The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 24, 1932, Page 4

Page rour Dail Centrel Orga ‘thi wniet Porty U.S.A. Worker: Published by the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily exexept Sunday, at 50 E. 13th St., New York City, N. ¥. Telephone ALgonquin 4-7956. Cable “DAIWORK.” Address and mall checks to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 13th St, New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mall everywhere: One year, $6; six months, $3: Borough ef Manhattan and Bronx, New York City. six months, $5.50. The Aims of Hoover’s| Canned “Optimism” The capitalist press continues to peg Hoover’s depreci- ated political stock on the electoral market by reporting that, with the “great navigator” at the helm, the ship of state is| definitely leaving behind the sea of depression and is “tri- umphantly” entering the “harbor of economic recovery.” All this ballyhoo of the prostitute capitalist press is a] vicious attempt to lull the workers into passivity. As the Daily Worker already pointed out, it is not a “pick up” in the economic activity that is envisaged by Hoover. What the “great labor emancipator” sees and fears is the up-turn in the struggle of the workers. To stem this struggle which reaches new high points as the crisis becomes deeper, the cap- italist press, under Hoover’s guidance, tries to create the illu- sion that the “turn toward prosperity” is being really made. There is an element in the simile of the capitalist press about the “ship of state leaving behind the sea of depression” which suggests that this manufactured optimism, spread thick in the absence of any economic fact warranting it, has another well-defined purpose. Its special purpose is to cover up the new wage-cut drive which is now in full swing against the workers. The capitalists are saying that if the workers will accept a wage cut, prosperity will return and the lowered standards of living forced upon the workers would again be restored. By means of such deceptive propaganda, a ten per cent wage cut was put over on the railroad workers. But how false the pro- paganda was is shown by the fact that the railroad executives gre once again demanding a, twenty per cent wage cut and once again are trying to weaken the resistance of the workers by the same false promises that these cuts are etmporary in character. The capitalist class is conducting a deliberate policy of sharply cutting down the living standards of the working tlass. In order to escape from the crisis at the expense of the workers, they are destroying the living standards built up by the working class after decades of struggle: The American capitalists, because of over-production at home, because of the shattering of the cavitalist system, the increasing rivalry for markets, are bent. upon driving down the standards of living of the working class *o the lowest possible level. The Amer- i capitalists will plunge the working class deeper into the sea of misery if mass struggle does not stop them. The workers must see through this fraudulent optimism that today seems to be the only production of which there is a mass output. They must intensify their struggles along the entire front. By the day to day struggle in united ranks against the capitalist attacks and by voting for the Commun- ist candidates, the workers will deliver a powerful blow to the Hoover wage-cutting program. two months, $1; excepting Foreign: one year, $8; Letters from Our Readers Biddeford, Maine. Brooklyn, N. Y. Editor, Daily Worker, | Dear Comrade: — A comrade | whose work is mimeographing has | been shocked by the appearance | of many of the mimeograph ma- | chines he has Dear Comrades: . Many workers will be fooled this| election by the different “third par-| tes” such as the Socialist Party, | which has a similar program to the | Communist Party. Many workers] whom I approached for a signature to put the Party on the ballot, said I've already signed it- When I asked | ink. | them what party, they say “Socialist| _ Almost invariably the machine | Party.” | has been left in the wrong posi- | Comrades, the Socialist Party is go- | ion (open part of segment should | ing to mislead tens of thousands of | P@ @t top, so that the ink fountain | workers in this election. Our most! Will be in an upright position. | pretest iob into Expose ;| Comrades leave the stencil part up, | Mice we can. “the Dally W which causes the ink fountain to | already begun a campaign against the ane ae cee oe ee Socialist Party. We must go eyen| ™% Ha ee eee ones further. We should challenge them| , The ar impress to debate on their program and the| ‘Platen) is the most vulnerable part Communist program, We should is-| Of the equipment; the least bit of | sue leaflets explaining our program ink on it causes the rubber to swell, and exposing theirs. and it is then “out of true”, causing | iar te Give Petar the. cle: uneven inking (dark and light should issue a leaflet and on i nO See Co be the insignia of