The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 2, 1932, Page 4

OREM ES eet Llase buur == a = = ee nearer eects Daily, Worker Central ae Porty US.A. Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALzonquin 4-7956. Cable “QATWORK.” Address and mail checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E, 13th St, New York, N. Ys SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, $1; excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, six months, $4.50. b —S—= The Story of a Great Strike di strike of the Belgian miners, which is now in its sec- ond month, continues unabated. More than 200,000 miners are heroically participating in this gigantic fight against the bosses’ wage cutting offensive, defying the un- lented terror of the government’s gendarmes (police), ost treacherous strike-breaking drive of the st leaders Vanderveld Marten, Delattre, Pierad and prece eating the A complete division of labor between the police and reformist misleaders was established since the first days strike. While the guns of the gendarmes were active in the strike fields, spreading terror an dtrying to force the militant Belgian miners into submission, Vandervelde, Delat- tre and other social-fascist traitors (socialist in their dem- agogical speeches and fascist in their every day deeds), went into the strike districts to preach “peace” and to promise that victory would be secured for the strikers by the capi- talist parliament. * * * vation policy pursued by the bosses and their govern- t. They compelled them to leave the mining districts under the protection of the gendarmes, who, enraged by the impotency of the reformist leaders intensified their’ terror. As a result, workers were killed in Charleroi and other min- ing centers. Many were wounded. Soldiers were commanded to fire on the strikers, but they refused. The strikers who had barricaded themselves greeted their class brothers in uniform and fraternized with them. | Rate workers turned down these messengers of the star- me At this point the social-reformist leaders once more tried to fool the workers with demagogic speeches. “We are on the side of the strikers,” they said, “against the industrial- ists, the bankers, the agitators.” They went to Parliament ‘and endeavored to put through the most cynical betrayal of the strikers. Against the vote of the Communist deputy they “assured satisfaction to the strikers” and announced that an agreem has been reached with the bosses whereby all the strike comands were attained. They spoke of “victory” for the miners. The Belgian strikers discovered that the agreement pro- vided, not for the withdrawal of the wage-cut, but only for its postponement. They threw this false “victory” into the faces of the reformist leaders an extended their fight into a general strike. * * * fh defeat the miners the government ordered a veritable drive on the strikers which was carried out with the help of so-called “workers’ militiamen” organized by the reform- ist leaders. The bosses and their agents were well aware of the tremendous significance of the strike. They still are. They well know that this strike, although it did not at- tain all the demands, it already brought a significant poli- tical victory to the workers. It dealt a decisive blow to the theory of “the impossibility of stikes during a crisis” and to the policy of social-peace” advocated by the social-reform- ists in order to keep the workers from fighting. These theories were against the workers and the strike of the Belgian miners revealed them as such. Their defeat is a victory for the workers, a victory for the Communist Party whose militant policy is thus vindicated. * * * hae bosses and their agents are therefore more deter- mined than ever to break the strike of the Belgian miners. The reformist leaders are reducing the strike benefits in an attempt to starve the strikers. The bosses and their lackeys want to defeat the miners in order to attack more successfully the other workers. And not only the Belgian bosses, but the coal barons of the whole world including those of the United States are sending “scab coal’ to strangle the strike and satisfy their own greed for profit. Today the Belgian miners need the active solidarity of the miners and workers of the world. They won their right to this active solidarity in two months of bloody and heroical fight against the starvation policy of the bosses. The workers of the United States must aid the Belgian miners by collecting, funds and forwarding them to the strikers in Belgium. * * * * {ia miners of the United States must show their solidarity with their Belgian brothers by raising,“together with the transport and marine workers, the slogan: Not one ‘on of coal to Belgium! The miners of the United States are themselves fighting to the wage-cutting offensive of the capitalists. The devel- opment of the strike movement will be the highest expres- sion of class soldiarity with the Belgian workers. Miners and other workers of the United States! Show your practical solidarity with the Belgian strikers! A Correction Because a line was omitted in the) Socialist Party the post of a Vice- pee gle ariag Bae wAWrhe end | Chancellor, to be combined with the paragraph ‘ y Hit- Is Not in the German Cabinet,” functions of the Reich Commissioner published yesterday, a misleading | for Prussia; further, the Reich Min- impression was created. As published | istry for Home Affairs and a few it read as follows: other ministerial positions. Hitler, demanded