling population against the capitalist attacks on their standard of living and against the imperialist war danger. It is of the utmost interest to the workers to support the fight of the veterans for the bonus. In turn the fight of the veterans against the capi- talist masters for the bonus will be strengthened by their support to the fight of the unemployed and the other workers suffering the blows of the Leaders and | with a trade union training and crisis. This should be the guiding policy of the National Veterans Confer- ence to be held in Cleveland on September 23, tH} Problem of Cadres in the Party DAY we begin the publi- cation of an authoritative ar- ticle on a burning question affect- ing the Communist Partics of the International—the question of cad- res, the promotion and traming of the leading forces of the Party The problem of functionaries, par- ticularly coming from the ranks of the workers, the promotion of capable workers from the factories to leading posts in the Party has become an acute problem, particu- larly with the growth of.the activ- ity of the working class and the | need for leading the mass struggles of the workers. PROBLEM NOT SOLVED, This problem of cardes is felt in every section of the Party and par- ticularly in the lower organizations, It has not yet been satisfactorily solved nor haye any serious efforts been made in taking this problem in hand, As the author points out, this is one of a number of impor- tant weaknesses accounting for the lagging of the Party behind the re- volutionary mass struggles, ‘The observation of the writer on the selection of cadres from very narrow circles, the inability of drawing in broader strata of work- ers from below, the establishment of links with the masses in the factories by the promotion of fac- tory workers, the carrying on of the daily work by a far larger number of factory workers in place of a small number of secretaries; the strengthening, by a policy of con- centration, the lower links of the Party, all of these weaknesses ap- ply with special force to the Party in the U. S, ‘The measures which must be adopted in order to overcome this weakness by the pursuit of a sys- tematic cadre policy, are clearly outlined by the writer, His insis- tence that this question must be given systematic attention, that there must be a real energetic day to day consistent handling of this question is entirely correct, THE CRY FOR FORCES. Everywhere there is the cry “give us forces, forces, forces,” But as the author emphasizes, there are forces at hand.” It is necessary to select them, to push them forward, It is necessary “that these workers be systematically helped.” — — — “that working class leaders be treated with patience and encour- aged to work for their own im- provement, given opportunities to prove their worth by the assign- ment of the most important and increasingly responsible work, ‘We ask the party members, the district and section committees to give consideration to this article and to work out ways and means in order to apply them locally, The Central Committee of the Patty likewise is working out ways and means to overcome the inadequacy and weakntsses of the Party cadres. This task must be fulfilled as part of, in connection with, and as a consequence of the development of the mass struggles of the workers and the achievement of the leading role of the Party in the growing struggles of the workers against | wage cuts, for unemployment relief and insurance, against imperialist war, etc, EDITORIAL NOTE, Leadership By TZIRUL HE Party must have an experi- enced staff if its leadership is to be on correct lines. “Without ten or so talented (and talents are not as thick as peas) reliable leaders with considerable experience in Party work who are able to work in harmony with each other, not a single class can carry on a steady struggle in contemporary society”, —wrote Lenin (“What Is to Be Done”). The practical application of the political line of the Party as well as of its tactics and strategy, are closely linked up with the problem of guaranteeing to the Party an efficient cadre of functionaries, with the question of how the Party forces are distributed, how closely they are connected with the masses of workers, to what extent they are politically trained and tested, and theoretically prepared. That is why the Bolsheviki, headed by Lenin, were always so intent on the edu- cation and training of Party cadres, and carried on this work in the midst of ruthless struggle against opportunist deviations from the political line of the Party. PROMOTING CAPABLE WORKERS To the question: In the struggle against what enemies did Bolshe- | vism grow in strength and stead- fastness within the labour move- ment? Lenin's answer (Left Wing Communism) is: “First of all, and principally, in the