The Daily Worker Newspaper, September 1, 1932, Page 4

Page Four Dar LY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1932 Dail Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., 48th St., New York City, } Address and mail checks Yorker’ Porty US.A. Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 58 E, Telephone ALgonquin 4-796. Cable “DAIWORK.” the Daily Worker, 50 E, 18th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3; two months, 81; excepting Borough of Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. Foreign: one year, 68; six months. $4.50. The American Legion and the Bonus HE shots fired in Was ing throughout the country. naked hington on Bloody Thursday are echo- Mr. Hoover thought that by dispersing the veterans by force, the question of the bonus would be settled. The government of hunger and war was mistaken. The violence in Washington has stirred up the veterans throughout the country and is the subject of discussion, thought and action by wide settions of the popula- tion. Mass indignation is rising against the Hoover govern- m This was shown by the actions taken by the New York State Convention of the American Legion, in which the name of Hoover was booed throughout the hall. * * + MHE government is frantically seeking to explain away its actions. Each day brings new hypocritical defenses, The latest comes from F. Trubee Davison, Assistant Secretary of War, who told the American Legion on Saturday that Hoover's action was necessary because “the Communists were plotting the overthrow of the government.” This repeats the panicky statement of the chief of staff, General MacArthur, who con- ducted the war against the veterans, that “the country on July 27th was one week before a revolution.” * * 7 ‘HE bonus march was, indeed, objectively a revolutionary movement which was exposing the government as the agent of the capitalist class. It was stirring and organizing the masses, but had not yet reached the.revolutionary heights of which these jingoes speak. It was a fight against the govern- ment for the immediate interests of wide masses of people. It was delivering powerful blows in destroying the democratic illusions in the capitalist government. * * * ommunists in Washington were there to lead and or- ge the movement for the success in the fight for the immediate needs of these distressed masses of veterans seek- ing to bring to it greater consciousness, to weld the ranks of veterans, to secure support throughout the country for r fight and for the fight of all the distressed. This was the immediate task to which the Communist Party bent its energies. It was because the Communists were making this ¢ for the urgent demands of the masses, exposing all those who sabotaged the struggle and penetrating the ranks of the veterans more and more with militancy, and understanding, that they were the subject of violent attacks and slanders throughout the country. * * * HE movement for the bonus has not been suppressed. But new maneuvers are being made to destroy the struggle. The latest is to be seen in the actions of the American Legion in attempting to become the leader of the bonus fight. The American Legion leadership, which stood together with Hoover at its last convention and voted down the resolution for the bonus, is now compelled to trim its sails to the winds blowing among the rank and file. It would be a mistake to believe that those leaders who stood out against the bonus have now become fighters for it. They will only head the movement in order to steer it into harmless channels, to create illusions that if left in their hands, the bonus will be secured. * * * HE bonus can be won only by the development of mass ac- tion, only by the organization of the rank and file under militant leadership, by asserting the utmost mass pressure against the capitalists and their government. To leave ‘it in the hands of the American Legion js to kill the movement. * * * HE convention of the Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League is organizing to carry forward this fight. Not only militant veterans, but all rank and file veterans should give support to this convention to be held in Cleveland September 23. * * * PE DE the American Legion those who stand boldly and de- terminedly for the bonus should organize their ranks in op- position to the leaders and join together with the Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League in one united movement to compel the Hoover government to grant the bonus. * * * BY uniting their forces stronger than ever before, the vet- “ erans can return and compel the government of hunger and terror to grant their demands. Working Class Voters Must See They Do Not Lose Vote By FRANK ROGERS, THE “MILK” OF CAPITALIST KINDNESS By B. STEINEMANN (Berlin) R the present