the ‘definite “Hindenburg, Schleicher, and Pa-| however, pen were ready to give the National Socialist Party the post of a vice- chancellor, to be combined with the tunctions of the Reich Commissioner of Prussia; further, the Reich Min- istry for Home Affairs and the ‘defi- nite leadership’ of the government, ete.” This'should have read: leadership’ of the Government, the Position of Reichs Chancellor, and besides this the most important of the other ministries and for himself, in his own words, ‘the same position as that of Mussolini after the march on Rome,’ the whole governmental power, especially _ plenipotentiary powers for any desired dictatorial al- terations in the constitution, and the giving of , mili WwW YORK, FRIDAY, SUPTSMBER 2, 1932 | “You’re Not Going Through!” sl By BURCK —MiLo RENO eresnpenr: |i NAT'L FARMERS, HOLIDAY’ (Gorky and other members of the Soviet Delegation to the World Anti-War Congress, which has just ended in Amsterdam were refused | permission to enter Holland by the government. The following extract from “To American Intellectuals,” just published by International Pamphlets, 799 Broadway, . gives Gorky’s position on imperialist war.—Ed.) Aeris . By MAXIM GORKY IN EUROPE the entire bourgeoisie is living in an atmosphere of | mutual hatred. The plundered Germans hate France, which, suffo- cating from a plethoric surfeit of gold, in turn hates the English, just as. Italians hate the French; while the whole bourgeoisie is filled with unanimous hatred against the Soviet Union. Three hundred mil- lion Indians live in hatred of the English lords and_ shopkeepers; 450,000,000 Chinese hate not only the Japanese but also all Euro- peans, who, being accustomed to plundering China, are also ready to hate Japan, because it considers the right to plunder China as its own exclusive right. What Next War Will Do This all-enveloping cloud of hatred growing denser. The hatred is becoming more virulent. It is festering in the bourgeois or- ganism like some noxious abscess which, of course, will eventually burst, so that the best and purest blood of the peoples of the whole globe may once again be poured out in streams. The next war will destroy not only millions of brave men, but a tremendous quantity of valuables and of the raw materials from which these valuables are made, and all this will result in the impoverishment of mankind in health, in metals and in fuel. It goes without saying that the war will not obliterate the hatred | between the various national groups | of the bourgeoisie. ‘You intellec- | tuals think yourselves “capable of serving the common culture of mankind” and “obliged to prevent it from declining into barbarity.” This is all very well. But first ask | yourselves this simple question: What can you do today or tomor- row to protect this culture, which, by the way, has never been the “common culture of mankind” and can never be such while there are national-capitalist state organiza- tions which have absolutely no re~ sponsibility to the toiling people, and which stir up the nations against each other? Saraes ND \then, you must ask your- selves,, what can you oppose to the facts of unemployment, the ex- haustion of the working class from starvation, the growth of child prostitution—things that destroy culture? Are you aware that the exhaustion of the masses means the exhaustion of the soil on which culture is grown? You are certain- ly aware that the so-called “cul- tural stratum” was produced by the masses. You should know it very well, for the Americans are in the habit of boasting that in the United States of American newspaper boys have risen to the post of President, “I mention this only because I want to point out the cleverness of your boys, and not the talents of your presidents. Of these talents I know nothing.” Question To Bear in Mind There is also another question which you ought to bear in mind: Do you think it possible to make 450,000,000 Chinese the slaves of European and American capital at a time when 300,000,000 Indians are already beginning to understand that the gods have not foredoomed them to play the part of slaves to the English? Please consider several tens of thousands of plunderers and adventurers want to live for- “Common Culture of Mankind Impossible So Long As Capitalism Exists” normal state of things? It has been so and it still is so, but have you the courage to: assert that things should go on as they are at present? Plagues used to be an almost normal occurrence in the Middle Ages, but plagues are almost extinct new. Its role on our planet has been taken up by the bourgeoisie, which poisons the whole colored world, inoculating it with the profound- ‘est. hatred and contempt for the whole white race. Has it not oc- curred to you, defenders of culture, that capitalism is provoking race wars? You reproach me with “preach- ing hatred” and advise me to “Free Tom Mooney” Run That Thrilled the World Four Workers Startle 100,000 Spectators in Race Around Track (By a Worker Correspondent) c was the final day of the Olym- pic Games. The last event had apparently been concluded- Every- thing had been running smoothly. In the huge stadium at Exposition Park atheltes from all over the world — agents of imperialism whooping it up for their respective countries, like missionaries and marines—for weeks had been leaping hurdles, throwing the shot, pole- vaulting, marathoning—ballyhooing for the bosses. Los Angeles, where the Olympics were held, is a city whose Cham- | ber