struggle against opportunism, which, in 1914, grew definitely into social chauvinism, and finally deserted to the bour- geoisie against the proletariat. ‘This was naturally the chief enemy of Bolshevism within the move- ment of the working class, and this Yemains the chief enemy also de- Wloped on an international scale.” ' ++:“Bolshevism grew up, developed, and hardened itself in long years | of struggle against petty bourgeois radicalism, which is similar to an- | archism or has borrowed much from it and deviates in all essen- tials, from the conditions and re- quirements of a consistent prole- tarian class-struggle.” | | Ruthlessly sweeping aside all op- portunists of the Right and “left” variety’ the Bolsheviki headed by | | i | | Lenin also kept an attentive eye on all advanced revolutionary workers, they drew them into the Party and promoted them to lead- ing Party posts. (CONCLUDED TOMORROW.) THEN AND NOW! “ue By J. BURCK. But that doesn’t mean that these prosperous officers will FIGHT for the bonus. ‘Only the unity of rank and file veterans can organize the fight that will win the bonus. Elect delegates to the Cleveland Convention Seeptember 23. Position of the Communists at the World Anti-War Meet By NATHANIEL BUCHWALD (Daily Worker Correspondent) MSTERDAM, Holland — The Manifesto adopted by the World Congress Against War furnishes a platform upon which various ele- ments of sincere opponents of im- perialist war can unite. In the Re- solutions) Committee where the Communists constitute a small minority and where intellectuals, pacifists, non-party elements and Socialist delegates were in the ma- jority, the Manifesto was adopted unanimously. At the plenary ses- sion the Manifesto was approved by 2,200 delegates minus 10 Trotskyites. ‘The Communists accepted a com- mon minimum program of struggle against imperialist war but they did not mask their party position and their maximum program. In his program speech Marcel Cachin, French Communist leader did not. mince words: “In order to defeat imperial- ism we must turn imperialist war into civil war. In order to come out victorious from this civil war we must do all in our power to disarm the bourgeoisie and arm the working class, We must win over the soldiers on our side. From this standpoint the question of mobilization is a practical question, One who signs the order of mobilization decides thereby that. the workers eriter the barracks, becomes soldiers and take weapons in their hands. ‘Those who oppose military serv- ice without further demands hin- der the arming of the proletariat. It is precisely the revolutionary workers that must. join the armies in order to lead the armed proletarian masses in the strugle against the bourgeoisie. “These tactics, are the victori~ ous tactics of the Bolsheviks in 1917, The transformation of the imperialist war into civil war has brought freedom™to the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union - + + Therefore, we demand tat in the choice of anti-war weap- ons the experiences of our Rus- sian brothers should be utilized. To win the army and the navy on our side, to create a united front of toilers. and to teach them | the use of arms this is our duty if we wish to lead the proletariat to better days .. .” ‘DELEGATES DEEPLY IMPRESSED - i Delegates ‘Stirred by ‘The delegates listened to Cachin’s | speech . with profound attention. dis clear enunciation, his slow nanner of speaking helped swing us words into the minds and dearts of his audience. Those who anderstood French swallowed his ords, and when upon the conclu- sion of his speech the translators trom their high red perches began wanslating Cachin’s words into German, English and Dutch, the delegates strained, their ears in order not to miss’ a word. rabbi in the American delegation sighed with disappointment and the two old pacifist ladies in our delegations were obviously unhappy. But they had nd answer to make. The experiences of the Bolsheviks in 1917 are a powerful argument! oe hire idea that war is not merely inhuman but is a result of the inhuman capitalist system has found its way to the minds of many bourgeoisie _ intellectuals. Surely, they would prefer a war- less capitalism, but they have been thinking honestly and hard and The | Muenzeberg and Cachin came to the conclusion that war- less capitalism was impossible. ‘They have learned something from the post-war years, from the “war to end war” from the Versailles treaty, the “disarmament” confer- ences and the events in the Far East. They could not but agree with Barbusse who declared that the Amsterdam Congress gathered upon the ruins of the imperialist “disaramament” conference and “peace” treaties. Their ethical, or as Gorky put it in his message of greetings to the Congress, ‘their biological revulsion against war forced them