The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 13, 1932, Page 4

Dail Yorker Contra Party U.S.A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily except Sunday, at 5 18th Bt, New York City, N. ¥. Tejephone ALgonquin 4-7956, Cable “DATWORK.” Address and mail cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50 E, 13th St, New Yerk, N. Y, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; exeepting Borot Manhattan Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, $8; six_months, $4.50. Answer the Hoover Attacks on the Vets! Ec is quite obvious that Hoover’s attack on the veterans made through Mitchell, head of the Department of (cap talist) Justice, was a scheme to halt the veterans generally, and the American Legion convention in particular, from de- manding the immediate cash payment of the “bonus,” and also from condemning Hoover for his barbarous and mur- derous eviction of the ex-servicemen from Washington. But the Hoover lies fail to convince. All veterans, particularly the members of the Legion, should read the press notices, where the Legion leaders with unsual frankness confess that they oppose the bonus pay- ment, that they wish to save Hoover from condemnation by rt—are just as much opposed as Hoover the rank and file veterans even of the Legion itself; "s idiotic lies have made a de! e of Hoover impossible. Hoov s clear that the distorted and lying attack of Hoover will not masses of veterans from demanding what is coming to them— stop immedia payment of the “bonus.” The Legion leaders realize that bette: n Hoover does. Hence their dismayed attempt to cover up and compromise, to conceal from the Legion rank and file the fact hey, the Legion leaders, really stand with Hoover. * * * Wee T the Legion leaders mean to do is to adopt the bonus demand and smother it. The Legion leaders will say, “We are for paying the bonus, BUT ... but we will not march on Washington; we will have no part in ‘violent’ or ‘undignified’ or ‘disorde: methods; we will persuade ” Which means that the Legion leaders will, ent, make public statements for the This is an old tr and one worked by no one else than “Com- mander” Waters. It would be interesting to find out how the Depart- ment of Justice, that means the federal police, got hold of the records of the veterans. How did the muster rolls of the B. E. F. “controlled” by Waters get into the hands of the police? dent, while we do not accept as “criminals” even one is had “police record: since any worker is would be worth w to find out whether these police records did n date back years before, even before the war, during whict y have forgotten—prisoners were released from sentence if they would agree to go to France and be shot at to save J. P. Morgan's loans to the Allies. of inci of those whom Hoover c! a criminal to Hoover, still i s some mi Alas, that these heroes now have their “crimes” of boyhood brought home to roost by the President who, apparently forgetful of the last session of Congress, declares that the Bonus army constituted “the largest aggregation of criminals ever assembled in the city at any one time.” Among the fog of slanders, one interpretation of the Hoover-Mitchell “statement” gives the impression that the thousand “criminals” (names not given) were found out because they took money loaned by the gov- ernment to pay their fare home. But if this is so, then these “criminals” were not in Washington on July 28th, when the Bonus marchers were evicted. Anyway you look at it, Hoover is 4 liar. Every veteran will resent the whole array of dishonest “sworn facts” of Mitchell and Hoover. Every veterans’ organization, Legion, V. F. W. and Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League, should at once adopt resolutions condemning Hoover's cowardly attack, and any treachery, compromise or evasion by leaders such as those of the Legion, Waters and the V.F.W. And every rank and file assembly of veterans should elect delegates to the Rank and File Veterans’ Conference, which is to meet at Cleveland on Sept. 23. Answer Hoover’ the Bonus! he gts: Cn with the fight for the cash payment of You Cannot Get Away With It Mayor McKee! ee New York capitalist. press, out to build him up as a “strong man,” is filled with editorials, praising Mayor McKee for his “poise” and the kind of “service” a mayor ought to give, “in supporting both the good order and the dignity of the City of New York.”—(Herald-Tribune,) The Mayor, says the entire capitalist press, “out-talked” the spokesman of the jobless marchers demanding relief un- der the leadership of the N. Y. Unemployed Councils. But “soft words,” though they are said to turn away wrath, butter no parsnips, either. And the starving masses of New York continue to starve in spite of all of Mayor McKee’s alleged conversational ability. * * * IN February, 4, 1931, nineteen months ago, McKee was the spokesman for ‘Mayor Walker, then on one of his sprees, and at that time McKee protested to the representatives of the unemployed masses outside the City Hall: “It wasn’t necessary for you to bring this mas: Why wasn’t it necessary, Mr. McKee? Did you mean to contend that the city was giving adequate relief? If so, you flew in the face of facts known to every social worker. If so you insulted the intelligence of every worker of New York t hen jobléss and hungry. And do you contend, to- day, that the situation has been bettered? You dare not say so, Mayor McKee! ot people down here.” Then you must admit, that the march of workers, thousands upon. thousands of them, with their wives and little children, to the City Hall on Saturday, was a march of earnest and desperate workers and their families demanding—yes, demanding!