The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 15, 1932, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1932 Yorker Porty US.A. daily exexept Sunday, at @ E. Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALxcnquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Dally Worker, 50 E. 18th St., New York, N. ¥. Inc., SUBSCRIPTION RATES: One year, $6; six months, $3; attan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $4.50. two mor By mall everywhere: For Borough of Ma: International United Front Against Wage Cuts | exis E strikes against wage cuts in major industries are | being carried on in three European countries. In Lanca- shire, England there are 200,000 cotton mill weavers out ast an 18 per cent wage cut, and 200,000 spinners in re region are taking a strike vote against a 13 per ral strike of seamen and har- i 1 practically 1 30 per cent position to ist Party is all in officials op- { through an their. | strike. I the bitter ¢ MacDonald old Jeaders of the efuse to declare a strike, | en to quit as Js, and exclude from the t companies. They also agree that non-union | kk now on those ships which formerly carried such left wing, and Communist, leadership has come to the | press is carrying alarmist accounts of whole locals of Li placing Communists at the head of their strike. In land, the opposition groups in the old unions, these groups being led by the International of Seamen and Harbor Workers, are ctually leading the strike, and building a united front strike com- mittee. The Chinese workers, who refused to scab in Holland, are repre- sented now on the strike committee. This is international solidarity of the workers. Another case of international solidarity is shown by the full support given the victorious Gydnia, Poland strikers by the German speaking ‘Einheitszerband” (“Unity Organization”) in the “free city” of Danzig. * fron MERICAN workers must do likewise. Raise funds for strike relief in these struggles and send the money through the Trade Union Unity League, 2 West 15th Street. Take notice particularly that the Interna- tional of Seamen and Harbor Workers and the strike committee of the Dutch seamen declare on strike in foreign ports all Dutch ships. Stop these ships! Picket them! No scabbing on the Dutch seamen! Prepare for Scottsboro Day on October 8th NLY 26 days now remain before the review by the U. S. Supreme Court of the lynch death verdicts against seven of the nine innocent Scottsboro Negro boys. The white and Negro workers fighting for the freedom of these framed-up working class children cannot permit the struggle to lag for a single moment. The mass fight to free the boys is constantly under the attack of the imperialist lynchers and their reformist lackeys, Mrs. Ada Wright, mother of two of the boys, and J. Louis Engdahl, national secretary of the International Labor Defense, have been subjected to re- peated arrests in their defense tour in Europe. At the instigation of American imperialism, these two workers have been deported from several European countries by the bourgeois and socialist allies of U. S. impe- rialism. The European workers have answered these attacks on the Scotts- boro Defense by the building up of a huge mass defense movement. The American workingclass must take inspiration from this example of their European class brothers. In the fight to save the Scottsboro boys, it is essential that we have no illusions in the “fairness” and “impartiality” of the United States Supreme Court. As the,hearing nears, such illusions are being frantically peddied within the working-class by the socialists, the Negro reformists and other lackeys of American imperialism. The working-class must ask itself two questions at the present time: what is the role of the Uj S. Supreme Court, by whom is it controlled? What is the record of the socialists and the Negro reformists in the Scottsboro Case? * * * 1 bape U. S. Supreme Court is controlled by the same murderous capital- ist class which tried to rush the Scottsboro boys to the electric chair in the first place and by the same imperialist bandits which subjects the Negro masses to the most savage national oppression and economic rob- bery. It is the jailers of Tom Mooney and the murderers of Sacco and Vanzetti. The Supreme Court is the judicial prop of the same capitalist class whose program is hunger and imperialist war for the masses. The role of the Supreme Couré is to perpetuate the enslavement of the toiling masses and the frightful national oppression of the Negroes. * * * 'HE socialists and the Negro reformists have consistently betrayed the fight to free the Scottsboro boys. They have directed their attacks not against the imperialist lynchers and their courts, but against the re- volutionary workers rallying in their millions in all countries for the mass fight to save and free the boys. The leaders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People at first refused to soil their-hands with the defense of nine boys who were falsely accused of “raping” two white prostitutes. When the pressure of their rank and file members, forced these gentlemen to pretend an interest in the Scottsboro defense, they tried to head the defense in order to betray it. The “famous at- torney” Clarence Darrow, engaged