a hammer and| WRONG FILING sickle and tell the workers that this) METHOD FOR STENCILS js the Communist Party, because| These in most of the offices are | many workers will want to vote! seen adorning the walls, hanging Communist, but they won't know how| up to dry. The best method is to to go about it. All these little points| have on hand old newspapers with are going to count in this election. bound ‘side cut off, and lay the The article in Tuesday's issue about| stencils inside the newspapers; the Socialist Party—Foster and war—| changing them after lying no long- was a very good thing. I have met! ger than a day (changing twice, many arguments on this from the| or three times, if necessary). In Socialist Party and now I will be able| places where varnish has been n in the various | and mass organization of- | Almost all of them are messy | party | gained chiefly among the DAY, AUGUST, 24, 1932 DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, WEDN —— wes Sa : By BURCK After the German Elections By ERNST THAELMANN On August 3, a Conference of the leading functionaries of the Communist Party was held in Berlin, and dealt with the results of the elections, the fascist coup) @etat, and the next tasks of the| Communist Party of Germany. The leader of the C.P.G., Ernst Thaelmann, dealt with the latest events in Germany. The following is a brief resume of his speech. THE election results of July 31 confirm clearly the correctness of the general line of our Pa: The measures of the fascist dicta- torship have not been able to pre- | vent our advance, but have on the The Next Steps in the Fighting United Front Program of German Communist Party in penetrating deeper into the masses. The main reason of our success lies in the tremendous development of the Anti-Fascist Action, which has enabled the Party, on the basis of the united front from below, to gather together the workers and toiling middle strata who are ready for the anti-fascist struggle and | thus to reach strata far beyond the contrary promoted the revolution- | ary movement. There is no doubt | | was reached of the virtual estab- that had our decisions been car- ried out correctly and actively all | round, the election results would have been considerably better, and - we should have gained at least one to two million votes more. In these parliamentary elections we succeeded in reaching the high- est number of votes since the Com- munist Party came into existence. The Social-Democratic Party has | lost 600,000 votes in round numbers, whilst we have won about 680,000 votes as compared with 1930. In 1928 we gained 11.8 per cent ‘of all votes cast, in the September elec- | tions of 1930 13-1 per cent, and in the present elections 14.3 per cent. Taking developments as a whole, the National Socialists have nated, and the Center Party petty bourgeoisie. It is extremely impor- tant that we have succeeded in warding off the Nazi advance into the working class, and in places, in reconquering vote SOCIALISTS LO: COMMUNISTS GA Taking into consideration the fact that the Nazis have gained a few hundred thousand votes from among the ruins of the bourgeois parties since the presidential elec- | tion, restratification in the bour- geois camp, accompanied by the |, fact that we haye gained consid- | erably more votes than the Social- Democratic Party has lost, results in our having won over—besides the S.P.G. voters who have come over to us—at least 200,000 votes of former Nazi voters, besides a num- ber of former Peasants’ League and Agricultural Party voters. This fact is of the utmost importance. ‘We have been able to book espe- cially conspicuous success in the most important industrial districts, to defend the workers’ Communist} Party against these lying statements of the enemies of the workers. Comradely, | | FP, Speak This comrade issues a timely warning. Many workers who are awakening for the first time do not yet know of the treachery of the Socialist Party and are deceived by its name. This comrade who hap- pens to be wide awake as to the menace of the Socialist Party says that it “has a similar program to | used for corrections in stencil, tal- cum powder should be applied, to | keep them from adhering to the newspaper. Brooklyn Worker. the Communist Party.” gram of the Socialist Party differs from the Communist Party as day and night. The Communist Party and sympathetic workers engaged in the election campaign should | | does the Social Democratic Party. | The votes which the social demo- | take into consideration the recom- mendations made by this com- rade, (EDITOR’S NOTE.) “Why Kentucky. Miner Will Vote Communist Flem D. Sampson, former governor »f Kentucky, in his campaign stated | lie was straight out for the working glass and on his election he gave a banquet in honor of labor, but when ‘he miners came on strike in 1931 he sent the state troops to break the miners’ strike and allowed Sheriff @lair to have all kinds of thugs and tangsters to terrorize the miners and would