—food, clothing and shelter. * * * UT what was your answer, Mayor McKee? Soft soap! Evasion of the issue! An attempt to answer starving people with clever words! To maneuver their spokesmen into saying that he, if mayor, would tell the bankers to go to hell and, instead of paying interest on debts owing to the bankers, would feed the hungry, clothe the cold and shelter the homeless. And from this build up your case as a defender of “the good order and dignity of the City of New York” against such proposals. So you won a “victory” did you! ‘You said you would not feed the thousands of hungry babies of New York's tenements, not if you had to withhold paying interest to the bankers who loll their fat paunches the penthouses in Park Avenue! ‘You would not stop the evic- tons of thousands of workers’ families nor use the law of public neces~ ality an eminent domain to seize unoccupied buildings to house the Bomeless: You are welcome to your “victory,” Mayor McKee! But we re- ind you that the workers of New York are still as hungry after your ictory” as they were before. We remind you that “legal restrictions” have never in history done any more to hinder starving masses from taking what they wanted than any forces of any guile you are capable of. Es * (OU refuse bread to the starving. You refuse to take one cent from a banker to give to a starving baby a drink of milk. But you keep your “poise.” You win praise from the stupid and venemous capitalist enitors for your “dignity.” But the hungry thousands will march again! They will keep on marching whether you think it “necessary” or not! They continue to “demand” relief, adequate relief, and unemployment in- | At the cost of the bankers and bosses you defend! And they are going to wet 1h too. Mayor McKee! |Labor Research, eh?” More explan By FRED GILLETTE, | SPRINGFIELD, Il. (by mail) Six-foot Nick Fontecchio, 200 pounds of gangsterism written in his every movement, his dark glance darting to all, points of the compass, does not appear misplaced in Hotel Le- |land, Springfield’s ritziest hotel, where John L. Lewis has his suite of temporary offices, beginning with Room 201. Nick is clad in lgtest style: expensive gray suit well press- ed, shoes shiny and necktie agleam, his attire does riot reveal what min- ers in the know—say about him: that this Lewis adviser has bumped off at least two men. bodyguards lolled in the carpeted room talking things over. Miners report that Springfield is suddenly swarming with carloads of Lewis gangsters. As one of the Scotch miners here told me, “something is brewing in the devil’s pot”: that the Lewis top committee is preparing a desperate stand in the face of the surging militancy evident through- out the Southern Illinois fields. “Lewis is in Town” T had just returned from the Uni- ted Mine Workers’ district headquar- ters at Fourth and Monroe streets, where gloom is as thick as pea soup. John H. (Weepin’ Johnnie) Walker was out of the office. I overheard somebody say Lewis was in town—at the Leland—and went over to try my luck at getting an interview with him, For rumors are running up and down this end of the coal fields that Corey mine No. 52, three miles north- west of Springfield—a highly me- chanized Peabody mine—was getting ready to start up again: that Lewis had ordered his corps of high-class thugs into the region to “take care” of the picket line which would be on hand to keep the Lewis scabs from entering the pit. Scouts for the min- ers report machine guns have been placed in the bushes about Corey: the same tactic used at Mulkeytown on the giant cavaran entering Frank- lin County two weeks ago. Phil Murray—With the Gold Charm The polished husky at the door with the gold charm on his watch- fob (it was Phil Murray, vice pres- ident of the UMW), asked for my credentials, suspicion written all over his mug. He twisted upside down and over the letter announcing I was making a survey of the coal fields. “Survey, eh? Well, who told you Lewis is here?” I learned it at the district office, I told him. “Well,” he said, “Lewis is at the Hotel Penn- sylvania in New York at this minute. You'll have to get your interview with him there.” Seeing my stay here was to be brief, I asked him some quick questions: what did the U.M.W.A. think about the strike, etc. Fontecchio edged over. “Hey” he said, “Let me look your credentials.” He inspected it care- fully. “Not For The Good of Lewis” He pulled a chair over and plump- ed it squarely between me and the door. Somebody else closed