The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 3, 1932, Page 4

: tage Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1932 j Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., dal Sisth'St., New York City, N.Y. Telephone ALgonquis > J Address and ;mail*cheeks to the Daily Worker, 50°E. 13th’, SUBSORIPTION RATES: mail everywhere: e,year, $6; six months, $3;'two mont Or eehnvel aantiditia {eda yonx, New York; Clty. Foreign: "e = six: months, | $4.50. The Resignation of Mayor Walker ‘After months of sensational revelations of widespread graft and‘corruption of his administration in the city of New York, Mayor Walker resigned. This resignation was obvi- ously the outcome of a three cornered agreement between Tammany Hall and the candidate it supports for president, Roosevelt, and Seabury who is the spokesman for the big capitalist groups embracing democrats and republicans alike. The resignation was to achieve the following purposes: Gh To stop the further exposure of the corruption of one of the chief parties of capitalism and to befog the whole question of Walker’s guilt. (2). To help Roosevelt to appear as the champion of purity of governemnt, at the same time sparing him the necessity of putting the seal of corruption upon the metropolitain city of the United States. (3). To throw a mantle of martyrdom upon Walker—this vile creature of Tammany Hall machine—uniting the social scum of the un- derworld with the mightiest of the billionaire parasites—in order to retain its usefulness in carrying out fierce attacks against the working class. Finance capital, the big bankers and powerful industrial lords, that rule New York was driven to carry through this investigation in order to try to drain the poison of corrup- tion which reeks through the entire system and which is‘ex- posing capitalism in the eyes of the workers ‘and thereby weakening its capacity to keep down a rising working class. But the investigation revealed such outrageous steals and met such stubborn opposition of the strongly entrenched poli- tical machine of Tammany Hall, that its continuation was becoming a menace to capitalism and was threatening to ex- pose the real workings of the whole machinery of the capital- ist state, convincing millions of workers that graft and cor- ruption is inseperable from capitalist class rule in this stage of declining capitalism. Not legal quibbles and court rul- ings caused a halt in this investigation, but the rising strug- gle of the toilers throughout United States, the growing consciousness and understanding of the masses of their posi- tion as slaves as shown in the militant battles in all sections of the country, and this same militancy prevented any ag- reement which would whitewash Walker. The workers and NOT Rodésevelt forced Walker to resign. The Seabury investigation left no doubt that Walker and Tammany Hall were wholesale crooks and were plundering the masses in the interest of capitalism and for the satisfac- tion of thir greedy appetites. But it was the Tammany Hall that not only ran Al Smith for president in 1928, but also nominated and elected Roosevelt governor of New York state. Tammany is the common political birthplace and cradle of both Walker and Roosevelt. But so many disturbing facts of graft and corruption have been brought to light, that in order for Roosevelt to have a chance to obtain sufficient support outside of New York, he had to, at least in appearance, separate himself from Tammany. This he did especially during the trial at Albany. He care- fully refrained however, from removing Walker even though the evidence of his guilt had piled up mountain high. He gave Walker the opportunity of resigning in return for which Walker made a statement which will by no means hurt Roosevelt but rather help him to gain votes. It will aid the democratic campaign managers upstate New York, the mid- dle-west the far-west and the south, to plead support for Roosevelt on the grounds that he has cut loose from Tam- many. The Tammany machine figures that it can swing votes for both Walker and Roosevelt in New York City. What they don’t get by demagogy, they can obtain by stealing or outright highway robbery as they have done times without number. The resignation therefore appears to capitalism and its parties as a happy solution of the menacing exposure of the New York Mayor. * * * Joseph V. McKee, president of the Board of Aldermen, becomes acting mayor. Also politically born and reared by Tammany, McKee shared in all the filth and corruption of the Walker administrations and valiantly stood beside his chief, Mayor Walker, in all the fierce clubbings, jailing and shootings of workers striking against wage cuts and unem- ployed demonstrating against hunger. Recognizing a kidred spirit in McKee, the fascist government of Mussolini in Italy conferred upon the acting mayor the decoration “Cavaliere Ufficiale” in 1928. * * * Under Walker or McKee, under Roosevelt or Hoover, the plunder of the treasury in the interest of the capitalists and their political henchmen will continue and grow ever worse. Capitalism becomes more and more foul and its system of exploitation ever more oppressive. Only by its overthrow and the establishment of working class rule, can this plun- der be done away with. The