by the N.A.A.C.P. as “a defender” of the Scottsboro boys, later travelled all the way to Honolulu, Hawaii, to defend the white lynchers of the Hawaii youth, Joseph Kahahawei. Dar- row conducted that defense on the classical chauvinist claims of white superiority and the alleged tendency of dark-skinned men to rape white women. Workers! Answer the murderous conspiracy of the imperialists and their reformist lackeys against the lives of the Scottsboro boys by build- ing the mass defense fight which alone can save and free these victims of capitalist justice. Prepare the world-wide October 8 protest demon- strations! Build the International Labor Defense as a weapon of strug- gle against the hideous frame-ups, of workers by the capitalist courts. Demand the unconditional release of the nine innocent Scottsboro boys! Workers School--10 Years! HE rapidly growing struggles of the workers place before the revolutionary workers’ organizations the important problem of developing trained fighters and organizers as well as extending the knowledge of Marxism-Leninism to hun- dreds and thousands who are still outside of these organi- zations. ‘The Workers School, during the nine years of its existence has served fs an efficient instrument in the carrying out of these tasks. It has grown from a comparatively insignificant institution in 1923 to one of the most important Marxian educational institutions. Its numerical growth has been accompanied by a qualitative improvement in its curri- eulum, methods of teaching, material used in the courses, ete. The Workers School, under the guidance of the Communist Party, has served to bring forth the importance of the theory of Marxism-Leninism in the class struggle and the inseparability of revolutionary theory from reyo- lutionary practice, and has combatted deviations from the true Leninist tine. ‘The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the United States of America greets the Workers School on the commencement of the ‘TENTH YEAR of its activity and calls upon the Party units and all militant workers’ organizations to give their full support to the School, to send their members to the Workers School for training. We feel con- fident that the successful beginnings already made by the school in in- creasing its working class base will be continued. The Workers School, which for nine years, has held high the banner of Marxism-Leninism, will in this period of growing decisive battles, con- | tion at any cost. tinue to serve the revolutionary movement as an invaluable weapon in the ‘training.of workers for the class struggle. See i et OF THE COMMUNIST PAR’ THE UNITED STATES . OF- AMERICA ~ gy Letters from Our Readers Germantown, Philadelphia. Editor, Daily Worker, Dear Comrade: I hold many clippings from boss newspapers which emphasize the | acts of police terror against reds. | Any militant struggle by workers is classed as the reds. Why? Be- cause there is more to the story. They lack in explaining why the struggle becomes necessary but sure print the results such as—reds are shot and killed, meetings raid- ed, many arrested, reds to be de- ported, reds sentenced from 30 days to 10 years in prison. Pictures of reds being gassed an clubbed. WHY STORIES ARE PRINTED Such articles are not printed simply because they are news be- cause there is more important news they neglect in printing. Nor is it printed because workers enjoy reading of police terror and bru- tality upon reds. But because the bosses want the workers to read it. Therefore the articles bear the pur- pose of capitalizing on acts of ter- ror against reds by further ter- rorizing the minds of non-militant workers by instilling fear in their hearts in the form of such news items. Neither are they short of exaggeration. Is it any wonder | Hoover said the veterans were reds? He was preparing the way for evic- Then they pic- ture the consequence of whai be- falls a worker should be come into the Party or be under Communist leadership. I want to ask, am I wrong in my analysis? Are the boss papers do- ing the Party an unconscious fa- vor? If not, why does the Party carry a paper to the workers chuck full of this terrorizing from a na- tional source and put it together in such a manner that 30 to 50 per cent is composed of reports of ter- ror? What little terror there is over such a wide radius when put together in the Daily makes it out- standing in the minds of readers, that to join the Party or to be- come involved in its work necessar- ily exposes the worker to terror. This feeling exists in workers and can only be a detriment in our en- deavor to strengthen the Party forces. Terror is over-estimated and ex- aggerated in boss newspapers and over-emphasized in the Daily Worker. For the Daily Worker to be a mass paper and the Party to be a mass Party, I think con- sideration of this letter would help. Comradely yours, H. Rhan, o 8 Comrade Rhan deals here with a very important question. Undoubt- edly the capitalist press carries wide accounts of clashes with the po- lice in order to give the impression that Communists are provoking tiots and to link up in the minds of the workers that Communists and violence go hand in hand. They want to terrorize the massés } The reasons for the actions which Com- munists lead are