The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 19, 1932, Page 4

= DAILY Wessun, Nw VORA, ka Ad, AUGUUT * Published hy the Comprodaily Publishing Co., Inc., daily Al . phone ALgongui exexept Sunday, at 00.5.‘ -7986. Cable “DAPWOBE."/ 18th St., No. Ti Address and Nene. to the Daily Worker, 50 E. 18th St., New York, N. ¥. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One, year, $6; six, months, Botonih jel Midehattaa onal Bronx, New Fork City six” mo: mths, $4.50. Farmers Are Beginning hitting the f begining t is the ASS starvation is also, are March. This Bonu movement in the Middle We farmers have become so into’ them are engaging in mass the packing hou ever new masses. the world np of bankruptcy. the cost of mar Th ts; etimes in: same farmers witnessed te effor cannot secure any The movement long as this t will benefit lief in ider t t ‘m strii farmers are receiving have only nt: the gains of monopo! ing to Fight loyed workers are helping the farmers to picket the roads. rpest struggles at the moment was long considered the most For several years these farmers have been sinking r ting, not to s products. It is the usual thing for tted hog, which he has raised for six months and fed $5 worth of n, after dedu a few dollars deficit 1 per 100 Ibs. of milk containing 3.5 percent of butter-fat, Last pe supported a higher polit: sense of raising the price of foodstuffs in the city the cities. And the was already shown in the of the “farmers’ strike” The conditions of the large numbers of t the marketing mon- y trusts and the grain elevators. Radi- nter in Sioux, City, Iowa, in prosperous” agricultural ter- e farmers are often not re- of the cost of production a farmer to receive $2.50 for narket, and receive back a check for ing railroad rates and commissions stead of a check for a few cents, he In Sioux City, the farmers are mber of their cattle sud- e officials on the grounds only stopped these meas- a@ large aising state. On the advice s tried to escape from the ruin- ersified farming. But 's advice brought them, tion in Iowa but throughout eleven force up their prices by a “market But at the same time we must ht only within the “rules of all the key positions, they sharpen its slo- se of the militant working in narrow limits of the The poor farmers who of the movement d relieving their with t on of the so-called strike id be entirely wrong to is directed against the workers, in y. The prices which the most remote relationship with the market prices for foodstuffs; there is an enormous gap, which rep- ly capital which controls the market- inery (banks, railroads, creameries, terminals, elevators, pack- inghouses, refrigerators, etc.) not to mention the terrific amount of pure waste and destruction that accompanies capitalist marketing of farm products. It is finance capital. monopoly capital, which is grinding down the impoverished farmers and the workers at the same time, both by means of direct exploitatic> and by monopoly control of the market. Wholehearted support jor the struggling farmers is therefore called for by the Communist Party. It is necessary to give this support also in the form of deepening the demands of the farmers, connecting up the farmers’ movement with the Communist Election Campagin, winning the farming masses for a fight to realize the point in our Election Platform, vhich represents the most pressing immediate needs of the farmers throughout the country: “Emergency relief for the impoverished farmers, with restrictions by the government and banks; exemption of impoverished farmers from taxes, and from forced collection of rents and debts.’ ” The struggling farmers must cut themselves loose from those agents of finance capital, the so-called “progressive” politicians, the Farm Bureaus, the Farmer-Labor Party, the Socialist Party, the Farmers’ Union, etc. Byeryone of these organizations is carrying through the policy of Wall Street, even when it pretends to be in “opposition.” They are leading the farmers into a blind alley. The farmers must set up their own com- mittees of action, on a neighborhood and twonship scale, unite these committees together by counties and regions and States, controlling and directing their own fight, and turning it more sharply against their real enemies. They must build oppositions in the reactionary farm organi- zations to fight for a militant defense of their own interests. They must not allow the rich farmers to control their organizations, because the rich farmers always come to an agreement with the banks and corporations at the expense of the poor farmers. They must connect their struggles up with those of the workers in the cities, and with the wage-workers on the land, who must more and more come forward as the champion also of the demands of the impoverished farmers. Workers and farmers, build a united struggle against the monopoly price system, which drives down the prices paid the farmers in the coun- try, and drives up the prices extorted for food from the