the door. | “You know” he said, “I no think you \here for good of UMW, you unner- stand? What you want? What you racket?” The rest of the room turned very silent. Fontecchio chewed his cigar into a number of angles. ¥ explained again: survey... would like to speak to Lewis... Labor Re- search... etc, If you want to you might call up the Labor Research in New York... they’d tell you who T am, etc. Fontecchio handed the credential back. I asked Murray a few more questions. “Hey,” Fontecchio inquired again several minutes afterward, “Who this tions. “Lotsa Commun fis round, you unnerstand he said, “Lotsa dem snoopin’ round.” He leaned forward on his chair. Mur- ray tried to smooth things over...but broke in, “Nothin’ doin’, you unnerstand. We got nothin’ say ae Deab-dar a Good- Panic at U.M. Fontecchio and half a dozen Lewis | “Mi. Lewis Is Not In!” The Vast Importance Of Franklin County «DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1932 ¥ . By J. BURCK. Me W.A. Headquarters 7 Interviews with Thug Leaders of the United® Mine Workers of America As I was leaving Fontecchio be- thought himself suddenly, “Three- quarters Southern Illinois miners is workin’, you unnerstan’, and work- ing under UM.W. Put that in your paper.” Leaving the hotel I was certain |more than ever that Lewis is town: nothing but a gag to get me out. What Happenen In the District Building. Now to repeat what happened at district headquarters of the U.M.W. “No, Mr. Walker is too busy to see you. . . besides he has no statement to make . . . besides he will be too busy all day.” TI finally got to the editor of the “Illinois Miner,” offi- ,cial organ of the U.M.W.A. He is a tall, lethargic individual who looks for all the world like Wm. Nuckles Doak. George L. Mercer is hisname. After satisfying him as to my cre- dentials, he answered questions for an hour or more, then suddenly be- thought himself. “Say,” he said, “Don’t quote me, will you? I’m ap- pointed, you see .. .” I saw. He thought it would be a lot better if Mr, Walker would answer some of those questions. “He’s the chief executive, you see.” I was astounded at some of the confidences he let slip. Perhaps some of these facts are common property in the field |here, but I had never heard them, and certainly for a Lewis man to admit them to a stranger—well, it must be the witnesses of despair. Here are some of the facts: ONE: That the U.M.W.A. has been | destroyed in West and East Ken- |tucky, West Virginia and almost to- tally in Ohio. The causes? Well, |he’d rather not answer that; it’s a | debatable question and since he’s not |an official, “appointed, you see,” that the Hotel Pennsylvania alibi was| hhe’d merely be speaking his own opinion, and he’d rather not. 917 U.M.W.A. Members In Ohio, TWO: That out of 105,000 miners! in West Virginia only 2,300 are pay- ing dues to the U.M.W.A. That in Ohio, which numbered 44,000 U. M. | W A members in 1921, only 917 mem- bers are today paying dues to the UM.W.A. THREE: That Walker and Lewis “are working in harmony now’... well, he said, suddenly halting him- self, “I wouldn't exactly call it har- mony” (it was dangerous he realized to admit the “harmony” in consid- eration of all the shadow-boxing that Walker and Lewis had staged for the benefit of the Illinois miners even up to the present situation). FOUR: That he has no idea who stole the tally sheets of the second referendum (he had to look out the window while telling me this). “Both sides accuse each other.” When I asked what good reason the other side (the rank and file opposition) would have in stealing the ballot sheets since the vote was admittedly four to one in their favor against the proposed $5 rate, he “really could not say.” When I also asked is it not true that the original voting sheets were in the individual locals, available for Mr. Lewis, he did not know about that, either. “A Gross Exaggeration?” FIVE: That the ambush in Frank- | lin County was “grossly exaggerated.” No. (with a smile), of course 150 weren't shot. It ‘was really four or five. You see how they exaggerate | such things. No, nobody was shot! seriously. Some of them got some) little shots in them—buckshot. In fact, the deputies really scared them more than hurt them. Machine guns? No, I don’t think so. I told Another worker writes us: “Is Marxism the only theory for the emancipation of the workers? Is there any difference between Marx- ism and Leninism?” Answer: Marxism is the ou; theory for the emancipation of the workers, for not only does it ex- | plain the world, but teaches us how to change it. There is no difference between Marxism and Leninism, “Leninism,” says Stalin, “is the Marxism of the imperialist epoch, of the epoch of the proletarian revolution,” and he says also that the chief problem taken up by Leninism is that of establishing and carrying on the dictatorship of the proletariat. ; ‘i Some think wrongly that Lenin- ism is revolutionary practice while Marxism is revolutionary theory- Leninism works out in detail many problems, such as the colo- nial question, the relations between workers and farmers before, during