exposure of the foulness and degeneracy of the system, of the Walkers and Roosevelts, combined with the most stubborn mass struggle against them, will help to achieve this end. In the present election campaign the fight must go for- ward against these parties irrespective of who their spokes- men are in order to rally the masses around the Communist Party as the only party which can defend the interests of the masses against the plunderers and achieve the overthrow of the graft ridden system. Sp oe ASR SN a CN Ae ATTENTION, READERS! oe The Daily Worker would appre- clate if workers writting in to us would sign their full name and address so that it will enable us to inform readers why at times Worker never will publish the their letters or other..material are name of the writer without his not published, or otherwiae com- consent me ¥ ” \ \ municate with them. We are un- able to do this without the name and address. Those who do not wish to have their names mention- ed must indicate so. The Daily THE-JOBSHARING SYSTEM =<. % K “Now we can cut off your relief and cut his wages!” By BURCK A Visit to St. Denis---the Red, Workers’ ' Stronghold of Paris By L, MARTIN Worker) ARIS—Can you imagine an Am- erican mayor joining with the Unemployed Council to call a mass meeting of the jobless, where his report is received with unanimous approval? Can you imagine him leading a fight of the local unions against all the big employers of the city? Can you imagine him passing and actually enforcing an ordinance to prevent evictions of the uemployed? Stich ideas put a strain on your imagination because in the United States we have as yet only capitalist mayors—all alike putting “business interests” first whether they call themselves Republican, Democratic or Socialist. But there are some mayors who do these very things even in capitalist |countries—who use their office solely to further the interests of the working popu- lation, and who would be immedi- ately kicked out of their party if they failed to do so. In a word, there are quite a few Communist mayors in office in different part of the world. In France there are about a hundred. ax ee oie 'VEN a short visit to St. Denis (the biggest of the French cities with Communist administrations) will answer many of the questions an American worker will ask. How much, for instance, can a Com- munist mayor do under capital- ism? In what ways does a Com- munist administration differ from @ Socalist one? Is it worthwhile fighting in the United States to elect Communist mayors? YOU'RE NOW IN RED ST. DENIS! Red Saint Denis Ijes several miles outside Paris. The there Passes thru endless railroad yards. Notices of thé Communist and other workers meetings “become more numerous on the ‘walls the closer you get. Finally forests of factory smokestacks announce the presence of a big industrial city, and the closely packed business and resi- dential section rises before your eyes. St. Denis has a population of about 100,000, made up largely of workers in automobile, war muntion and metal manufacturing generally, besides many railroad men. It is a stronghold not only of the Com- munist Party but of the revolution- ary trade unions of the C. G. T. U., affiliated with the Red Interna- tioanl of Labor Unions, to which our own Trade Union Unity League belongs. In the center of the city, side by side, are two relics—an ancient cathedral dating from feudal days, and a city hall belonging to the rising days of capitalism. One day capitalism will be smashed not only in St. Denis but thruout France, and a Palace of Labor will St. Denis. Sache palit Foe the City Hall does not yet belong to the workers. Besides ces it must house state and national Officials over whom the workers have no control. And on demon- station days such as May Ist and August 1, the capitalist class shows its power. Its |police, controlled not by the city but by the Depart- ment de la Seine (corresponding to an American state or county), display, as much as to say to the workers: “You may have forced your way inside, but outside the bosses are still in power.” But that is not to say that elec- tion victories do not count if they reflect the organized advance of an increasingly militant working class. ‘The notice boards around the City-Hall were -plastered with an- Probably rise in the heart of Red a Communist mayor and city offi- | surround the Town Hall with armed * (Special Correspondent to the Daily|| How Doriot, Communist Mayor, Leads the Struggle of the Unemployed Reveals Why U. S. Workers Should Elect Communists and Vote “Red” Nov. 8 nouncements of workers’ meetings when your correspondent visited St. Denis—meetings under thé aus- pices of the Communist Party, the red trade unions, the French LL.D. and W.LR. and similar organiza- tions. Still visible were the re- mains of a notice about Mrs. Ada Wright, mother of two of the Scottsboro boys, and J, Louis Eng- dahl, secretary of the American I. L. D. For Red St. Denis took the Scottsboro mother to its heart in grand style, She was greeted by the workers and their mayor at the City Hall and spoke to a packed meeting in the city’s public audi- torium. DORIOT, COMMUNIST MAYOR The name of Jacques Doriot, the Communist mayor appeared not only on many notices of city busi- ness but