workers in the cities! Workers, support the fight of the farmers against starvation! Direct the struggle against the real enemies, the landlords, banks, corporations, and monopoly capital generally! Farmers, deepen and broaden your struggles, unite with the working class, break with the capitalist political parties and politicians, fight for the platform of the Communist Party and vote for Foster and Ford on November 8th! Letters from I" correspondent who signs him- | self “Anxious” writes us that it) is four weeks since his application | has been put in for membership in | the Party and there has been no reply. He further states that he was told that it has been submit- ted to Section 5. If our corres- pondent will send in his name and address, we will assist him in hav-| ing his application immediately | considered. ‘The Daily Worker welcomes let- ters from workers and farmers of- fering suggestions for building up a mass paper, in the editorial and circulation departments. We will try to print as many letters as possible that are sent in, * * * New York City. Dear Comrade: At the last conference to improve the Daily Worker too little was said vbout making the Daily a force to- ward the revolutionary unions. A sertain section should provide a study | conditions in the shops, and or- sanizational plans, how to approach the workers, etc. I am certain many % worker has ample material con- terning organizational experiences. T really can’t adjust myself to the | ntinuations of first-page stories on he third page. Each article easily ould be completed on one page. The eading articles might be continued m the first column of page two. As we have advertising in one sec- lon, so we might have sections de- ‘oted to foreign news or union mat- ers, FF, Valen SECS Within the limits of our space, the’ Daily will try to run every day News on the Trade Union struggles and once a week specially, develop- ments in the inner life of the revo- tutionary trade union movement. Shs will be;done on, page 3. _ The"Daily: is attempting to estab- Our Readers lish regular features on pages 2, 3 and 4 which will include regular and increasing amounts of material on the election struggle, unemploy- ed struggles, trade union struggles, foreign and Soviet Union news, etc. We are trying to reduce the con- tinuation of which the comrade complains and will try to establish the policy of no continuations, —EDITOR. (By a Worker Correspondent) DETROIT, Mich.—How the Social- ist Party makes a united front with bosses against the struggles by work- ers against the danger of new im- perialist war and against armed at- tack on the Soviet Union may best be ;seen when the most reactionary | bosses’ paper here, the “Free Press,” { | | jneth Kneedler, blind Socialist speak- jer, will talk on unemployment, Mon- |day, August 1, at the following place J. + -” ete. | ‘The Socialist leaders in this way |made a pitiful attempt as true lack- ys of the ruling class to keep the |workers away from the anti-war ;demonstration. The workers who | still sympathize with the Socialist | Party or who carry membership cards |of this treacherous party, should ask themselves whose party this is. (By a Worker Correspondent) NEW YORK. — Inthe Bulletin of the Brooklyn Public Libary of July an. article called “Maintaining Li- brary Service” contains a resolution of the American Library Association which reads in part: “This country has millions of un- employed men and women whose spirit is threatened by idleness and deadly discouragement. These and other millions are in greatest need of finding in free library service . « one of the few opportunities for re newing their i 4 \carried an announcement that “Ken- ! ant and must | The Owner of the Barking Dog Threatens to Bite! By BURCE Oy “The government of Manchukuo is abruptly reviving the old Russo- Manchuria boundary dispute, the Manchukuo Foreign Affairs Commissioner in Harbin in handing the Soviet Counsul General a demand for withdrawal of Soviet frontier troops stationed within sight of Manchouli,” News Item. Southern Workers Fight By DAVE DORAN ECENTLY 300 workers walked out of the boarding depart- ment of the Guilford Hosiery Mills of High Point, N. C., in resistance to a wage cut and thus started a struggle involving 20,000 workers, and almost paralyzing all industry in a region embracing five indus- trial towns. ment, the workers were joined by all hands of the mill, who began an organized march upon eyery mill in the city. They soon closed down every furniture and textile mill there. Unemployed workers showed complete solidarity with the strik- ers. Thrown out of jobs by the ruthless stretch-out and speed-up system of the furniture and tex- tile barons, who were now forcing the employed to exist on a starv- ation wage, the uneniployed hurled themselves into this fight for bread. STRUGGLE SPREADS This was on Monday, July 18. By sun down, 150 mills employing 20,000 workers of textile, furniture and hosiery industries in High