Hitler's direct participation in the German Reich Government has not been accomplished. Hindenburg, Schleicher, and Pa- pen were ready to give the Na- tional Socialist Party the post of a Vice-Chancellor, to be combined with the functions of the Reich Commissioner for Prussia, further the Reich Ministry for Home Affairs and the “definite leadership” of the Government, the position of Reichs Chancellor, and besides this the most important of the other min- istries and for himself, in his own words “the samé position as that of Mussolini after the march on Rome,” the whole governmental power, especially plenipotentiary powers for any desired dictatorial alterations in the constitaution, and the giving of militia status to the Storm Troops. These demands for dictatorial autocracy on the part of the National Socialist Party were rejected by Hindenburg and Scheicher. FAVOR HITLER'S PARTICIPATION The decisive sections of the Ger- man bourgeoisie represented by Schleicher-Hindenburg are in favor of Hitler’s direct participation in the Government, in order that in face of the ever acuter economic catastrophe the utmost stress may be laid on capitalist policy. Cchlei- cher’s idea has been to collaborate with Hitler, but with Hitler co- ordinated, in carrying out the social reactionary emergency orders and dictatorial measures necessary for the maintenance of capitalism. But Hitler and the leading sections of the German bourgeoisie backing him up did not deem it advisable to give the whole power into Hit- ler’s hands, for they fear that the ‘Thousands of working class voters will be disfranchized this year due tor the disastrous effects of the crisis on their living conditions. The crisis has not only broken up the home and deprived millions of workers of an opportunity to make a living, but it hhas- made impossible for thousands to vote in the coming elections. The main reason for disfranchisement is that the workers have no designated Place to call a home. This makes them “undesirable citizens” and they are not recognized by the Board of Elections. A permanent address of residence is necessary or one loses the right to vote. A warning issued to olq voters in the City of Youngstown, Ohio, by the Blection Board is typical and char- acteristic of all American cities. The warning states that unless 10,000 old voters will re-register before Oct. 18 they will not be allowed. to vote in November. ‘The warning includes the following five classes who must Te-register: a) Any citizen not previously reg- istered. b) Any citizen who has changed his residence since last voting. c) Any citizen who failed to vote both in 1930 and 1931, d) Any woman whose name was changed by marriage or divorce or any naturalized mn whose name changed the court. citizens who have received “Dopers and those citi- ing and were not registered, | zens who will have become 21 years old before November 8th. What will effect most of the work- ing class voters is point No. 2. Not only have the workers been forced to move from their old homes to cheaper places but thousands have been driven by forced evictions from their homes. They are today living in flop houses; “Hoover Cities”, and wandering from one place to an- other, thus not having a permanent residence which will be recognized by the election boards. One of the main tasks of our Party at the present stage of the Election | Campaign is to arouse the conscious- jess of the workers to the fact that |they are no longer considered good citizens and voters, because they do | not have incomes and a home. They must register at once with the election boards! Even if the workers must designate a flophouse; a street cor- ner; a “Hoover City”, as their “resi- dent address”. This will enable the workers to vote and pile up a great vote against the bosses’ hunger and wage-cutting political parties and their candidates in the November elections. ‘The filing of the Mahoning County petitions in Youngstown, Ohio, shows just how serious this question is. Out of 1,114 signatures only 471 were rec- ognized and accepted by the Election Board, the main reason being that the workers had moved since last vot- lial reply to this would be the growth of the indignation of the masses to a pitch rendering it difficult to carry out the measures of social retrenchment, whilst the overthrow of the Hitler regime might greatly endanger the whole capitalist sys- tem. ee ce: r= for his part refused to en- tertain the proposal that the National Socialists should accept lesser—though still important— to loose his mass influence by be- ministerial positions, for the fears ing made openly responsible for the measures of social retrench- ment. Could he have the complete leadership of the Government, with unlimited dictatorial authority, the matter would be different. ‘The