and after the proletarian revolu- tion, the trade union struggle and political struggle during the period of reformist unions and corrupted Socialist parties, the problems of fascism, etc., which Marx could not work out in ‘detail, because all the conditions for their solution had not matured in his time, although he foreshadowed the solution on | the basis of his analysis of capital- ist development. Lenin solved these problems, through Marxian meth- ods, by @ continuation of Marxism. Leninism works out the strategy and tactics of the working-class revolutionists in the period of big finance capital, of big concentra- tion of industrial capital, a situa- tion which Marx foretold, but did not personally experience, And QUESTION BOX Lenin carries on, and applies to the present situation Marx’s theory and strategy for the workers in times of imperialist war, but with- out changing Marx’s theory and enategy. There is no contradiction be- tween Marxism and _Leninism. Leninism is Marxian theory and practice—carried on into the pres- ent time. Read especially Stalin's “Foundations of Leninism,” and Lenin’s pamphlets: “Left Commu- nism,” and “State and Revolution.” Letters from Our Readers UTILIZING DRIVE New York City. Dear Comrades: While collecting in the 22nq As- sembly District, which is mostly Ne- groes, I found a Negro ployed. Jongshoreman who was sympathetic to revolutionary organizations. I ex- ‘plained the difference between the A. F. of L, and the Marine Workers’ Industrial Union, and also asked his wife to join the house committee | which was going to be formed in jorder to fight for lower rents, etc. | [In this way, we can better build the | | unity of employed and unemployed, | and utilize the election campaign or- ganizationally. F. len. 'M. W. A. charting their next steps. him some of the local papers carried the story that there were machine guns ... “gross misstatement”... “Why,” he said, “the deputies really only paddled most of them.” | SIX: That Joe Colbert, secretary of the Orient local (who was assas- | sinated for his opposition to the| Lewis-Walker oligarchy, was killed in| @ “personal altercation.” He didn’t know what kind of man Colbert really was. No, he never knew him. . 3.” Not a Communeist. SEVEN: That Pat Ansbury is not a Communeist. Just somebody look- ing for a job. He'd only been using Communeist tactics, you know, mass picketing, “mass intimidation,” but. he was sure Ansbury is no Com- muneist. EIGHT: That situation now is “turmoil and chaos,” due to the “in- terloper union.” But that the U. M. W. A. has met this kind of situa- tion before in its 42 years of exist- eave, and has always come out on fop. Importance of Franklin County And then he let the cat out of the bag concerning Franklin County: why it is THE key county of the Illinois -situation. In 1931, for in- stance, Franklin County, with its giant New Orient, C. “W. and F. (Chicago, Wilmington and Franklin) and Old Ben Coal Co. mines, pro- duced 9,030,985 toms; Mercupin County was a poor second with 3,984,000 tons; third came Spring- field County with 2,900,000 tons; next, Christian County, which in- cludes Taylorville, with 2,768,000 tons; fifth, Williamson County, which includes Herrin, Marion, etc., with 1,986,000 tons, and so on. In other words, Franklin County, where practically a Chinese Wall of terror has been built up to keep the opposition from tying up the pits, produces more than twice as much as any other county in the state. Last year 44,000,000 tons were | mined in the 30 coal counties of Illinois. Franklin County, alone, with more than 9,000,000 tons, pro- duced more than 20 per cent of the total. With overtime, miners say the production there can be doubled. Naturally, the coal barons will fight to the bitter death against permit- ting the rank and file movement to gain ground there. Naturally the U. M. W. A. will send in all its guerillas to keep the rafk and file from or- ganizing. And it is therefore all the more important that the Progressive Miners’ Union realize this fact, and bend all efforts to spreading the strike into this key county. “The Poor Coal Operators.” The editor talked a lot of the necessity of the Illinots coal opera- tors “competing with the other fields, Ohio,@ Kentucky, West where'the wage rate is much lower.” He expressed great concern over the poor operators’ plight: “That's why we have to accept a wage-cut,” as he said, “in order to permit the Mli- nois operators (he almost said OUR operators) to meet. the competition of other fields. “Well, what are the prospects?” I asked in departure. He shrugged his shoulders. “Chaos and turmoil for a while,” he said, “chaos and turmoil. But the U. M. W. A’s been in the field for more than 42 years and we won't have much trouble after a while with this new outfit. They haven’t got a chance.’ Not with their tactics.” I tried to get in to see Weepin’ Johnny Walker. But he was still busy. I heard loud and angry voices in the locked room adjoining his of- fice. I glanced at the editor of the “Illinois Miner.” “Oh, some meeting or other,” he said offhand. It was undoubtedly the pack of snarling gunmen moguls of the U. | For, as some of the Scotch rank and file miners say, “the devil's pot is VOTE COMMUNIST FOR Equal rights for the Negroes and self-determinstie: im the Black Belt, a’ brewing.” Messrs. Walker and Lewis see the handwriting on; the wall. And, like all the rest of their capitalist brethren, they won't give yal without 2 cornered-rat’s t The Basis of the Present German Government By KARL RADEK. ERLIN.—In the National Social- ist Party (fascists) the German bourgeoisie has created for itself @ powerful instrument against the proletariat. Contrary to the as- sumptions of the bourgeoisie, the xdevelopment of the crisis drove the petty-bourgeois masses into the arms of the National Socialists, and robbed the old parties of the bourgeoisie of great numbers of their voters. This strengthened the national socialist instrument of monopolist capitalism to such an extent that this tool began to lay claim to dominion, to the rule over the whole policy of thé German bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie is afraid to surrender the power to the National Socialists, both gn ac- count of the social composition of the National Socialist Party arfd on account of tha personages com- prising the leading circles of the party. “Hitler is back up by a group of people playing the part of second rank leaders. These have no in- tellectual abilities, and nothing is to be expected of them. It is clear that everything must be done to get them out of the way,” writes the journal “Der Ring,” an organ emanating from the circles sur- rounding the Reich Chancellor von Papan. In this situation the new solu- tion of the Presidial Government presented itself, that is to say, of a@ government which to the major- ity ratios of the parties represented in the Reichstag, but solely -with reference to the personal qualities of the individual members of the government. This cabinet is to strive as far as possible for the support of the parliament, but must. be capable in case of emergency of leading the state without this sup- port. EMERGENCY DECREES The Secretary of State Dr. Meissner has compiled a survey ef the development of the power of the Reich President since the war, and declares that the Weimar con- stitution by no means demands that a cabinet appointed by the President should represent a par- liamentary majority. He points out that the social democrat Ebert issued no fewer than 134 emergen- ey orders between 1919 and 1924. Since the beginning of the crisis, up to the present the Reich Presi- dent has issued 75 dictatorial emer- gency orders. Dr. Meissner goes to state: “The great majority of these orders refer to .. . financial and economic legal enactments of very considerable range. Even a brief glance at the Reich legisla- tion shows the extent to which the legislative powers normally in the hands of the Reichstag have passed into the hands of the ex- traordinary legislator—the Reich President—during the last 2% years, through the agency of ar- ticle 48.” on ‘These juridical investigations on the part of the Secretary of State cannot, however, explain either the social character or the source of the power of the Presidial power push- ing the Parliament into the back- ground, ROLE OF THE REICHSWEHR What forms the main support of the Reich President is obvious. His main support is the armed forces of the Republic subordinate to him: the Reichswehr. This force sprang into being in the struggle for the bourgeois state of society against the proletariat striving to- wards socialism. In every critical moment of Germany’s post-war hisstory the Reichswehr has ute tered its decisive word in the lange uagé of the machine gun. The con- sequences of such a state of affairs were described as early as 80 years ago by Karl Marx in his “18th Brumaire”: “Barracks and bivouac, laid per- iodically on the head of French so= ciety for the purpose of pressing down its brains and requcing it to silence; sabres and muskets, per- iodically straightened and aligned, tutored and censored, made to act as police and ,night watchmen; moustache and uniform, periodical- ly proclaimed as the highest wis- dom of society and its. head—was it not tnevitable that barracks and bivouac, sabres and muskets, mous- tache and uniform, should finally ‘hit upon the idea that would be better to save society once and for all by means of proclaiming their own regime to be supreme, thus relieving bourgeois society en- tirely from the care of governing itself?” Since the days when Marx wrote this trenchant characterization, the sabres and muskets have learnt to conceal their thoughts. The Min- ister of the Reichswehr, von Slei- cher, recently broadcast a great speech in which he entirely con- demned the constant rule of sabres and muskets. He declared that such a rule cannot last for ever. SMELT & ENERAL SCHLEICHER is praised. in Germany's bourgeois circles ag an excellent diplomatist, and therefore we shall certainly do best not to stress so much in his de- claration the idea of a relinquish- ment of the military dictatorship, as the assumption that this