to look reality straight in the eye and to arrive at the ‘unpleasant conclusion that the capitalist system is a breeder of wars, and that in order to end war an end must be put to the capital- | ist system. THE MINIMUM PROGRAM “We are now living in a time of the greatest migration of peo- ples. The goal of this great mi- gration of peoples is a land ahead of us, known as the Soviet Union . . « West-European capitalism is doomed to death anq is trying to drag into the grave with it alli that is alive. One who does not believe that Western Europe is doomed should go to the Soviet Union for a week and observe Western Europe from there. Then he will believe. “Only the proletarian masses can put an end to the deeds of capitalism. The European work- ers are no fools to trim the tiger's claws and set him free again. When they will capture the tiger, bite is capitalism, they will kill ie you fave the ethical, the material that was used in the building of the common platform for anti-war action. It is such a minimum-program that the Com- munists have accepted and signed; despite the fact that in their party declarations they spoke the clear matter-of-fact language of the class struggle rather than the poetic and figurative language of the in- tellectuals, the language that was in a large measure also used in the | Manifesto. SIGNIFICANCE OF CONGRESS It is perhaps too early to char- acterize the Amsterdam Congress | as a world-wide action against war. 1 ' | ' So far it has been only a mobiliza- tion of the leading elements among the toiling masses and the intel- lectuals. It has been only a dem- onstration -on behalf of anti-war action and mass-mobilization on a world scale. But the tremendous effect of this demonstration must not be underestimated. It must bo remembered that the 2,200 del egates represented about 30,000 or ganizations embracing —30,000,0" individuals of 40 different cou tries. Of its kind, the Amsterda~ Congress has been the greatest i: history, Still it is only a begin- ning—a demonstration and a sig- | nal for action, The Communists are not deceived about it. For the intellectuals the demonstration it- self was @ kind of moral gratifica- tion, They found a certain satis- ey oat 8 faction in the enthusiasm, the en- hancement of spirit that the Con- gress brought into being. But the Communists are practical people and they did not stop hammering upon the idea that a demonstra- tion alone was not sufficient, that the momentary success of the Con- gress was not an assurance of ef- fective anti-war action; that the united front of the wide masses was yet to be built, and that the Mani- festo was merely a signal and a basis for a united front against war and for the defense of the Soviet Union. The role of the Second Inter- national and of the Amsterdam (yellow) International as agencies of the bourgeoisie to sabotage anti- war action and to prepare the masses ideologically for a war , against the Soviet Union was nat- urally, brought out quite vividly. Katayama, Cachin and Muenzen- berg hammered on this point, and the speeches of the social demo- cratic delegates (Nicole of the Swiss section of the Second International and’a woman delegate of the Aus- trian section) confirmed the dam- aging indictment against the social- fascist leaders and called upon the social democratic workers to join with the Communists in a united front against war on the basis of Cachin’s program spech. In the solemn oath with which the Manifesto concludes, the ques- tion of unity in the struggle against war is put to the froe: MUENZENBERG CALL TO ACTION In a masterly. speech, full of fire and pension, Willi Muenzenberg dramatized the meaning of the Congress and the tasks of the Communists in the anti-war cam- paign. Muenzenberg’s speech was the highlight of the Congress. He spoke in German but’ his oratory reached beyond the limits of lan- guage, and the French or English- speaking delegates who did not understand a word of his speech, sat spell-bound and at the conclu- sion of the speech applauded with just as much fervor as those who understood the meaning of Willi’s electric words, “We declare today that we are ready, to march together with all sincere fighters against war | We make no cenditions but one: those who tock the oath to fight with us must keep it, must fight until death, nay, until the victory of the proletariat over the com- mon foe . . . We Communists have proven through our deeds that we are ready not only to live for the struggle against war but also to die. The best of our com- rades—Libknecht, Luxemberg and thousands upon thousands with them—fell in the struggle against war, In Poland and in Germany our comrades fill the prisons and our youth are the storm-batta- lions against capitalism and war. This entitles us to add our word when it comes to the