failure of the negotiations sharpens the class antagonisms, but. at the same time it sharpens the differences among the groups and parties of the bourgeoisie. At the moment it is not possible to for- see the Governmental developments. COURSE IS CLEAR But the course steered by the Schleicher-P apen dictatorship against the working masses is very plainly to be seen. The course is a Hitler course—without Hitler in the government. The “Montag,” issued by Hugenberg, now the clos- est ally of the Papen Govérnment, states that even before the elections the Government had drawn up an “economic . program,” which has “been ‘workerd out almost to the last detail.” This program contains the following items among others: “Relaxation of wage agreement A number of the Monday papers report that the government has drawn up a bill for a law abolishing the franchise for working youth— possibly between the ages of 21 and 23—under the title of “state reform,” The bill includes a pro- posal for a second chamber, a sort of Upper House, in order to render the Reichstag even more of a dum- my than it already is. By BURCK Workers Continue United Front Anti-Fascist Actions Thru Strikes, Demonstrations T THE same time the Govern- ment is ready with fresh meas- ures against the anti-fascist move- ment, On 12th August police ser- ches were carried out on a gigan- tic scale in Berlin, Essen, Konigs- burg, Hannover, Frankfort on the Maine, Breslau, and many other places in Prussia, in the premises of the Communist Party and the revolutionary mass organizations. In many towns outside of Prussia, Hamburg for instance, these searches were carried out by large detachments of police. But neither the caches of arms expected by the authorities or anything else of importance was found. The search- es in the houses of the function- aries too brought no result. There can be no doubt that further and sharper measures must be expected. THE WHITE TERROR RAGES IN MEXICO Soldiers Among Class War Prisoners; Appeal , to U.S. Workers to Fight Repression By J. M- PICK NEW wave of repression has broken out against the revolu- tionary workers and peasants and their organizations, During the last month there has been a geal hunt- ing drive of Communists and Unit- arian (R.LL.U.) workers and peas- ants all over the country. This situation had developed ‘un- der a whole series of strikes, some of them very important not only by the number of workers involved, but also for its political significance, since imperialist capital are owners of these enterprices (American Smelting and Refining Co, (A.S.A, R.C..0.), Mexican South Pacific R. R., La Imperial (Oil), and the Mex- ican Light and Power Co., which controls the tramways in Mexico City). Strikes as that of the A\S.A.RC.O. in Monterrey have been drowned in blood—to break them, declaring be means of all kinds of legal tricks, all strikes illegal through the Ar- bitration Courts; the Minister of Indystry, , Commerce and Labor ae White Terror In Action Mexican Firing Squad Murdering a Revolu- tionary Worker. ‘ has made a statement declaring all strikes “unpatriotic at this time” A great number of strikes have been broken under the fascist Code of Labor. The workers are bound to lose their illusions about the new labor laws as on the bourgeois ar- bitration government courts, Cer use o” IN the country the poor peas- antry is compelled to fight with arms federal soldiers and the land- owners white guards (Morelos, Guanajuato), because they resist to be thrown out from the land taken without any legal forms ac- cording to agrarian reform. The poor peasant guerrillas are being disarmed wherever they refuse to act as rural police for the govern- ment or the landowners; bloody fights have taken place on ac- count of this, just now the federal troops in Chihuahua have killed more than 20 peasant members of these guerrillas. Assaulting and pillage of Trade Union headquarters by soldiers and Policemen have been happening very often these days, (Monterrey, Madero City, San-Bruno, Jalapa, and Mexico City). Before June 24, the method was to arrest the work- ers and peasants and to send them to the state capitals of Mexico City to keep them in jail indefinitely without any trial. Now, after June 24, the method has changed. About 50 workers were sent already to the Islas Marias Penitentiary, (Islands in the Pacific Ocean, far away from the coast), there are imprisoned all over the country a great number of workers and peas- ants, which most probably will go to enlarge the number of those sent already to Islas Marias. According to capitalist press and our own re- Ports, the workers and peasants ar- rested during the last three days are between 40 and 50. Not only the native workers are being ban- ished from their home cities to other Places. Seven or-eight