not take any action on peti- tions sent him by the workers, but. setrayed the miners through William | Curnblazer, a faker of the UMWA. Then the miners said, we will elect « democrat next time, and they did ‘lect Ruby Lafoone, a democrat, and hrough all the kidnapings and ter- rising of the miners in the recent * | masses, strike he could not do anything about it; but he could send a company of state troops to guard one gun thug that killed Harry Simms, a 19-year- old boy, and seeing we get the same results from them both, always against the workers, and seeing the Communist Party is the only party that is in the every-day struggles of the working class fighting the capi- talist class against terror and starv- ation and evictions, and fighting for the rights of ‘Negroes and oppressed this is why I am going to vote Communist straight, and think every one who works for a living should study this matter over before they vote for these other "Cade of the workers.—Ti ates be IED ¢ The pro- | | chiefly in the West German dis- tricts. A point worthy of special note, and one demonstrating the growing revolutionary power of at- traction of our Party, is our ad- | Vance in the rural districts, where we can record an increase of votes up to 400 per cent in places as compared with 1930. Today we unite—this we can maintain fully—the same number of workers’ votes for our Party as crats have gained in excess to ours are recruited chiefly from the petty ~ | bourgeois strata. The conversion of the S.P.G, into a party of the petty bourgeois strata continues. The masses of the workers are begin- to turn to Communism. VICTORY OF WORLD SIGNIFICANCE Our election victory is of great international significance. Although the wave of chauvinism and na- tionalism upon whose crest fascism is rising, especially in Germany, has not yet ebBed, still it has been forced to cease its advance. Our 1300,000 voters form a powerful bar- Tage against international fascism, and oppose a mighty dam against. the advance of the imperialist war- mongers, a living rampart of hu- man beings, standing in defense before the Soviet Union. A further important fact may be observed by a comparison with the last elec- tions to the Prussian Diet and to the Presidency. We have succeeded Si | in overcoming the isolation of the Party from the Pecninbad dati of the ppinning 8 ett ee confines of the Party. Further developments have set the Party enormous tasks. On July 20, the day of the fascist. coup d'etat in Prussia, the turning point lishment of the fascist .dictator- ship. The further policy of-the.Pa- pen government, as the government of the fascist dictatorship, is di- rected towards accomplishing and securing the fascist coup, already successful in Prussia, in the Reich. In the future as in the past our main strategic task lies in winning over the majority of the working class, especially the workers organ- ized in the Social Democratic Party and in the trade unions—the strug- gle to win over otir own class. We have succeeded in pressing back social democracy, and in many places in tearing down the barriers which the social democratic leaders have set up in the camp of the working class. In the self-defensive mass strug- gle against the Terror exercised by the bands of brown National So- cialist. murderers, we need at the same, time .an: intensified. ideologi- cal offensive-against the fascist de- ceivers of the masses. The’ election results show us that in spite of our advance in the rural districts, and in the outskirts of the industrial centers, still fascism possesses its U.S. Educators Meet Leader of Soviet Atheist Society Interview Between U. S. Professors and Emile Yaroslavsky Disproves “Persecution” The following is a condensed report of a recent conference in Moscow between Emile Yaro- slaysky, head of the Union of Militant Atheists, and a @elega- tion of American university pro- fessors, The charge by améi-Soviet propagandists that the Soviet government arbitrarily closes down churches has long ago been completely refuted. The following article is especially illuminating in view of the recent “news” story in the capitalist press that the “Vatican had learned that all but 20 churches in the Soviet Union were to be liquidated by Decem- ber 31, 1933, Pee Yomee Americans: How much success have you had in your anti-religious work among the peasants? Yaroslavsky: At present we have 5,500,000 members in our Atheist Union. This does not mean, how- ever, that there are only this num- ber of atheists in the Soviet Union, This. does not include at least 10 million atheists who are members of kolkhozes. We have villages known as “godless”, in which all the inhabitants are atheists. Al- though atheists, not all of these peasants are members of the Athe~ | | ist Union, Americans: To what, extent does | the religious trend of mind persist among city children? Yaroslavsky: Among city ¢hil- dren, those are religious who come trom families of believers. In the homes of atheists, there are