carefully sup- pressed. The reactionary press whitewashes capitalist terror and in this they are helped by the So- cialist Party which throws the re- sponsibility for police violence, not upon the capitalist state which has become reactionary, but upon the Communists. CAPITALIST DICTATORSHIP The Daily Worker and the Party agitators must everywhere empha- size that the police suppression is evidence of the capitalist dictator- ship which is ever more nakedly exposing itself, and that it must be overthrown if the masses are to og- tain liberation. The Daily Worker cannot conceal these acts of terror of the master class for they are well known to the workers. But the Daily and Party agitators, speakers can more effectively ex- pose the terror and mobilize against | it if it will show convincingly from the facts of the daily struggles, that the Communists are fighting for the economic interests of the mass- es and that this fight meets with the utmost brutality at the hands of the master class. Our agitators too often deal at great length with capitalist violence but fail to place the economic is- sues in the center, often forget them entirely and thus are unable to show to the workers the con- nection of economics and politics and the necessity of fighting against the capitalist government in order to achieve the economic demands. Many create free speech fights without the economic demands and thus lose the widest basis ofgappeal to the workers. WHAT MUST BE DONE To defeat the attempts to terror- ize the workers and isolate the Communists, it is necessary in pre- paring mass actions, demonstra- tions, etc, to engage the widest masses from below to make the de- mands for which these actions take place, the demands of the workers arrived at after discussion. It is essential to set up committees of the workers and cause such wide interest and organization that the capitalists will hesitate to use vio- lence or else meet a storm of pro- test and indignation when they do. At the same time the organization of mass defense corps, able to ef- fectively enforce the rights of the workers to protest, demonstrate and meet, encourages the masses and defeats the police terror. There measures going hand in hand wth @ concentrated campaign for the defense of the rights to speak, as- sembly, etc., the campaign against the attacks on the foreign born and Negroes especially, will defeat the strategy of the bourgeoisie. The campaign for defense of workers’ rights is not being carried on with sufficient force—EDITOR’S NOTE. ' Brooklyn, N. Y. Dear Comrades: ‘We workers of the Bleyer Shop, who gave $5 to the Daily Worker the first week of its Emergency Drive, are now sending another $10 to help keep our four-page Daily. We call upon the militant work- ers of other shops to do likewise, and to make it possible for the workers of the United States -to preserve their oo, Brcseicaar dally Workers of Beyer: Shop. , eon an ‘mang! carey of THE STOKER OF DEATH The New Illinois Mine Union-- Which Direction Is It Going? By FRED GILLETTE IPRINGFIELD, Ill. (By Mail).— Four hours out of Chicago in a Southernly bee-line lies the crescent of coal mines stretching across the flatlands from Springfield to the southwestern tip of the state: an area of great riches in coal and one in which up to a few years ago 120,000 miners earned a living. To- day less than 45,000 miners hope to make living expenses out of the mines, in view of the crisis and the highly mechanized state of the pits here—particularly in Franklin County, the heaviest coal producing area in the State. Here the fa- mous Orient No. 1 and Orient No. 2 mines, said to be the largest in the world, operate with the most advanced machinery known. And here, in direct ratio to the produc- tiveness of the mines, flourishes the terror of the imported plug-uglies: gun-toting gangsters from Chicago, many with Harlan County exper- ence, most of them with more than one notch on the handle of their automatics, NEW UNION AND THE STRIKE All throughout this country the talk revolves around two topics to- day: the new union and the strike. The new union formed at Gillepsie the last three days of the past week was sired by the bursting rebelli- ousness of the Southern Mlinois miners, betrayed innumerable times by the Lewis-Walker oligarchy: be- trayed so many times that split- away from the U.M.W.A. presented the only course out. The new union, named the Progressive Miners of America, was voted for by 272 del- egates, said to Tépresent 34,000 miners. Fraternal delegates hitch- hiked and freighted it in from In- diana and Kentucky. The coal op- erators’ dream to chisel the wage scale in this area to the flux and pellagra levels of Kentucky is well understood by the coal diggers here, principally interested in holding back the contemplated wage cut from the $6.10 a day level-to the $5 scale. But Pat Ansbury, local leader of the rank and file miners went hay- wire at the conference with his slogan, “Not wages, conditions” (by which he abandons the fight. against the ten per cent wage cut in favor of vague demands about working conditions in the mines— Ed, Note). Observers present re- marked on an outburst of indigna- tion from many parts of the hall: What the hell does he mean, not wages...” But more about this later. The