also as the main speaker at various workers’ mass meetings. I was particularly interested to no- tice that he would speak at @ meet- ing organized jointly by the Red ‘Trade Unions of the city to fight the system of docking workers’ ‘wages on various pretexts—a wage- cutting scheme which is being widely introduced in French fac- tories at the present tima, Doriot’s name appeared with those of the union leaders in a vigorous denoun- ciation of the leading employers of St. Denis in this connection, eh jes ae JECALLING how demagogic Am- erican politicians will not mind talking “radical” about. exploiters who are far away, but will carefully toe the line when it comes to the exploiters who control the cities or states where they run for election, I commented on this notice to some workers standing nearby. They seemed surprised at my comment. “But naturally he has to lead the fight against the employers of St. Denis,” one of them said. “That's what we made him mayor for. The Communist Party ‘would Kiel, him out if he showed them any. favor like Socialist mayors do.” DORIOT IS AWAY “ON BUSINESS” Jacques Doriot, the Communist _ mayor of Saint Denis, was away on important business, I was told when I called at the City Hall. He was, in fact, consulting with his bosses, like most mayors do. But very different bosses from those to besa capitalist mayors bow. the nee: ‘ ne * Doriot was not in conference with the Chamber of Commerce, with any of the local employers or bankers, nor even with the French equivalent of the Rotarians or Ki- wantans. A Communist mayor can- not maintain any of the personal contacts with such elements that our American “Socialist” mayors rejoice in, Not that attempts are not made to corrupt even Commu- nist mayors. The boss will go to the devil himself if it means more profits. But he can’t get beyond the first “How d’y do” with a mayor who is subject to the iron discipline of the Communist Party. EAN ae Wen TI asked where I might find the mayor, I was told that he was reporting to a meeting of the unemployed at the Theatre Municipal Public Auditorium). There I found the hall packed to the doors with thousands of un- employed. Leaders of the Unem- ployed Council and of the red trade unions were on the platform, Jacques Doriot, the speaking. He reported not only as mayor of St. Denis but as a mem- ber of the Chamber of Deputies, for the French workers have a doz- en Communist representatives in the body which corresponds to Congress in the United States. THE FIGHT FOR RELIEF Doriot Inked up the local prob- lems of the unemployed with the national campaign of the Commu- nist Party and the Unemployed Councils for jobless relief. He went into the greatest detail about the relief work in St. Denis, showing what was being done to get the largest possible amount of unem- ployment insurance for the great- est possible number. (In France there is a law that grants a mis- erably inadequate amount to a strictly limited number of jobless.) He reported the efforts to make things more convenient for the nists locally and nationally to get fight being made by the Commu- some degree of satisfaction for the many grievances of the unem- ployed. . 8 UT at no time did our Commu- nist mayor attempt to “kid” the workers with the “Socialist” dema- gogy that by voting any particular way and leavng things up to the “good” men elected they can really better their conditions. On the contrary, he told them that only through struggle and by their own organized power and militancy can the workers wring any concessions from the ruling class—and that only so can they gain the increased strength and confidence necessary for the final overthrow of capital- ism. NO JIMMY WALKER WISE-CRACKS It was remarkable to see the close interest and approval of those rows. upon rows of poorly-clad, _ toil-worn unemployed. They had not come to listen to the wisecracks of any Jimmy Walker, trying to turn away their attention from the toot of their troubies; they had not come to listen to the promises of some windy demagogue, offer- ing to do all sorts of ‘things-“for them” if they would only let him nose in at the public trough. They had come to listen to a trusted working class leader who was tell- ing them what they could do for - themselves, to a leader who was fighting with » consulting with them, not hiding’ the difficul- ties but heartening them in the struggle against them. There seem- ed to be a unanimity of feeling between speaker and audience such as I had never expected to see at an open meeting of unem- ployed addresseq by a mayor. . 