Point, Thomasville, Vernersville, Jamestown and Lexington were closed down. The large number of these were young workers. For two days the strike embraced these five towns. Then the ho- siery workers of High Point, com- ing from 24 mills, united together under one strike committee. They raised the demand of $2.25 per hundred pair of half hose, a sum they were receiving before a wage cut on April 1. Since then two cuts had taken place, one on July 1 and the last on July 11, against which these workers came out on strike. At the time of the strike some mills were only paying $1.50. REIGN OF TERROR STARTS Simultaneously, the authorities began attacking and persecuting the unemployed, arresting 25, hold- ing them incommunicado, and thru treror succeeded in isolating the unemployed from the strikers. ‘The police and the local news- papers raised the cry of “hood- lums” and “rioting agitators” a- gainst the unemployed and to the delight of the manufacturers, this propaganda seeped through the strikers and was echoed by D. V. Bradley, the elected chairman of the hosiery strikers’ committee. With the unemployed terrorized and thus temporarily out of the Picture, the strike in the sectiogs outside of High Point began disintegrate. Meanwhile, in High Point, Brad- ley was busy building a narrow craft ideology in the hosiery strik- ers. He made statements openly, urging the furniture workers, the main industry of High Point, to go back to work as “this is a ho- siery strike.” Also inexperienced and lacking leadership, the furni- ture workers became quickly de- moralized and returned to work. During 1929 and the early part of 1930 witnessed the development of the hosiery industry in High Point. This was during and after the historic labor struggles of Gas- tonia and Marion, N. C. A large number of the strikers from these places secured employment in the High Point hosiery mills. With them they brought the valuable experience they accumulated in these strikes. This bore fruit in the excellent strike apparatus they built during the High Point stamp- ede. Department committees of rank and file workers were elected at mass meetings, then mill com- mittees were formed at a mass meeting of these, who in tum formed a broad Central Strike Committee. The mill committees had the task of drawing up the de- mands for each mill. “The Cen- tral Strike Committee had the task of mapping out the plans and con- duct of the strike and was given the authority to decide the condi- tions upon which any one mill would return to work. This strike “apparatus was set up entirely upon the initiative of the strikers. Brad- Jey, the chairman, was vested with the’ power.of doipg.all the nego- Leaving their depart- | The Story of the High Point, N. C., Strike; Other Struggles and Immediate Tasks tiating with the manufacturers in the name of the Central Strike Committee. INFLUENCE ON BRADLEY This Bradley, a rank and file worker, mimediately began to show the influence of boss ideology. He continually harped on “coopera- tion” in his reports to the strik- ers, and for the sake of “peace” made many concessions to the manufacturers. Under his urging the strikers finally consented to a compromise scale of $2.12% per hundred dozen hose. This the manufacturers rejected. Meanwhile the manufacturers began to manouver. Proposals for a joint committee of strikers and manufacturers to investigate wages in other parts of North Carolina and Tennessee and adjust wages accordingly was rejected by the strikers. On July 21, Fred Keight- ly, Federal Labor Conciliator, ar- rived. His proposal to return to work for $2 per hundred was also flatly rejected. The police an- nounced they would “provide pro- tection” for all wishing to return to work. Manufacturers opened their doors and none returned. Af- ter almost two weeks of sporadic picketing held back by Bradley, Governor Gardner of North Caro- lina arrived on the scene on July 30. He called a meeting of three manufacturers and three strikers. This meeting later announced an agreement of a compromise scale of $2.10 per hundred dozen of half hose with the “promise” of no more wage cuts. At a general meeting of strikers this was accepted over a small opposition by 23 mills. One mill refused to accept the agreed scale. This was the Adams-Millis Hosiery Mill employing 600. The workers of this mill repudiated the Central Strike Committee and are still out, battling for their original demands of $2.25. Tactics of Bosses The tactics of the mill owners throughout were to give the work- ers plenty of latitude. They felt as long as the revolutionary unions remained out of the strike, they would be able to keep the strikers Bosses’ Press Bluffs About “Pick-Up” in Textile Mills (By Labor Research Assn.) The policy of the Hoover hunger government between now and the election will be to “play up big” any slight local improvement in in- dustrial activity. This policy of improvement by headline propa- ganda has been most wgoticeable recently in stories about the textile industry. As is