foreign work- ers are to be deported to Europe on July 18 from Vera-Cruz, most of them being from fascist Poland, and similar European _ countries, where they will be put in jail or perhaps assassinated as all revo- lutionary workers. Y Nowrhidag the class war prisoners there are several soldiers—a cor- poral and lieutenant Chapoy were shot without any trial—all of them are charged with being members of the Communist cells and Soldiers Committees in the Army barracks. The assaults and closing down of Trade Union headquarters in Mex- ieo City as well as in other cities, the brutal mass killing of peasants and shooting of soldiers, are send- ing of workers and students to the Islas Marias Penitentiary, where the capitalist regime sends anly the worst criminals, thiefs, etc, the mass arrests im Veracruz, whose gevernor, Tejeda, is the worst de- magogue and the more dangerous for that, of all the Mexican rotten Politicians, are the clearest signs of the situation the yoke of Yankee imperialism. ‘The Mexican masses undoubtedly are turning to the left just as the masses of the exploited everywhere. Its strikes lately, as the A.S.A.R.C.O. strike, are featured by the fact that they began to greak the fascist uprisings among as well-as the Communist success. Why Hitler Is Not in the German Cabinet It is characteristic that the Spe- cial Courts created, so we are told, “against terrorist actions,” have commenced their sessions with the trial of 25 Reichsbanner workers, C. P. G. members and non-party anti-fascists with reference to the conflicts between Nazis and workers. in Ohlan (Silesia) three weeks be- fore the election. But the trial of the Storm Detachment Nazis who brutally murderd the Communist agricultural worker Pietzuch a week ago has been postponed till 17th August, and is to be postponed again for two days. THREATS FAIL The promised seizure of power, which the deceitful promises of the Nazi press have held out as the starting point for the “Third Em- pire” of milk and honey, has once more failed to come pass. “We are sick of hanging about the public houses, and we don’t want to have our bones broken—it is doing not good to anybody”—thus the in- dignant Storm Detachments at the present juncture, Here it is easily comprehensible "why Hitler has given the Storm Detachments “ten days leave of absence.” He wants to give the disappointment time to cool down, The session of the Na- tional Socialist parliament indefi- nitely postponed. Hitler is trying to gain time. Meanwhile the Nazi Party is making fresh efforts with @ new edition of impudently foolish demagogic declarations. . aaa ec A eet DEMOCRACY is trying to lay its hands upon the ever more radical trends in ‘1e working class by assuming “radical” gest- ures, and to pacify the indignation of the social democratic members shown so vividly in tempestuous interjections at the Berlin func- tionaries’ meeting held last week. The Reichstag fraction of the 8. P. Germany, has prepared motions to be submitted to the Reichstag, dish- ing up once more the deceptive slogan of 1919: ‘Socialisation is advancing.” ‘The Communist Party continues its anti-fascist action. Almost daily there are strike movements, though scattered at first, in the factories and factory departments, against the wage cuts and against Nazi terror. and among the policemen, have made a deep impression in the Government higher circles and put. them busily to suppress by brutal terror and murder methods the wakening of the masses and to break the revolutionary — spririt shown during the las few weeks. Pare lias) IS, therefore, the task of the revolutionary working class and peasantry of all countries, to de- monstrate before the Mexican Le- gations and Consulates, and against the Mexican government officials in foreign lands, (General Calles, War Minister of Mexican Cabinet, was not annoyed by the revolu- tionary movement in the United States during his recent staying in Boston Mass., in spite of the fact that this new terror period worst than ever was going on while he was there); it is necessary to start a big campaign in the re- yolutionary press in all countries against the militarist-fascist meth- ods used by the Mexican bourgeoi- sie against the proletariat and poor peasant masses in revolt. The Mexican revolutionary work- ers and peasants appeal to the revolutionary workers of all coun- tries, especially to those of the United States and of the Latin American countries, to agitate, to demonstrate’ against the fascist- militarist white terror regime em- ployed by the Mexican government puppet of Yankee imperialism, in order to put down the growing mil- itancy of the poor masses of Mexico. ++-Down with the Fascist white ter- ror! “THE STRIKE” STORY OF DREDGING FLEET STRUGGLE—1905 By PETER NIKIFOROV SYNOPSIS The author, Nikforoy, a