8 8 BOUT twelve of the suburbs of Paris have Communist mayors and there are some 100 such towns throughout France. The Commu- nist administrations prevent evic- tions of the jobless. They fight in season and out of season for the maximum relief. They co-operate with the Unemployed Councils in the provision of free meals. They build decent apartments for the workers wherever they can and open up parks for the children. This year at Ivry, a Paris suburb of 50,000 with a Communist mayor, two months vacations at the sea- shore have been organized for 500 workers’ . children; than Communist cities in Franee, but’ there is little to distingufth a Socialist Party mayor from any other capitalist mayor. He wines and dines with the bosses like our American Socialist mayors. He promises to do things “for” the un- employed but fights them like any other capitalist bureaucrat when they try to do anything for them- selves; whereas the Communist mayor not only urges the workers to fight for themselves but him- self leads their struggles. A VITAL DISTINCTION Tit is true that some Socialist mayors (for that matter, mayors of other capitalist® parties) engage in some projects that at first sight seem similar to those undertaken by Communist mayors. But there is this vital distinction. The Socialist Mayor makes only those conces- sions to the unemployed that they can force from him by organized struggle, and a soup kitchen, for instance, that he may start will be administered from above. A Com~ munist mayor, on the other hand, works out the problem with the unemployed themselves, as I saw Doriot doing, and the projects un- dertaken are jointly administered by the Unemployed Council and the city. The power of Communist mayors is strictly limited by capitalist law, however. In the first place, the po- lice power is completely out of their hands in any of the larger cities; only in the quite small towns does the mayor control the police. Then the Communist ad- ministration has to meet the op- position of the capitalist state in everything it undertakes. For building projects, for instance, or unemployment relief, where funds are supposed to be supplied jointly - by city and state, the higher au- thorities are always finding ex- cuses for denying funds to Com- munist Cities. In Ivry they even re- fuse to build a needed subway ex- tension so long as a Communist administration is in office. * UT Communism thrives on meeting and overcoming capi- talist opposition, and the fighting leadership of Communist mayors and workers’ organizations with which they co-operate wins. many benefits for the workers, And per- haps the greatest benefit of all is the ificreased confidence in its historic destiny which the working class gains through each well- fought struggle with the capitalist class, whatever the field of battle: Olgin Article on USSR Education Taken from “Soviet Russia Today” The article, “Education — Soviet Style,” by Moissaye J. Olgin, print- ed in the Daily Worker of August 27, was reprinted from the Sep- tember issue of. “Soviet Russia To- day.” The credit line was omitted by mistake. The September issue of, the magazine also included articles Blackguards and War Mongers, by A. A. Heller, book reviews and 40 photographs, ‘The struggle against militarism must not be postponed until the moment when war breaks out. Then it will be too late. The struggle against war must be car- fied on now, daily, hourly.” “THE STRIKE” STORY OF DREDGING FLEET STRUGGLE—1905 By PETER NIKIFOROV SYNOPSIS The author, Nikforov, a Bolshevik, tells how he got a job on the dredging fleet at Kerch Straits, He forms a smalt circle of young workers which gathers recruits, and which begins to win over the older workers by carrying through a campaign for a nine-hour day and by staging a successful May Day strike. and a list of demands are drawn up for the next strike. A strike committee is formed, These de- mands include a 30-40 per cent wage raise, and recognition of a workers committee, A delegation is chosen to present these demands, INSTALLMENT SIX On the evening of May 4, on fin- ishing work, each member of the crews of the ships was handed a copy.of the demands which the delegation had announced to the port administration. On handing the demands to the Superintendent of.the Port, the delegation declared that “tomor- row at 12 o'clock an answer must be given; if these demands are not fulfilled, the workers will leave their work.” The Port Superinten- dent went up in the air: “How can this be...without any warning... and you know that foreign ships will arrive in the Straits within a week, and we are holding up the dredging. You think they'll thank us in Petersburg....” “That all depends on you,” an- swered the president of the dele- gation. “If you satisfy all our de- mands, the workers will stay on the job and the foreign ships, will not be heid up in the Straits.” The delegation took leave of the Superintendent and went away. That night there was a meeting of all the workers, at which I pointeq out the difficulties that must be overcome in the struggle. I told them that concessions were possible on the part of the admin - istration, but that they would try afterwards to clear out those work- ers who had taken an active part in the affair, and that therefore we must at all events try to get the workers’ committee. Several of the older men declared: “It was hard to get us out on a thing like this, but now we're out, we must hold tight; you worked hard with us to get us to move;..we've shortened our working day, and we'll get some more improvements....” Next morning the ship's eom- mander summoned me to his cabin and said: “By order of the Port Superintendent I have to dismiss you; take your pay.” I said I would not be paid off until I was told of the grounds for my dismis- sal. It was. quite clear that the ad- ministration considered me to be the organizer of the whole business and had decided to get rid of me quickly and try to smash the strike that was coming to a