policy committee’s choice of individual settlement with the coal operators at once, was a dubious move. It flies in the face of the other big topic in the Southern Il- linois fields—today: That is, the spread of the strike into Franklin County. The miners understand that the tremendous rationaliza- tion and high-scale production of this county can well throw a monkey wrench into their fight; that even if all the rest of the mines in the area are shut down tight, this county can pour forth thousands of tons of rich bitumin- ous daily, filling a great portion of the Illinois coal demand. And the rank and filers want Franklin County tied up. 35,000 MARCHED ‘Their epochal march — on» this By J. BUROK. — J. BURCK. Who Are Its Leaders? Some Questions Considered trucks and cars 45 miles long, bear- ing between 35,000 and 50,000 min- ers was ambushed at Muddy Creek. Nobody will even count up how many were killed by the deputies here; but miners were seen to fall like flies in the hail of machine gun bullets. More than one hun- dred and fifty were wounded: some say 10 or 15 killed. All know that the fore of the caravan was put on the spot pointblank. But does that mean the miners are finished with the idea of pulling Franklin County on strike. Not a bit of it. They understand they were an unorganized army; a gi- gantic but loose assemblage com- pletely devoid of leadership. They made their descent on Franklin County in high spirits: the first car led by a miner playing on an ac- cordion: songs rose over the farm- side from the 45-mile-long picket line. But generalship was lacking. In fact many miners today ask where was Ansbury? The reply is that the latter was up in an air- plane with Gerry Allard, expelled Communist member and now a Trotskyite, dropping leaflets over _Franklin County, “hoping to have the miners there drop tools and ocme to meet the caravan.” But the ground work that would pos- sibly make this wish come true was lacking. No great attempt had been made to pave the way for such a response. EDMUNDSON— A LEWIS MAN It is a known fact that the min- ers of Franklin County are a fight- ing lot: that they want to come out on strike. But the muzzles of Edmundson’s gun thugs stare them in the face: the virus of foreigner- hatred has been injected in the county, in some spots splitting the unity of the native and foreign- born. But the majority are for strike in this county. (Remember that the miners of Orient No. 1 and No. 2 back in 1929 collected $500 which they sent for the de- fense of the striking Gastonia tex- tile workers: these are men who understand working class solidar- ity). But the odds at this moment are too great. They are looking over the ‘county horizon for sup- port from the rest of the state. ‘Will the newly formed union sup- ply that support? That is a ques- tion the answer of which was left, open, in fact—almost completely ignored, at the Gillespie conference where the new union was born, As this was being written on the night of September 6, six operators at Belleville sat at the table with _ representatives of the new union and signed up at the $6.10 rate— that. is, settled at the old scale. At the same time Stuyvesant Pea- body, president of the Peabody mines, and the coal operators as- sociation reiterates their “faith: in the present contract with the U.M. W.A.” and their determination “not to deal with the new union.” But. the men will not, dig coal under Lewis: | that’s becoming and file leadership in it is what we want, buddy” the miners say. Whether they will get it under Ansbury and the present guiding spirits is another question. SPREAD THE STRIKE The second topic miners are talk- ing about—the spread of the strike into Franklin County—was finally met in this way at the Gillespie conference: a delegation of five was chosen to go to the Illinois legis- lature, meeting in exeraordinary session this week (to “study unem- ployment and save the 700,000 who face starvation in Illinois this win - ter.”). This delegation of which Gerry Allard is the leading light, will petition the coal operators in legislature to give them the right to peacefully proceed into Franklin County. Already the present leadership shows signs of ultra-legalism to ham-string the idea of militant strike and picketing. It is already known to the readers of the Daily Worker’ how Ansbury opened fire on the mass-pressure policies of the ILD, and the “Reds.” The threadbare slogans he raised were those that could be expected of a backwoods demagogue: “No out- siders, we can handle this ‘ours selves"”—and of a Matthew Woll— “We don’t want to be associated with the Reds.” He forced the tabling of resolutions of greetings from the St. Louis Unemployed Councils, despite his vigorously- pushed idea, “We want a six-hour day. it will bring the unemployed closer to us.” The new union—in opposition to the UMWA—is gaining ground swiftly among the miners. They hope they have put the death sign on the Lewis and Walker regime of despotism. Hut what thetr new leaders Ansbury and Co. have to offer in the way of leadership is still to be seen, The rank and file opposition delegates at the Gillespie conference stood flatfooted for the election of rank and file strike committees in all locals, federated on a sub-district and district