no re- ligious children. Children brought up in religious homes are not neces- ning to turn from the SP.G, and | S*rlly believers, for they are strong- ly influenced by the public school, the Pioneer movement, and their environment in general. Although there are 100 million people in the Soviet Union who are more or less | religious, this number comprising more than half of our entire lation, less than half of the dren display a religious trend of mind. Americans: Moscow had a great number of churches in former ae We are interested in knowing how many churches are open in Moscow today? Yaroslavsky: According to Vaks- man, President of the Moscow Un- ion of Atheists, there are 87 churches in Moscow conducting re- ligious services. Tens of thousands of churches are open throughout the Soviet Union. If we include mosques, synagogues and * other fime.ane laces <0 : Seieious » seorehle =p number is still greater. Americans: How many churches were shut down in Moscow? Yaroslavsky: Moscow was sup- | posed to have had 1,000 churches, but in reality there were far less | than that; there were churches which were not state controlled. There were chapels*connected with schools, hospitals and _ private homes of merchants. They~ were shut down during the first days of the revolution. (For example, the churches attached to military de- tachments.) Altogether about 300 churches were closed. May I in turn inquire about America? I have read in several newspapers that houses of wor- ship are closing in the United States and Great Britain. How do you interpret this phenomena? DUE TO CRISIS Professor Davis: This may be ex- plained as due to the ctisis. In the United States many ‘churches are unable to pay the interest on the land they occupy, due to the de- crease in income; other churches are shutting down because of their inability to meet their debts. There have been instances where several churches have amalgamated for the sake of economy, and, occa- sionally, due to a decrease of in- terest in religion. Scheimann: Professor Meyer has informed me that from 20,000 to 25,000 churches in America are more or less deserted. Professor Davis: There is un- doubtedly an increase in the in- ‘fluence of atheism; however, 20,- 000 to 25,000 is an exaggeration. Another American professor: In the rural districts of the United States close to 25,000 churches have closed due to ‘over-production’ of churches to be compared to the over - production of itomobiles- This was largely caused by the tre mendous gro’ of Protestant sec- tarianism—each built its own church, Professor Davis: Do you not be- Neve that the struggle against re~ ligion is as important as the strug- gle against capitalism? Yaroslavsky: We do not distin- guish the struggle against capital- ism from the struggle against re- ligion. / Professor Schulz: I wish to con- gratulate you upon the great achievements of this country. I strongest mass ‘base in the agra- rian districts. The election results show further that the National So- cialists have maintained their in- fluence in the towns over strata nearest to the proletariat, those of the masses of the small employes, especially in Berlin and Hamp. This fact points out our task tu us. The increase in the vote of the Center Party warns us that we must devote serious attention to winning over the Christian work- ers for the Anti-Fascist Action. Our struggle against the fascist dictatorship demands, finally, our most powerful offensive against the tribute policy of the German bour- geoisie, for the other aspect of this policy is the preparation of an anti-Soviet imperialist war adven- ture. PROBLEM OF POWER! ‘With the utmost determination, with the utmost clarity and reso- lute energy, we must present the problem of power to the working class, we must carry on our propa- ganda for the Workers’ and Peas- ants’ Government more intensively from the standpoint of the revo- lutionary perspective, and must fill our propaganda and day to day policy with the vitality of actual revolutionary action. Supported by the enormous mor- al and political power of our Party, now increased by the election vic- tory of July 31, the slogan of “Car- ry Atni-Fascist Action into the workshops and factories” must now be made a living revolutionary reality.” $10 A Week in Cotton Mill By HY KRAVIF, RECENT STUDY by the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics cov- ered 76,630 workers of 154 “repre- sentative cotton mills’. The study which was taken for pay periods in January, February and March, 1932, showed that full time hours in the industry average 53.4; bub average number of hours actually worked— by those who had any work at all —were 44.3 per week, or about 83 percent of full time, Earnings per hour averaged only 26.6 cents, a decrease of 386.2 per- cent since 1930. Full time earnings per week averaged only $14.20 as compared with $17.36 in 1930, Full time earnings per week are now lower than in any year since 1916, In 1920 they were only $24.86, But average actual