of Commerce brags about living in the “white” spot on the map. They subsidize the notoriou Red Squad, whose headquarters is in the Chamber of Commerce Build- ing, and who try—unsucessfully— to keep the city “white.” See iP pcdeneee the period of the Olym- pics the Red Squad, as usual, had been raiding homes of mili- tant workers, beating them up, smashing meetings, framing up workers in court before subsidized judges and anti-labor juries. The Red Squad, scattered around the Stadium, were doubtless jubiliant that not a single anti-Olympic demonstration had taken place to disturb the parade of imperialist athletes. Of course, there had beefi a great Counter-Olympic demonstration in Chicago; the Workers Interna- tional Athletic Meet, organized to boycott the Olympics. But this event had received little publicity in Los Angeles and in California; the boss-kept press saw to that. SHADOW OF WALL STREET On Sunday, August 14th the last day of the Olympics, Gov. James Rolph, Jr. of California, Tom Mooney’s jailer, sat in the judge’s stand. The sinster shadow of Wall Street hovered over the stadium: Herbert Hoover was honoary chair- man. Logically enough, Thomas Mooney had been honorary chair- man of the Counter-Olympics. On this day, Hoover was probably fish- ing at Rapidan. Tom Mooney was peeling potatoes and onions at San Quentin. The sun was beginning to set over Exposition Park, esi. | hte sailed there was a stir. Four boys and girls who had been sitting quietly in the front row of -the grand stand near the entrance, jumped to their feet, doffed their outer clothing, leaped over their railing onto the track. Underneath their street clothes they had been wearing athletic suits. On the front and back of their shirts blazed in crimson letters the words “Free ‘Tom Mooney.” Shouting “Free Tom Mooney” they started their heroic dash around the track, One hundred thousand spectators, ‘policemen, plainclothesmen, Le- gionaires and stool-pigeons were ver in and, quiet on the labor ? of a lion warkere 15 ip} held spellbound. For sheer ¢ ge had never been surpassed: The broken records and spectacular con- tests of the Olympics paled into insignificance, ENCIRCLE ENTIRE TRACK The officers and ushers seemed amazed into a state of paralysis. The heroic young Communists con- tinued merrily around the track shouting their slogan: “Free Tom Mooney.” From the same spot where the runners had started, two young men—members of the same group— conjured out a 10-foot banner with large red leters painted on both sides “Free Tom Mooney.” Holding this banner before the gaze of the huge throng, they started walking deliberately down the track after the runners. They stopped in front of the judge’s stand. “Sunny Jim” Rolph lost his smile.. Some of his Satellites recovered their bearings long enough to leap savagely upon the sign and tear it into shreds. Throughout the grandstand leaf- jets by the thousands were being hurled in all directions. Count- Jess hands grabbed for them. “Free ‘Tom Mooney.” good out in, bold faced type. No one seemed to know who threw the leaflets. In the meantime the runners were moving ahead. As they passed the bandstand, the band, for want of. something else to do, played the “Star Spangled Banner.” Possibly some genius thought the youngsters would stop to salute the flag. But. they stept right on going, ‘They completed the circuit of the track and went back to their seats for their clothes. By this time, the high powered minds in the police department concluded that some- thing had happened. An army of. heroic policemen, armed to the teeth, surrounded the half-dozen young Communists, who were cap- tured without a shot being fired, and taken away handcuffed. Mooney sympathizers cheered. Le- gionaires and other fascists booed. Governor Rolph left the Stadium, herded by more than 25 policemen, The demonstrators after being charged with “suspicion of criminal syndicalism” later had the com- plaint changed to a double one Disturbing the peace and disturbing a public meeting.” No doubt the Governor's peace was disturbed. He left that spot pale and trembl- ing. The Mooney case haunts him like Banquo's ghost. There was a Mooney demonstration at the Goy-. ernor’s convention. at Richmond, Virgina; at the Republican Con- vention in Chicago; now this one, And this will not be the last. ee ape T= young comrades who put on this spectacular demonstration represented the Unemploye cil, the International Labor Defense and the Counter-Olympic Commit- tee. While they were running, 300 | “propagate love.” Coun- . War and the Intellectuals Tt would seem that you think me capable of preaching to the workers: Love the capitalists, for they are devouring your kith and kin; love them te- cause they are wantonly destroying the treasures of your earth; love the men who waste your iron for the construction of guns to anni- hilate you; love the rascals at whose will your childrern are starving to death; love those who destroy you for the sake of their own peace and satiety; love the capitalists, for their church is holding you down in obscurity and ignorance. . neh Soe OMETHING of this kind is preached by the gospels and, recollecting this, you speak of Christianity es a “lever of culture.” You are a little belated in arguing thus. Honest people Jong ago stopped speaking of the cultural influence of the “teaching of love and meekness.” It is a little out of Place, indeed quite impossible to speal§ of this influence in our day, when the christian bourgeoisie at home