question of tactics in the struggle against wat. But not only by our wounds, not only by virtue of the clarity of our experience in contrast to the magic recipes of the utopians ore we entitled to have something to say in the question of tactics in the struggle against war, but the fact speaks for us that we have won one sixth of the earth, We won there for the cause of socialism and freedom because we adopted the right tactics, “It is the historic task of Am- } JOHN A STORY OF MINERS’ LIVES AND STRUGGLES By EMIRY BALINT, GAVRO SYNOPSIS The author, a revolutionary writer, tells how he came to Volar, Penn- sylvania, to help the striking miners the strikers, who introduces him to tl * (Installment 3) An old Ford lay in the yard. It’s motor already lacked several parts, but when I inspected it, I found that it still had a steering wheel and a hand brake. Its owner was just going to make it into a chick- en coop. Someone said that if we provided gasoline, his son would drive into Pittsburgh, with his car, and bring the relief. We did not fa- vor this suggestion at the meeting because the car, prepared to with- | stand any attacks ,had to hold at least three men. But with three men in it, there would not be any room in that little car for the pro- visions. A new council, another sugges- tion, Two men sat in the front car, the third in the chicken-coop, the Ford, and manipulated the steer- ing wheel and the hand brake. They tied the old auto to the good one, and now they could get a week's provisions into the two cars. Two hours to the city, two back, four hours, half an hour for load- ing. They could get back tonight. Two big wash tubs were put on the fire, We did not know yet whether there would be goulash, or potato soup, or only black coffee for sup- per. It came out, that the commit- tee still had three dollars left. A committee of five women and a man would comb the stores. and bakeries in the neighboring town, four miles away, and buy up yes- terday’s bread for two cents apiece, “Go ahead!” “Be back by eight, because sup- per will be ready then.” A committee of four men had bought a big sack of potatoes somewhere, and they set to peeling them immediately. The children loitered dejectedly around the kitchen lot, but they were no long- er crying. Slowly, one by one the foragers came in, like ants, hauling their booty to the common kitchen. Some bags of potatoes, onions, vegetables. * 8 (8 ‘AVRO arrived with his group. They gesticulated wildly and their laughter could be heard while they were still some distance away. More potatoes, more onions. Three boxes of macaroni, five pounds of lard, a small sack of folur, salt, sugar, ten cans of tomatoes, a good sized piece cf bacon, and about twenty pounds of meat, were their spoils, along with a basket of stale bread. Gavro explained triumphantly. “Some of it they gave willingly, some of it not so willingly. The meat and bacon we took from the butcher. We took them off the peg when the son of a gun wouldn't even listen to us. Coming out, I told him not to yell so, we were just buying the meat on credit.” A Hungarian woman was the chief cook. She threw the potatoes and onions into one of the tubs so that we should have potato soup for supper; it was too late to cook the meat. It would be good for to- morrow. I MUST DECIDE. After much debating, because the men wanted to put the meat into the tub, too, the woman became of- fended, took off her apron, and said she would resign. She knew how long that old meat had to cook. At this, they called me in to decide. I judged impartially; not that I knew anything about cook- ing, but I knew we had to econo- mize. I threw the macaroni end the tomatoes and half of the becon into the boiling water. I had the meat put away for the next day. Maybe the relief car from Pitts- burgh would get stuck, and then the meat would come in handy for tomorrow's soup. Later mor2 miners came, who had originaly intended to take part in the meeting, but then had decided that it would be just as well if they came at the end. They immediately livened up, a glow spread over their wrinkled brown there, He meets John Gavro, one of ihe rest, Plans are made to get relief, * faces when they saw the fires lit under two tubs at the same time. ‘They ran home, and, on the way, shouted ‘nto the houses, “The re- lief has come!” From the little houses, men, wo- men, and children ran out with pots and pans in their hands . “The relief has come! The relief has come!” like wild-fire, it spread among the little huts. One after the other, the éommit- tees returned from the farms. They hadn’t got much, but they had got something. They brought a little cheese, eggs, potatoes, and fruit, The farmers were poor, too. The bread committee signaled from afar for help. Fifty or sixty kids and men ran out to meet them, whooping and yelling as if they werd going to an Indian war, They had got about two hundred loaves of bread. There were some bakers who had given a few loaves free, but they had to pay two cents apiece for most of them, They poured the coffee into the other kettle, so the good coffee would be put away for tomorrow. The sun began to set and the po- tatoes had become soft by now, so they began to distribute the food. 