head. The commander declared that he would report my refusal to be paid off to the Port Superintendent. ‘The “revelation” made by the Su- perintendent that foreign ships would soon arrive in the Straits, I decided to use to the utmost: On arriving in the Straits, the foreign- ers would doubtless demand to be allowed to pass through the Straits, *| or to be compensated for the loss caused by delay. And many ships were expected, because the wheat export season had begun for Ros- tov. PLANS OF STRIKE COMMITTEE T explained all this to the Strike Committee and the members of the delegation, and we decided to draw the attention of the workers to the pressure that mighs be brought be- cause of the foreigners. In’ further negotiations with the administra- tion, the delegation decided to use this circumstance to the full. Just before 12 o'clock Engineer Buiko, sent by the Port Superin- tendent, came on board the “Shum- sky” and declared that the Super- intendent would examine the “peti- tion” and satisfy all acceptable de- mands; the workers were ordered to resume work, The wrokers, grouped around the engineers, burst out all together: “Tell ‘him to come across with everything written down in the de- mands—we want no promises; we don’t believe words, tell him to sign stop work, there’s nothing there worth listening to; let him talk with the delegates.” Quickly the white chalking ap- peared again on the funnels and decks, the “Shumsky” siren sound- ed and was answered by the siren on ail other boats. At 12 o'clock on May 5 all the workers on the entire fleet, with the exception of all ad- ministrative personnel and the boatswains, left their work. Buiko, aghast at the reply of the workers and the turn affairs had taken, ‘understood nothing of i his presence a word of any sort of dissatisfaction @nd he had always considered them tame and obedient. He aimlessly wrung his hands and muttered hoarsely: “What's up, what's the matter?” Wes, ce I WAS standing not far from the engineer and also watching, only with extreme, joy, how the workers swarmed in little groups over the gang-planks from the boats, and streamed off from the short down the side-streets; I had not expect- ed such a solid turnout. “The first victory, Mr. Buiko, is ours. Report this to the Port Su- perintendent.” Buiko swung round abruptly to- wards me and glared into my eyes: “And who are you?” “That's a fitter, Malakanov,” hurriedly answered the captain. “Malakanov? Why hasn't he been dismissed?” “He refused to be paid off, and demands to know the legal grounds.” “Dismiss him immediately... .” “There’s plenty of time, Mr. Buiko; we'll settle accounts after the strike. And meanwhile, here's your very, good health, sir!” I raised my dirty old cap, bowed slightly to him, nad we went off in_a crowd to the short . I was walking as if on air. Iwas filled with the joy of victory, and yet with alanm for the qutcome of the strike. BEFORE THE SUPERINTENDENT Two days later the delegation presented itself before the Port Su- perintendent and asked what he had to say to their demands. The Chief himself did not come out, but Engineer Buiko appeared, and declared that the Port Superin< tendent considered it unnecsesary to answer such impertinent de- mands. We went away. The next day we heard from the telegraph operator, a friend of Andrew's, that a telegram had been received from the Ministry of Commerce and In- dustry asking why work had been discontinued and saying that the work of dredging the Straits should be resumed immediately, On the fifth day of the strike we were in- formed that the Superintendent was inviting delegates from the workers to see him. We thought out the matter together and decided to send one of our delegates to find out why the Superintendent was inviting us. Our envoy returned and reported that he wanted to talk over our demands. Se , went to see him, and he said that he was prepared to satisfy half. our demands, but the other half had to be considered further. I answered him at once: “Cone sider the matter further, and we'll_ go on waiting a bit longer.” Flush- ing with embarrassment the Sue perintendent quietly asked the name of my ship and my own name. I said my name was Mala- kanov; the Superintendent jumped up from the table and shouted: “You have been dismissed and I have no wish to talk to you.” But the rest of the delegates declared that Malakanov had not been paid off, and moreover had been chosen as delegate by all the workers on the fleet, and that if the Super- intendent refused to negotiate with him, then the negotiations would be broken off altogether. Buiko, standing at his elbow, burst out: “The yids have brought them all over.” His attitude so infuriated me that I hurled myself at him with clenched fists; he jumped in fright over the table and hid be- ind the Superintendent. I seized ‘the paperweight and almost let it fly at the coward. The Superin- tendent lost his nerve; he raised both his arms and waved them about, gabbing: “Gentlemen, gen- basco calm yourselves... let us 1 en ‘ The vile appearance of the in- timidated engineer and the com- ical sight of the Superintendent colled me down, and I dropped my arm with the paperweight. After this scene, the Superintendent dropped the question Shin pees to be a’ delegate; we were seat :