customary, thou- sands of firms close down in sum- mer months while workers have a “vacation without pay”. When these mills open up again, as they usu- ally do after from two to six weeks, the headlines in the papers this year are hailing the event as a major step on the way “back to prosperity.” But even the reports all came from plants opening up after a long shut-down and as the result of substantial orders, it is clear that the items reported to date would scarcely make any impression on the aggregate figures for the whole textile industry. When a small plant in Allentown or Pawtucket takes on a hundred workers it means nothing for the industry as a whole or the hun- dreds of thousands out of jobs for @ year or more. When these plants closed down*by the hundreds no mention was made in the press. But when a few of them open up it is considered front page news even in the big city papers. It should also be noted that most of the mills that are opening up are doing so only afver they have bludgeoned their workers into ac- cepting further wage cuts. The mills hope by these “adjustments” to land more orders and increase profits in the cut-throat competi- tion of the market. “The American Farmer” New Pamphlet on Agrarian Situation THE AMERICAN FARMER. George Anstrom. — Internatoinal Pamphlet No. 22. 10c. (Reviewed by G. DANIELS) This pamphlet begins to fill the gap of sorely needed working class literature dealing with the condi- tions of farmers. Particularly since this is the first of its kind, is its material valuable, and is it necessary for every worker, farmer and organizer to familiarize him- self with its contents. Why the beet strike of Colorado in May 1932, at the height of the thinning season? Why the strug- gle of Camp Hill, Alabama, result- ing in death and injury to many, but also a victory for the share- croppers? The miserably long hours and small pay, the terrible working conditions of the women and children in the beet fields, who labor most of the day on their hands and knees in the cold and dampness; the semi-serfdom of the, croppers of the South, and thi additional burden of the Negroes— national oppression, are a few of the points covered in this book- let. In this pamphlet the country is divided into five great farming areas—shown very clearly and sim- ply in a map—and each region is By time contrasting the conditions of the farmers here with those in the Soviet Union. What is in store for the poor farmers of our country? The “re- lief” plans of the Farmers Union? The “plowing under” or destruc- tion of their crops? The writer proves how futile such plans are, showing that despite large crop destruction last year, prices con- tinued to fall. Since this is the first pamphlet dealing with farmers, it gives a general picture of the situation. Of course, everything dealt with can be merely a general view. But it serves as a starting point which must be reenforced: Here a pro- gram or “way out” for the farmer is merely suggested. This must be followed up with something more definite. The necessity for the or- ganization of farmers is clearly brought forward—the necessity for. bringing together of workers and farmers. “The American Farmer” shows the city workers that they can have a necessary ally—if they will devote much time and en- ergy to the winning of the farmers (as has been done to come extent in North Dakota and Minnesota) for the common fight against the | after spiriting them away. under control. Thus they did not call in state troopers, nor did they make a determined attempt to op- erate the mills. But they did call in “experts red baiters,” Depart- ment of Justice Agent, Abernathy, who testified before the Fish Com- mittee, and other hirelings from the Gastonia and Marion vicinities who were reputed to be familiar with Communist organizers. A reign of terror was begun a- gainst the “reds.” Hotels were searched, strangers getting off trains questioned, cars with New York license plates followed and searched, Bradley and the local press raised a cry in unison against all “outsiders,” the strikers were led to believe in every way that police protection was necessary to protect them from the “Reds.” In- to this atmosphere strode A. J. Muste with Lawrence Hogan of the Conference for Progressive Labor Action and Beulah Carter of the Hosiery Workers Union. They were welcomed with open arms by the same authorities who arrested the four organizers of the Naitonal Textile Workers Union, holding them incommunicado for five days Buelah Carter was arrested by mistage the first day in High Point. Police explained they thought she was a “red.” She was released after Hogan winked at the police. N.T.W.U. ACTIVE The National Textile Workers Union has been active among the strikers thruout the struggle. The workers who have returned are now talking organization and are seriously considering building the N.T.W.U. Leading strikers are dis- tributing the Daily Worker in High Point, despite the police terror. The workers feel