earnings in one week —for those who worked at all— were only $11.78, females averaging $9.67 and males $12.91. Lowest paid male workers in 1932 are filling hands (19.8 cents average earnings per hour). Highest paid males are mule spin- ners (60.3 cents an hour.) Lowest. paid female workers ranged from the filling hands, av- eraging 19.2 cents an Hour to the 34.8 cents an hour for ,beamer tenders. “Averages for males and for fe- males were less shown for both years.” The lowest actual earnings for males’ and females combined were recorded in ,South Carolina—$9.06 a week; Georgia $10.26; Conncti- cut $10.49; Alabama $10.57. It should be specially noted that Connecticut a northern “high wage” state shows a lower average than such southern states as Alabama, North Carolina and Virginia. Since the early months of this year wages have continued to drop, so that those workers fortunate enough to have any job at all are certainly making a lower amount than the average of $11.78 reported in this survey. Ten dollars or less a week, when employed could be considered a fair estimate of the American cotton workers’ earnings in this third year of world crisis. re And these wo Ae only for aoe HEAR (COURTESY OF INTERNATIONAL PAMPHLETS) By WHITTAKER CHAMBERS Installment 3 Lily Purcell came to the door. “Oh, hello, Mrs. Wardell.” The gold tooth haloed in a golden smile. “Our cow’s died,” said Ann, hold- ing out the can. “Oh she died, huh? Mr. Frances said she was going to.” “Did Frank get some milk?” “Well, we milked early, Mrs. War- dell, and we had only enough for ourselves. Mr. Frances didn’t have no money. There’s so many like that now.” “T've got some money,” Ann said. “Well, I'll see if mother could spare a little, Give me the - can.” Ann walked in the open door where it was plain to see the chickens also walked. ‘They didn’t hear her come- Hilda Frances was not crying. She was walking the bare floor, saying, “Baby, baby, baby, baby!” When she reached the wall she would stop. When she paced back, she would begin again. “Baby, baby, baby!” It was Frank, with his head in his arms, on the table who was crying. “We did get some milk, after all,” said Ann Wardell. Hilda stopped. “Milk! God bless you, Mrs. Wardell, Good bless you! Oh, God bless you!” “A funny God that brings babies into the world, and takes away their mother’s milk, and kills the cows that feed them, Mrs. Frances. But let me have a look at the. baby before I go.” me “You got milk for them at Pur- cell’s!” Jim said when she came in. “Yes.” He frowned but said nothing. “You've got to stop,” he told her a week later. “You can’t do it. ‘The cold’s coming. “We've only got so much. You're taking the food from John and Robert.” “You can’t let a baby die.” “Worse things will happen before this winter’s over. What good does it do? Keep it alive another week. ‘You'll have to stop then. And you're only taking it away from the boys- ‘They'll be up against it soon enough. That's the trouble with your charity. You can’t keep it up, and it only makes Frank and his wife hope it’s forever. It makes them content. And they can’t be. When he sees the baby’s going to die, he'll ery for milk and food along with the rest of us. He's got to- It’s coming. It’s coming soon.” “IM A COMMUNIST” “Say are you really a socialist?” asked Davis, driving his Ford up to the house. “What do you want to know for? asked Wardell with his foot on the CAN YOU THEIR their guns under their arms. Many of them passed the windows, never suspecting what going on within. Purcell saw then as he leaped to his feet in the furj of wrangling with his son-in-law the cashier, and old Dr. Jeperson the president, and walked to thy front window of the Bank of Paris “They’s walking around thi streets with guns now, and yot talk about closing the bank! I knew you ’do this,” he screamed, shaking his fist at his son-in-law, the heavy jaws turkey red. “I knew you'd dt this, I knew you would! You your damn fool farm And now the bank will crash, ang so will you and so will the Doel But I won’t! I took care of that!” “MY BABY’S DYING The main road entered Par® after turning a right angle, around an osage hedge, and crossing 4 creek, dried up in the drought, on @ wooden bridge. It passed thq double row of storefronts, and re; turned to the prairie on the othei side. Two tracks led south and north to scattered farms. The latter had once been busy when Purcell worked his ground-level mines in the hills, twenty miles ta the north. They had been closed down for years. Wardell and Davis found abowt thirty armed men on the maig street. “I don’t know what to do,” said @ little man named Shays, “my baby’s dying. He’s dying all right righy dying. And we haven’t got milk’ “Neither have we!” “We haven’t had any for tw days. My baby’s dying.” “Wwe got some but my credit gone. We can’t even get any fc But milk comes first.” “There’s only one. plate you oat get milk around here,” said Wai dell. “Where’s that?” “At Purcell’s.” “We know that! Where are wa going to