basis, with leadership entirely in the hands of the rank and file, and the district committee alone to ne- gotiate with the bosses. ONLY RANK AND FILE CAN WIN But yesterday the scale commit- tee of the new union announced publicly “We are prepared to meet, all operators in the spirit of co- operation. . .” The rank and file opposition at the Gillespie conference drummed away on the plan to win the strike by spreading it through a new mass descent on* Franklin County. But outside of highly secret mummery (Ansbury’s talk of an underground Committee of Six to plan how to pull Franklin County on strike) nothing is being done. The Rank and File opposition warned against legalistic illusions which will tone down the fighting spirit of the miners. But a com- mittee of five was chosen to dick- er with the. Tllinois legislature, to try to “win the right of a peaceful march on Franklin County. The fighting miners of Southern Illinois hope they have scuttled the Lewis-Walker ship for good: but what will happen with their new vessel remains to be seen. Only strongest of rank and file leader- ship will steer it through: the ra- PARIS CONTRASTS “Red” City Governments; “Hoovervilles” In France; Lessons for U. S. Workers NATHANIEL BUCHWALD (Concluded From Yesterday.) In Paris alone L’Humanite has over one hundred thousand daily circulation. The French worker: find in L’Humanite things, that are of interest.to him. The ac- counts of strikes and mass cam- paigns predominate both in point of space and display, but so-call- ed “human interest” news is not neglected, and yesterday’s events are recorded in today’s issue of L’Humanite and not in the issue a week from today. The same as a rule, is true of the articles which are generally short and bear on the happenings of the day. Our proletarian athletes in the United States may be inter- ested to know that a Monday morning L’Humanite had a de- tailed account of a workers swim- ming meet that had taken place the afternoon before. You are, no doubt, familiar by now with the recent figures por- traying the extent of; the crisis in France in terms of falling imports and exports and unfavorable bal- ance of trade. In terms of human misery, the crisis is seen and felt everywhere in workers’ quarters. The system of unemployment insur- ance is designed along the familiar capitalist models of chronic star- vation. The maximum payment to “a jobless worker is 10 frances (about 40 cents) a day with additional 20 cents or so for every dependent. Recently the municipalities and city districts passed measures to pay the rent of the unemployed for the duration of unemployment. In addition, there are soup kitchens where the unemployed can get a pail of-lunch for something like a hali cent. TYPICAL U. S. GAME But not all unemployed come un- der the provisions of the unem- ployment insurance system. The foreign-born are practically out of it. They have, for the most part, neither employment nor insurance. Without work licenses they cannot get any jobs, and not having any jobs they cannot present any cer- tificates of unemployment. Dur- ing the prosperous years the for- eign-born could obtain employ- ment, but as the crisis developed the privilege of keeping body and soul together has been denied them as a measure of “protecting the in- terests” of the native workers. It is the same game as in the United States, with additional French bourgeois cruelty and cynicism. The standards of living of the employed are also calculated to keep the workers on the raw end of the subsistence line. On public works the ‘government pays five francs (20 cents) an hour, which is about the prevailing wage for semi-skilled labor, Skilled workers, when fully employed, earn about 250 francs (ten dollars) per week. In the needle trafles where occupa- tion is seasonal and lasts only about four to five months a year workers earn as much as 400 francs (16 dol- lars) a week, but this requires long hours of overtime. COMPARISON WITH NEW YORK The cost of living in Paris is somewhat lower than in New York but not sufficiently to enable the « worker to enjoy anything like a minimum comfort. Rent generally consumes one-fourth of the work- ers’ full time pay. Food is about f\ 20 per cent cheaper than in New York, but not clothing. In the (/ workers’ quarters you will seldom ~ find a worker with a decent suit of clothes on. The Communist municipalities are not allowed to establish higher standards of unemployment insur- ance and relief. The maximum of 10 francs a day is mandatory. The municipality contributes the larger portion of the fund: The foreign- born cannot be supported out of the official unemployment fund. They cannot as much as be fed by the soup kitchcen, for without an unemployment certificate a worker cannot get his portion of soup. The certificate is stamped every day, as a measure of protection against “repeaters.” In Paris you can find the equiva- Jent of the starvation wage-rates that prevail in the American tex- tile mills. A recent strike in a fac- tory manufactoring electrical sup- plies disclosed the fact that some of the girls (500 women are em- ployed in that factory of a total of 600) were earning as little as two and a half dollars a week. One of the strikers’ demands was a minimum of 314 francs per hour (13 cents). The