convinced that altho the strike resulted in a partial vic- tory, even this may be torn from them unless they are solidly or- ganized. They also understand that more strikes are to come. In this connection, it is safe to say that Muste and his gang are becoming discredited among the workers. The High Point strike, in setting a revolutionary example to the workers of the South, has thrown the entire state of North Carolina into ferment. Three-hundred work- ers are still battling against a wage cut in Mt. Airy, N, C. They have chosen a young worker as their strike leader. In Salisbury, N. C., 300 more are fighting a wage cut. In Hickory, N. C., several Bundred textile workers are out om strike. Workers of Burlington are talking strike under the leadership of the N.T.W.U. All of these strikes are spontaneous, The outstanding shortcomings of the N.T.W.U. in the present situ- ation is a failure to give every-day guidance to the strikers of High Point, while intensifying their ef- forts to take advantage of the situ- ation to continue and spread the strike throughout the south un- der its leadership. STEPS TO BE TAKEN A number of steps must imme- diately be carried out, including the following: (1) The National Textile Work- ers Union must make the south as a main concentration point of the Union, particularly in with the present strike. (2) The Union must definitely turn its face to the youth, seriously considering their problems and grievances and take advantage of their willingness to struggle. In the above strikes at least half of those involved were youth and all arrested for their militancy were young workers. (3) The Union must develop a mass distribution of its literature, reaching those workers unable to reach thru organizers. (4) A movement for the release of the unemployed workers ar- rested in High Point for their strike activities must be started now by the Union. (5) Unemployed Councils must be built by the Union in the mill villages of the South and thru un- ity of the employed and unem- ployed @ real struggle for relief dealt with separately, at the same © bOSSei, petenie then begun, yp A HOMESICK A STORY OF WORKERS’ CHILDREN »mcun cor PIONEER litle Peter Semashko acted like a sour old man. He wouldn’t hike, play- baseball, go swimming, or sing around the campfire. He just lay around on the grass, in the hot sun, sulking with his cap over his eyes. When some one talked to him, he snarled. When the dinner gong rang, he rushed to the table, gobbled his oe like an angry wolf, and rushed The kids noticed all this and avoided him. Life was too full of fun to bother with anyone so mean. He looked queer, too. Pete was 12 years old, but undersized, almost like a dwarf, with a great head and red flappy ears. His big head was shaven and there was a lump in the middle of it, like an onion, and three zigzag scars. The other Kids were tanned by the sun, but Pete's face was wrinkled and pole. He had blue fierce eyes, always set in a frown. Who was he frowning at Some of the smaller kids got to fear this silent strange figure. He certainly was queer. Bro vigiet | ce the first time in the pioneer camp, Laura Wylie, the blonde, lively office worker who was acting as Pioneer leader, guessed what was wrong with litle Pete. Hé was probably undernourished, starved, sick. He was one of the strikers’ kids from Paterson. Proletarian kids often acted that way the first. few days in camp; it took time for them to get adjusted to the shock of wholesome regular food, pure air and undistributed sleep. But Pete was the Worst she had seen. She meant to talk to him, to snap him out of it, but she was always feverishly busy, of course, and there was also something on her mind. This was Comrade Laura Wylie’s first summer as a Pioneer leader; the work was new and worried her. And last week the national organizer had called to inspect the camp, and had criticized her work. Comrade.Laura Wylie had. neg- lected the political and educational side of the camp, he said. Ie daily readings and talks at the campfire were not enough. They were too much like the methods of the capitalist schools, where every- thing is forced on the children from above. , ra ae} She must find some way of trans- lating politics into the children’s language, said the national organi- zer- ‘She must give them some group task that would have a re- volutionary significance, and arouse their enthusiasm. “Life is the best teacher,” said the organizer, “give them somethigg real, not these con- tinual lectures.” But what? This question was always burrowing like a worm deep in the mind of the young leader, while the rest of her mind was busy managing fifty husky, noisy workers’ kids. 80 Pete was neglected, and she might have for- gotten him completely, if he had not gotten into a bad fight. There were five other boys in the tent. One night after lights were out, they lay talking in the dark, as kids will. The moon was bright through the open flaps, and sweeter than any song, came the smell of fresh mown hay and the sawing of katydids all the hills. It was a beautiful night, and the kids giggled and wrestled, they were too happy to sleep. . 