Bolshevik, tells how he got a job on the fleet at. Kerch Straits as assistant to Bespalov, an old sailor employed to repair the piping on the ship. Nikiforoy decides the young workers are the best element for him to start on. He makes friends with Bespalov’s son, Andrew, and soon has & small circle of young workers who discuss economics and polities. A young workers’ committee is formed, gathers recruits, and is able to put over ® successful May Day demonstration, the ships to grant a nine-hour day. (Installment 4.) N THE eve of our campaign on all the boats, the broadsides and funnels were chalked with the words: “Tomorrow come to work at 7 o'clock.” The administration took it all for some mischief, and the boatswains swore and made the men clean the chalked funnels and broadsides. ‘The next morning the shore was covered with people: thre was no- body on board but the administra- tion. The bells were ringing on all the ships, summoning the men to work; but. nobody went. They all hung silently around the quay. One young fellow came to me and began to relate elatedly: “They all came down to the shore at 6:30 a.m. and were afraid to go on board; the bells have been ringing all the time and we have been siting here and not stirring. The captain of the ‘Shumsky’ came and asked: ‘Why don’t you start work? and we answered him from the crowd: “We'll start at 7 o'clock.’ He went back empty-handed.” .. .... .. .. The administration kept looking at the crowd gathered together and wondering what was wrong. At 7 o'clock the “Shumsky” whistle blew, and we all rushed on the board and started work. “FINISH WORK , AT 4 O'CLOCK Before finishing work, all the funnels of »the ships were again chalked with the words: “Finish work at 4 o'clock.” The young workers were the first to leave work, and the older men followed them. The next day the same thing occurred. The administration lost its head and couldn’t decide what to do. The next day the gendarmes visited the ships, but every one was working so they went away again. So it turned out that there was no strike, and the working day was shortened. This unusual method was apparently so unexpected that. the administration failed to take any steps and so the nine-hour day came to stay. Afterwards the me- chanics and captains quite approved of our action, for their working-day was shortened too. ‘Thus we successfully carried thru our first attack. ~ ORGANIZATION OF THE ILLIGAL TRADE UNION The “bloodless” victory of the 9- hour day not only gave wings to the dreams of the youth, but livened up the older men, They began to pay more attention to political ar- guments. My authority also rose considerably among all the workers on the dredging-fleet. My political talks took a semi-legal mass char- acter, although I continued to ex- press my ideas in a mild form. T think my mildness was what im- pressed the older men. Our talks took place during the dinner break, and somethimes in the evening. The state of mind created by our victory urged me on to the idea of organizing an illigal trade union. The workers met this idea with ap- proval. It was impossible at that time to organize a legal trade-union, and I was not so keen on legalizing it, reckoning that I would not be able to work long, that the gen- darmes would interfere one way or another, and I was afraid that « | & legalized union might be left without the necessary leadership and fall into the hands of the reactionaries, who had melted away for the time being. iar . WwW dedicated a few meetings to the question of the tasks of trade-unions; we called an illegal organization meeting of workers from among the more promising fellows. We elected a board of di- rectors, whom we instructed to work out the rules, obtain a stamp and generally get hold of all that was necessary for an illegal trade ‘union. Despite all our precautions, fifty persons entered the trade union. Considerable means, about 100 rubles, were collected, which there was really no need to spend. Thus the trade-union began to function. But since every trade-union has to do something, naturally our new- born union began to think of how, it could recommend itself to the workers. And the members of the union began to press me for an answer. It should be mentioned that to- ‘gether with this system of draw- ing in of workers to work on the dredging-fleet, together with all their relatives ang offspring, there ‘was a complicated gradation of wages. When I worked out the wages of a worker of the lower categories, I discovered that with all extras it did not exceed eighteen rubles a month. More- over, the conditions of work were extramely hard and unhygienic; even the stokers, whose work was looked upon as hard labor, had no overalls or working gloves; there was no sanitary or medical as- sistance whatever. These