and in the colonies preaches meekness and, forces the slaves to love it by means of “fire and sword’”—means which it is apply- ing more vigorously than ever, for as you are well aware, in our day the sword has been replpaced by the bomb and the machine-gun, and even by the “voice of God from heaven.” One of the Paris papers writes: “In their war with the Afridi the English have hit upon a new method which has given them a tremendous advantage. A groap of insurgents was hiding in some fastness in the midst of inacces- sible mountains. Suddenly a large airplane appeared above them at a great height, The Afridi seized their rifles. But the airplane did not drop any bombs. It dropped» words, instead. A voice from heaven, persuading the insurgents in their native tongue to throw down the arms and to stop their senseless contest with the British Empire. And in many cases the insurgents, shaken by tlil@ voice from heaven, did indeed stop their struggle.” Thus a simple way was found | to prove the existence of God, and to utilize “His voice” for the enslave- ment of simple savages. No, to preach to the poor that they should love the rich, and to the employee that he should love his employer, is no business of mine. I have no gift for consolation. I have known too long and too well that the whole world is living in an atmosphere of hatred, and I can see that this atmosphere is daily growing darker, and therefore more salutary, “TWO FORMS » OF HATRED” You, “humanitarians who want to be practical’ men.” should have understood Iong ago that there are two forms of hatred at work in the world. One form has sprung up among the plunderers because of. |their competition with each other, and because of their appre- hensions for the future, which threatens them with inevitable ruin. The other is the hatred of the pro- letariat, which originates in its dis- gust with things as they are, and which is daily becoming more clearly defined because the prole- tariat realizes that it has the right to power. Nothing and nobody can reconcile these two hatreds, so strong have they now grown— nothing and nobody save’the inev- itable clash physical clash of the representatives of these two classes. Nothing save the victory of the le . to, e SYNOPSIS The author, Nikforov, a Bolshevik, tells how he got a job on the fleet at Kerch Straits as assistant to Bespaloy, an old sailor employed Nikiforov. decides the young workers to repair the piping on the ship. “THE STRIKE” STORY OF DREDGING FLEET STRUGGLE—1905 By PETER NIKIFOROV are the best element for him to start on. He makes friends with Bespalov’s son, Andrew, and soon has a small cirele of young workers who discuss economics and politics. A young workers’ committee is formed, gathers recruits and forces the ships to grant a nine-hour day. They decide to agitate for a May Day strike. er ee INSTALLMENT NO. 5 The boys did their work ener- getically but not very coutiously, and their agitation alarmed the ad- ministration, which, under the pre- sidency of the Port Superintendent, called a meeting to discuss the decided to persuade a section of the workers not to leave their work, and the same time to inform the Chief of Police of the turn affairs had taken. On the eve of May Day the Kerch organization distrib- uted leaflets on all the ships, as well as the trade-union’s manifesto, which I had printed on the hecto- graph. It was decided not to hold meetings in the evening, but to hold them in the morning as soon as work began. On the morning of May First all the workers turned up at work; some began to work, but the trade-union members calm- ly smoked on deck, At 9 o'clock the siren sounded on the “Victor Shumsky,” followed by sirens on the other ships. The administra- tion fled in alarm, and the work- ers, with cries of “To the meeting! To the meeting!” began to land. Those who tried to remain at work were dragged away and driven to the shore. A meeting was in pro- gress on the shore. I and several other workers made short speeches, and then resolved to go and call out the men in the artisans’ work- shops, from the flour-mills, and also the dockers. The whole mass divided into groups and went to the place indicated. I set out with a dozen men for the flour-mills. The workers from one of the mills quickly joined us, but at another we had to call a meeting. Seer ars ‘HE meeting took place on the top floor of the mill. While it was on, a@ patrol of gendarmes and police surrounded the mill. The policemen would haye rushed up- stairs, but the workers began to throw sacks of flour at them; sev- eral policemen were thrown from the stairway, and they retreated to wait below till the meeting fin- ished. After the meeting the flour- mill workers decided to stop work, and at the same time they pre- sented demands for increased wages. Work was carried on at the mill in two shifts of twelve hours each. At the mill I was accompained by @ sailor, Michael, who had de- serted from the cruiser “Ochakoy,” a fine healtlay youngster. He de- cided to accompany me through the mill. When we went downstairs, we were immediately arrested and taken to the police station, con- voyed by the military patrol. We were interrogated by inspect- or Gvozdev of Station No, 2 After not to leave the town until I had fulfilled my task. «ee je May Day strike had gone off extremely well; detachments of the young workers had spread throughout the town and called the handicraft artisans, cabinet- makers, boatmen, sailmakers and others to stop work; they had