8 8 But Pete lay on his stomach, face buried in the pillow, and said nothing. Suddenly he turned over, leaped to his feet and boys were amazed and yelled, “Shut up!” They looked at his white, nervous face and blazing eyes. “Why must we shut up?” yelled Abe Gross, = clothing worker's kid from New York. “Because you're a bunch of sissies,” yelled Pete. “You're not real Pioners, you're sissies.’ This started a row, for no boy likes to be called a sissy, and no Pioneer, certainly allows anyone to tell him he is not a real Pioneer. So the boys argued with Pete, then suddenly Pete punched Abe Gross and then Ruby Martin, a Negro comrade from Harlem, defended Abe, because Abe was small, and in a few minutes the tent was like a cage of wild monkeys. Ruby and Pete punched each other, while the other boys yelled and shrieked- It woke the whole camp, and Comrade Laura had to come over and separate them. She put Pete in another tent for the night and then went to sleep herself, thinking of his problem. | ae The next morning, after break- fast, she took him for a walk to & quiet little spot in the green, cool wo@ds. They sat on two pig stones by the brook. Pete had his cap pulled over ‘his eyes, and wouldn’t look at her. ‘ “Comrade Pete,” Comrade Laura began, “I know you're not happy at this camp and I want to find out why. What is it you don’t like?” “Nothing,” Pete muttered: “You mean you hate everything and everybody here?” the leader “No.” smiled. ‘ { “What do you mean, then?” “I wanna go home.” j “You're homesick, Peta?” “I don’t know,” he mutjtered. It was hard, to make him ‘talk, or get any sense out of him. For a moment Comrade Lanra, looking at his undersized body and big head, had the sinking feeling that per- haps this child was subnormal. But she went on talking; she tried to make him understand why it was important to have Pioneer camps for workers’ children, why kids must become healthy, strong and intelligent so as to be better soldiers for proletarian freedom.’ She told him about the Soviet Pioneers, and what they had ac- complished, and she explained the rules of the camp, and why there hhad to be rules: She.rambled on‘ trying to say anything that might’ stimulate him and interest him, but it was all no good. Pete growled at her; he wouln’t talk. At last she decided to be firm. She brought up the matter of last night’s battle in the tent. “Why did you call the other boys sissies?” No answer. Pete stared gloomily at the silver ripples in the little brook. “Do you think a good Communist Pioneer calls his comrades sissies?” No answer. “And doesn’t a good Pioneer co- operate with his comrades? Doesn't he show some interest in the camp- fire meetings, listen to the talks on Soviet Russia and the revolu- tion?” Still no answer. Pete pulled his cap lower, spat, and a hard sneer tightened his mouth. Comrade Laura began to despair when she saw that look on his face; this child seemed hopelessly corrupted, a slum product of capitalism. (Concluded Tomorrow) Cannery Tricks Workers to Get Prosperity Pictures Unemployed Called for Non-Existent Jobs in : Sacramento Plant Crowds Lured by Advertisement Provide News ’ “Réel With Fake Movies (By a Worker Correspondent) SACRAMENTO, Calif—The Sac- ramento Bee and the Sacramento Union are now playing up the open- ing of the canneries, Libby McNeal's cannery here re- cently advertized ‘to start. The pap- ers gave it a good write up. The workers were there full of hope. Of course they didn’t expect to earn a living. They gave up that hope long ago. But some of the more optimis- tic did think that they might get enough work to keep alive. Bullied by Police. ‘The police were there to line them up and bully them around. The Un- iversal News Reel was there to take & moving picture of this proof of prosperity. The lickspittle maidser- vants' of the prostitute were there with their note books afd cam- eras to give full publicity. It was a wonderful day for every one save the workers, who stood for five hours in line in the boiling sun, 8-Hour Law Violated. about Southern California, It pro~ tects its women workers—on paper. How does it work? In the first place, the women punch the time clock when they leave work, but not when they arrive. The actual time is figured at 25 cents an hour, and the starting time is filled in to make the rate 35 cents This is the theory. In actual fact, a girl who works 8 hours draws $1.65. But steady work means eyery other day, as the work is staggered, practically all the girls are on piece work, and those who d& work by the hour are lucky to four hours in, as a rule they jmake 50 cents every other day they are lucky, and very fast. wee Short Story of Farm Struggles Begins Monday Beginning with Monday's issue, the Daily Worker will publish jally on th's page Whittaker Cham- bers’ short story, CAN YOU HEAR THEIR VOICES? eg story of the Arkansas i