mili= tary dictatorship will not lean solely upon bayonets. ABOUT VON SCLEICHER. The role played by General von Schleicher is described as follows by his semi-official biographer: “Unquestionahly his influence in the Reichswehr Ministry is great and far-reaching” in all political matters. This is easily comprehen- sible when we remember that he has taken part in and helped to de- termine the development and the work of the Reichswehr from its first day onwards. Ministers have come and gone, Commanders in Chief of the Army have come and gone, but Schleicher has been the fixed pole amidst the changing phenomena.” This hymn of praise of the chief propagandist of the “Steel Hel- mets” may be supplemented by the fact that the present General, at that time General Staff Major Schleicher, formed the chief inter- mediary link between Hindenburg, Groener, and Ebert in Nov. 1918. General Schleicher has stated that the Government must be borne by a broad current of the people. But to what broad current does he refer? His relations towards the National Socialists are not known. But already the Papen-Schleicher Government is not .suspended in the air. It is backed up by a fairly strong social factor, though this has not its base in the masses. The press of the opponents of the Schleicher-Papen Government has designated it as a “government of the Gentlemen’s Club.” (To Be Concluded Tomorrow) Bonus March, St. Louis Farm, Strike Analyzed in ‘Communist’ Economic and Political Significance of Recent Struggles Told in September Issue Reviewed by N. HONIG THE COMMUNIST, September, 1932—theoretical organ of the Communist Party U. S. A. HE Bonus March, the fight of the St. Louis unemployed, the farm- ers strike in the Middle West, the Illinois miners’ strike, and the vic- torious, fight of the Warren steel workers against the steel bosses and the A. F. of L. misleaders are straws that show which way the wind is blowing: They indicate which way the American workers and poor farmers intend to take out of the crisis. Paving the way for greater strug- gles on the revolutionary road, they offer lessons: which are invaluable in helping to guide the coming great struggles of the American workers, In the September issue of “The Communist” the economic and political significance and the ’ lessons of a number of these strug- gles are given us. Of special im- portance is the leading editorial, “The Fight Against the Capitalist ‘Offensive and the Unity of the Em- ployed and Unemployed.” Struggle of St, Louis St. Louis used to be regarded by the. Party membership as a city in which nothing ever happened. The St. Louis workers were “different” from others, “you couldn't get them to fight starvation.” Then some- thing happened which proved the ridiculousness of this notion. Thru the carefully prepared mass actions of July 8 and July 11 the city ad- ministration was forced to give im- mediate relief to 1,000 unemployed workers who had been previously denied_ relief, to appropriate $200,000 as emergency relief, to pass recom- mendations to issue $4,600,000 in bonds and to apply for a $2,000,000 loan from the Reconsiruction Fi- nance Corporation.. ‘This is a tem- porary victory, but by consolidating the movement organizationally, further victories will be won. The lessons of the St. Louis unemployed victory are told by B. K. Gebert. of the’greatest of the toiling mass in the United States—the Bonus Marcch, “The Bonus March was a broad national action of the masses them- selves to struggle against the deep- ening effects of the crisis of capi- talism,” the statement of the Cen- tral Committee of the Communist Party points out. “It brought the masses face to face with the gov- ernment in its most open and naked role as the guardian of capli- talism and its profits, as the ruthe less murderer of all who refuse to submit to capitalist, starvation.” The Bonus h marked a new stage in the radicalization of the masses. What is the effect of this land- mark in American class struggle history? What were the short- comings, what were the gains, of the revolutionary movement in connection ~ith the Bonus March? What are the next steps and the tasks of the Communist Party in the veterans’ struggle? ‘These ques- tions are answered in the Septem- ber issue of “The Communist.” » The Farmers’ Struggle Among the farmers, too, there is a big awakening. The whole chain of events, all the recent struggles of - the poor farmers, ,reaching the sharpest point so far in the pres- ent farmers’ strike which started in Iowa, are analyzed in the article by Henry Puro on “The American Farmers Are Beginning To Fight.” Other important articles include “The Significance of the German Elections”; “The ‘Ottawa Empire Conference” (a link in the ware preparations chain), “The Bank- ruptey of Capitalism and Capital- ist Education” (a speech by James W.. Ford, Communist candidate for Vice-President, ‘at the Teachers and Students Educational Confer- ence), “Lossons of the Revolution,” by Lenin, assumes a special impor- tance in connection with the 15th anniversary of the Russian Revo- lution. The article, “Is Prosperity