strike af the “Ttalfan” kind, the workers report- ing to their machines and bench- es but refraining from work. TYPICAL METROPOLIS. -For all its peculiarities and “na- tional” characteristic Paris fs a typical capitalist metropotis. You can find homeless men and women in the hundreds sleeping under the numerous bridges wita luxurious limousines rolling overhead. You can find exquisitely furnished cafes and restaurants a block away from a breadline. You can find crowded eabarets where the cover charge alone would be sufficient to pay the food bill of a workers’ family for a whole day. You can find “Hoover- villes” within 15 minutes ride from the Times Square of Paris. Away from the boulevards you will find working class Paris with its mass misery but also with its class- consciousness, its revolutionary or- ganizations, its workers’ coopera- tives, Workers International Relief, War Veterans, ete. During my stay in Paris the French workers were busy raising funds for the Belgian coal strikers. A large group of the strikers’ children were brought to Paris and other parts of France and placed in the children’s sum- mer camps maintained by the Communist municipalities, workers’ cooperatives and other organiza- tions. A celebration in honor of the liberated editors of the organ of the Communist youth, a per- formance of a workers’ theatre group, a rehearsal of a workers’ singing society ‘were among events I had occasion to witness. Paris is a “charming” city, but beside the workers’ quarters and the soup kitchens the boulevards and the cabarets look doubly hid- eous. Recent Strike Struggles Featured in ‘Labor Unity’ IN line with a recent analysis by the Red International of Labor Unions of Labor Unity, official monthly magazine of the Trade Union Unity League, the Septem- ber issue of the magazine has be- gun a new policy of presenting and interpreting the important recent struggles and problems of the workers, in a popularly-written manner. There is an article by Jack Stachel, assistant secretary of the TUUL, on “The new Steel and Metal Union.” It tells of the great enthusiasm of the worker-dele- gates, representing 200,000 steel and metal workers, who helped form the new union at its recent convention. Already, less than a month after the formation of the new fighting union, it. has led a successful strike of the Warren steel workers. Stachel’s article tells of the spirit of the workers at the convention, how they went about discussing the problems of the workers in the industry; how they mapped out plans for such struggles as the victorious Warren strike. er (abe HECENTLY the hosiery workers of High Point, N. C., determined that they had had enough of wage cuts and starvation. They struck. The unemployed joined them in their fight. With a lightning rapid- ity, the strike spread to every hos- iery mill in High Point. Soon all the furniture factories were out. Like wildfire the strike spread through the Piedmont area, involv- ing 15,000 workers. The story of ESIDES the pamphlet “Can You Hear Their Voices?”, by Whit- aker Chambers, which ran serially in the Daily Worker recently, In- ternational Pamphlets has also is+ sued some other new significant pamphlets, “Women Who Ws by Grace Hutchins, analyzes the life and struggles of the workjng woman. “To American Intellectu- als”, is an open letter by Maxim Gorky, explaining the place occu- pied by intellectuals in the te gle worl pons force. they- ‘Latin American Workers in the New “International”? Pamphlets on that strike is told in “Storm Over Carolina,” W. G. Binkley’s article in the September Labor Unity, Its lessons too are told. The bosses are ballyhooing Roose- velt, democratic presidential can- didate, as the “friend of labor.” Grace Hutchins tells what kind of a “friend of labor” Roosevelt is, in her article, “Roosevelt and Labor.” She exposes his whole rotten re- cord in strikebreaking and fighting against real unemployment relief, One of the slickest schemes evolved by the A. F. of L, mislead- ers is the one which keeps the workers of the Pequot Mills in Sal- em, Mass. hog-tied. It is the “Union-Management” plan, under which the textile workers are made to speed-up beyond human endur- ance, with the United Textile Workers Union officials holding the _ whip. How this scheme has driven” the workers’ conditions down is described in an article by a Salem worker, Michael Petcavetch. s 8 ‘THER important features in the. September Labor Unity are the “Life of the Revolutionary Unions;” the “Voice of the Workers,” a new department in which the workers express their opinions on all class- struggle questions; articles on the ~ U. S.; “The New Steel Union and War”; and “First Place in Europe,” which tells how the Soviet work- ers and peasants have outstripped all European capitalist nations in steel and oil production and are . rapidly approaching American cae pacity, ~ A new revised up-to-date edition of “War in the Far East”, by Henry Hall, is just off the press. It ex- plains the forces behind the strug- gle in Manchuria—the imperialist powers, semi-colonial. China, and the Soviet Union. Closely connected with this new edition, are, the two other pamphlets on China, “War i China” by Ray Stewart, and “So- - viet China,” hy M. James and R Doonping- All of these pamphiots