get the money? He’s noe giving it away, and he don’t trust now.” “Did you say your kid was dying, Dan?” Wardell asked Shays. “Yes, he'll die if I don’t get him milk.” “I'm glad you got your rifle with you. Will you come with me ta Purcell’s and make them give you milk?” The litle man blenched. “Take i from Purcell, you mean?” “That's what I mean. Will any one else come with us? Will youy Doscher?” “No, I won't. I know your Sos cialist ideas! What do you thiink Lam, a thief?” . ae “Will you lend me your Doscher?” asked Davis. “I'd like to to running board. “Bunch of the boys want to lynch me?” “Not yet, Jim,” grudging a lop- sided smile since his face was lop- sided. “Hell is going to break loose around here soon, if things don’t get any better, and they may be wanting you then. But this here I came about, is personal business. ‘There's a family of greasers squat~ ting on my land, and they won't get off. They've got four kids and the woman just had twins last night. No doctor! They haven't got no food, and the man says they | ain’t got no gasoline so they can’t go on, they've just got to stop on my place. Well, they ain’t going to. We can’t feed the white. mey up there now, let alone greasers. Of course, I can have them run in down in Paris. But on account of the woman having those kids last night, I thought maybe—some of your Socialist ideas—you’d let them stay on your place.” “I’m not a Socialist,” said War- dell, “What the hell are you then?” “I’m a Communist.” “What's that?” “Well, just now it means I want free food for every farmer that can’t pay for it, free milk for the babies, free rent, and if we can’t get free food, I’m for going and taking it.” “What did you say you called yourself?” “A Communist.” ~ “That's like a Red, Russians, “No, working-men and poor farmers, like you and me.” “The Communists are a political party, called the Communist Party of the United States.” “And they believe in free food?” “Yes,” “Til be over tonight,” said Davis, “T’ve got to go to Paris now. Good- bye, Jim. I'll tell those Mexicans to come down here.’ “If you won't let them on your own place.” * 8 That day it began to snow, sud- denly, before dark. “Ann, I think Davis will come over to us,” he said as he sat down to the boiled beans: “Come over? “To us. He’s coming here tonight.” “Jim, be careful.” “Tl be as careful as I can. The time is past when we can afford to be too careful. Stay up tonight, boys, and listen to what Mort Davis ang I talk about.” . . ‘The deep snow separated the farms, but it made starvation general, _ At first they burned the fence- f drought. women had no pretext and no will to escape the wailing of the babies, for whom there was no milk, and go With Jim and Shays. You know, our farms are too near together, and I can’t stand listening to your baby scream itself to death itself to death, even if you can.” “TI gol” “TIL go!’ “711 go!” In the end, Doscher went, too. They tramped out the western side of the town, fighting their way through the snow, and, in half an hour, were at Purcell’s. Wardell led them to the’ back door. “Lillian,” he said, “some of these men have babies, and all of us have children. None of us have any money. If those babies don’t get their milk tonight, some of them will die. They'll all die in a week or two. Will you give us milk?” “Give it to you? How can I give it to you, Jim Wardell? You're ¢razy!” “You've got to give it to us.” “How can I give it to you? To all of you?” “You've got to give it to us. We. know how to milk cows just as well as you do, If you don’t give it to us, we'll go down to the barn and take it.” She screamed, “I won't.” “In other words, you want us to take it. All right, we'll take it?” “Wait, wait a minute, wait!” She flew into the, house. All three men sat stiff and terri- fied as the phone rang in the bank, “Well, then, I’ll answer it,” said Purcell. “They want you to give it to them?” he shouted. I see,” he said. “Wardell! I see, Well, give it to them! Give it to them! Give it to them!” He missed the hook as he slammed the re ceiver against the, case, “Guns? Oh, “There’s only enough here to last two days at most,” said- Wardell as they broke up. “We'll make it last five,” they said, laughing. . . ‘The Pay the bank failed Frank's baby di He naa not been out of the house for three days. He knew nothing of the milk seizure at Purcell’. The wailing of the baby and his own hunger kept him awake, but at last exhaustion stretched him out. He awoke with a start to see Hilda bending over the draw where they . kept the child in some dirty blane ‘kets, It seemed to him as if somes one had screamed. “What is it, Hil?” She had @ blanket in her hand. “I think baby’s dead.” “No.”. He leaped up. He looked at it and listened for breathing, “Til get the doctor.” “Oh, what's the use of the doctor, he won't come now.” “He will!” “You can’t get him in time, ne, 300 know there’s no gas in the Ford. “Til go. Ti run, Till get him, Til get him.” He did not tie his shoes, He stumbled whe! VOICES? 1