were the questions for the young trade-union to tackle. At one of the meetings of the trade-union I made a de- tailed report on the economic posi- tion of the workers on the dred- gers and pointed out that the posi- tion of the workers could be im- proved economically only be a de- termined and organized struggle. SURVEY IS PLANNED ‘The meeting instructed the board economic conditions of the workers They organize a campaign to force plan of action in order to carry out the measures which would be worked out by the board. At the same time in Odessa @ strike of the sailors of the Volune teer Fleet had been called. Our union quickly responded te this strike, gathered a fund for the strikers from among the workers and sent about 400 rubles to sup~ port them. I shall dwell a moment on the various grades of the workers in the dredging-fleet. They were di- vided into four groups, according to trades... The first group con- sisted of metal-workers, lock- smiths and fitters from the work- shop; the ,second of machinists, their asistants, oilers and stokers; the third of workers on the wher- ries and the mud-pumps; and the fourth of the sailors themselves. $e ae Tr strongest numerically and the most rebellious were the last two groups, and in our very first strug- gle they had played the decisive role in our fight. The first two groups were small in number and held themselves somewhat aloof. So long as the fleet was being overhauled during the winter, the last two groups would have the last word on the course of the struggle; but it was quite a differ- ent matter when the fleet was working dredging the Straits; the outcome of the struggle then de- pended entirely on the first two groups, since they had the tech- nical work of the fleet in their hands. Aéter carefully examining our ac- tive forces, we saw that should a strike be necessary the metal-work~- ers and stokers would have to act as vanguard, and that we must therefore begin working on them seriously. It was characteristic that as soon as there was any talk of an or- ganized union among the workers, the metal-workers woke up and scented their own organization ‘in the air; they kept knocking at the doors of the union and without loss of words began to demand to be admitted. It was as easy to get them into the trade-uniorn as it had been difficult to awaken them to political life. In three months’ time a quarter of the metal-work- ers and stokers were already in the trade-union. “BLANQUIST METHODS!” When I informed the Party com- mittee of our organizing an illegal trade-union, I was greeted very coldly: “Blanquist methods! Who ever heard of underground trade- unions; what will it do, and how will it defend the workers’ inter- ests?” I replied that this trade-union was not so much a trade-union or- ganization as a militant political organization of workers. I was blamed for not havirg pre- viously gotten the committee’s agreement. When I told them that very likely in May a strike would break out on the fleet, and that the trade- union was now working out a list of demands, they became very ex- ; cited—such an event was extraor- dinary in Kerch. “The devil! We are told things like this by way of information. Why do you do all this without the committee?” “What do you mean, without the committee? I’m telling you.about. it now. You sent me to work on the fleet, and I’m working there.” “The question must be discussed as to whether a strike is permissible just now, and whether the workers are sufficiently prepared for it.” “The trad2-union itself has raised the question of a strike, and it must be taken for granted that a strike will take place.” Pe ae | AFTER a long confab they de- clared that should the strike be a failure, the committee would take no responsibility for it. -I left the committee somewhat depressed; even the workers in the committe> had not supported me. I was alone. I shrugged my shoul- ders and decided to go ahead alone. Not being used to factional strug- gles, I could not feel confident and. strong with the existing attitude of the Party committee towards me; I was afraid that perhaps I might take the wrong road; yet there was nothing to be done but to go on. The trade-union board, having made its investigation, reported to the union and prepared a draft of demands to improve the econ- omic condition of the workers; there were thirty-two points to the draft, which covered all the mate-| rial and professional needs of workers. ‘The trade-union a) the draft and decided to present these demands to the administra tion on May 5, and to workers for a strike, cided to call a May May Ist in order to ence of the u nion and see the workers were prepared to fight. They also decided to make known their demands in advance to all the workers in the union. Three days before May Day ¥ ther ‘