'OON after, the car arrived from Pittsburgh, dragging after it the chicken-coop Ford, full of food and clothing. There was a sack of shoes. There even was a small box of evaporated milk. They brought @ large sack of sugar, two sacks of flour, a sack of farina, coffee for the children,, lard, a big piece of soap, and about twenty pounds of bologna. One of the committees was busy | beside the kitchen, sorting, arrang- ing and checking the articles in a | book. The committees around the kitehen were very lively and busy. There wasn’t a single trace of the afternoon’s despair. They cursed the strikebreaker, the Lewis gang and the yellow dogs. The people were entirely changed. They stretched out in the grass, or leaned agains tthe trees and spoke cheerfully. The women ran about, atending to the kids; many were busy around the kitchen, cleaning and scouring the dishes. “ARE YOU A COMMUNIST?” Gavro waited) until I had time, | and then came over to me again. “Comrade, everything is starting to go well here, buf . . ..” “Well what is it, brother Gavro?” “Say, comrade, are you a Com- munist?” “That's Gavro.” “I thought so right away .. . Well, then, T'll tell you... . Now the only trouble is that when you go there won't be a single Com- munist here, There were three of them, brt now they are all in jail, along with the committees. We have new committees, but what good are they when there are no Communists on them? What will happen tomorrow and afterwards? Without Commu- nists, the commitetes.aren’t worth a damn.” “We'll get together tonight with the strike and relief committees, and the women’s committees, too, brother Gavro, and we'll talk it over. You are @ member of the strike committee, too, I think, We'll see what what we can do.” “The meeting was held in the storekeeper’s cellar, in the old bowling alley. We reorganized the pickets under new ¢aptains, and we discussed their tasks for next morning, the distribution of leaf- Jets, the women’s and Pioneer's work, We got $10 from a tailor with which we would immediately repair the car so that we could go into town once more this work for relief. After the meeting, Gavro stayed with me. I decided that I would sleep | somewhere in town that night and go with them to picket in the morning. (LO BE CONTINUED) what I am, brother DAN GEK! By ROBERT FRANKLIN. H Yon WORK of a party section is governed by the numbers of work- ers reached and organized. The work of the section is as strong as its weakest link. Section 8, in New York, with 12 units and about 250 members has the following to its credit: For July it has averaged 53 cents per unit per week in litera- ture sales; or about two and one ye cents per member in the sec- tion. : Not satisfied with these figure: they show the following for August: An average of 34 cents per unit per week and an averege of One and one half cent per member per week in the section, | sterdam to work out: a concrete tactical program with respect to war and war-preparations, Our Man‘festo will attempt to create such clarity, .But paper remains paper unless it is raurimperit sd the living, inspired passion of masses, The hour has struck when the world-crisis has sharp- ened the strugzle between cap- A new comrade, a willing worker, has been put in charge of section literature distribution and just as promptly been forgotten by the section committee. There is ab- solutely no necessity of saying any- thing further. The leadership of Section 8 from the section to the unit know what is wrong know what to do. We will simply let the above figures speak for themselves. The follwing are the compiled figures for four months: Month Pieces of Lit. Am’t sold sold May 24476 $52.80 June 1263 26.14 duly 1750 . 25.47 August 964 16.40 against fascism, know that Hit- ler wants to reestablish German imperialism. But we declare that if in Germany a new army will | “be built it will not be a white army but a Red Army. The hour is near when our storm-song, the ; ‘Internationale’ will sound tri- | umphantly in all countries: “peo- ples, hear the signal on to the last battle.” most of the delegates the Con- gress was a personal event in their lives, a dramatic experience composed of many impression, of har thinking and tense feeling, But if it were possible to sum up the total impression of all the delegates, the result would be something like this: The world against imper- tailst’ war has bepun, and the —— A.