brought out the women from the tobacco factory “Misaxudi”. The machine shops went on strike in organized fashion. Many of the young workers got off harder than we; fifteen of them were taken off to Station No. 1, to Inspector Golbach, who gave them a strict examination and day only thanks to the order of th Chief of Police. , In the night a big mass meeting was held on the cliffs farthest from the town: Over a thousand gathered there. More than half the woskers of the dredging fleet were there; there were many of the old- er workers, and the dockers turned out well. POLICE DISCOVER most likely released them the next | | MEETING PLACE The police discovered the meet- ing place and decided to disperse the crowd. A detachment of police ‘headed by Inspector Golbach moy- ed towards the cliffs. Our body- guard and some of the armed sail- ors were skillfully placed in a ring around the mass meeting. The po- lice advanced from three sides; they passed the first outposts of our guard, hidden among the rocks, and as soon as they approached the chain of hidden guards, the latter opened rapid fire from their revolvers, The police, at @ loss in the darkness, scattered in a panic, The guards with shouts of hur- rah! sprang out of ambush and in- creased their panic “by shooting. ‘The police in their flight fell into the arms of the secret outposts, who also opened fire on them. A few policemen were disarmed; one of the inspector's assistants lost his revolver and sword, the latter be- ing broken on the spot. The police were routed entirely and the mass meeting went on exceedingly well. O78) |. AT the close of the meeting we decided to enter the town en masse. The guard went off by paths of its own, and like a heavy cloud we moved down the hill along the broad Vorontsev Pro= spect. The police were waiting for us, Meaning to attack; but seeing the enormous crowd of people they changed their minds and in silent wonder watched the noisy flood of people passing by. The timidity of They Present Their Demands a a few questions, the Inspector gave orders for Michael's discharge and for me to put into a cell. In the evening I was again summoned to the inspector, who invited me to sit down and ordered tea to be brought in, “Well, Malakanov, you are a member of the Social-Democratic Party, aren’t you?” I looked at Gvozdev and made ro reply. “We have nothing to the Social- Democrats, because they don’t preach the murder of officials, and limit themselves te propaganda. . . . I listened to the pompous phrases of the Inspector and continued to remain silent, waiting for him to begin talking in his usual police language. “I repeat, we would have nothing against you, if you would only not disturb the peaceful life of our town. ... We consider your be- haviour today to be a violation of ‘the public peace; the removal of the workers from the flour-mills, forced stoppage of the workshops in the town —all this makes it necessary for us to pay attention to you.” ORDERED TO LEAVE Here the Inspector took up a sheet of paper and went on: “I have received instructions from the Chief of Police to advise you to leave town within the next twenty- four hours.” “I won’t go,” I replied shortly. “We strongly advise you to go.” “I am working here, and for tha’ reason will not leave the town.” “That-is no business of mine,” answered the Inspector irritably. “If you refuse to leave town, we'll make you; I think the Chief of Police is very lenient with you.” He gave me the order to sign and let me off with the words: “I advise you to submit to the or- der of the Chief of Police.” The Inspector did not invite me to drink any tea, although two the police was not so much due to the numerical strength of the crowd, as to the fact that they were almost all workers, with whom it was dangerous to fight. The May Day movement was @ great success, and the Kerch ore ganization was very proud of/it. The next day the board of tha trade-union met to hear the report on preparations for the strike, \ The board presented a list of the | members of the Strike Committee, and a list of delegates who were to be legal leaders of the strike, to hand the demands to the ad- ministration and in the name of the Strike Committee to carry on all the negotiations with the ade ministration. The Strike Commit- tee decided to keep the names of its members secret even from the workers, only the trade-union. board was to know its composition. The political demands were the “right to celebrate May Day” and “the eight-hour working day.” There was considerable ai VJ as to whether they should put for ward the demand for the constitu- ent assembly, and the décision was made to put forward as few un- fulfillable slogans as possible for the beginning. Both the First of May and the eight-hour day w points of political principle. Wi considered these two sufficent f the beginning and put forward following economic demands; the creation of a workers’ committee, with the right to control the dis- missal of workers, and an increase in wages of from 30 to 40 per cent. ‘The most stubborn and stalwart the older workers were chosen make up the delegation in case the delegates had need of support dur- ing the negotiations. A special guard of young workers was forme ed to watch the police and gen- darmerie, and to keep in touch with the garrison. Michael was placed at their head and instruct- ed to keep the headstrong yout world ihe caileas baie arte proletariat, will : ’[.glasses. were standing on his destk. ' Well in hand: eee res \ ee